I send an amendment to the desk. I ask unanimous consent the reading of the amendment be dispensed with. Mr. President, when we returned from the winter recess, this Democratic minority acted decisively by introducing S. 2180, which we…
I send an amendment to the desk.
I ask unanimous consent the reading of the amendment be dispensed with.
Mr. President, when we returned from the winter recess, this Democratic minority acted decisively by introducing S. 2180, which we call the Honest Leadership Act. We put reform to paper and established the baseline for the Senate by getting caucuswide support for what we believe is a very tough and comprehensive reform piece of legislation.
Much of what we worked for as a caucus has now gained bipartisan support. I appreciate the work done by Senators Lott and Dodd. I appreciate the work done by Senators Lieberman and Collins. I especially appreciate the work of the committee members, both Democrats and Republicans.
What we have now is a molding of both the bill that came out of the Committee on Homeland Security and Governmental Affairs and the Rules Committee. That bill included a significant portion of the bill we introduced. I compliment and applaud the two committees for getting us to the point where we are.
There are aspects of the reported bills that need to be strengthened. As far as these measures now before the Senate, we want them to be consistent with legislation we introduced earlier this year. The amendment I have offered does that.
The amendment would make a number of changes to the pending bill. It would prohibit sitting Members of the Senate and senior legislative and executive branch employees from negotiating for private sector employment where a conflict or appearance of a conflict exists.
This amendment would impose criminal penalties in order to put a stop to the system of what many believe is a system of corruption that developed under the so-called K Street project. The K Street project was a form of institutionalized corruption in which Members of Congress limited access to government offices and influence over policy matters, or threatened to do so, as a means of forcing corporations, trade associations, and lobbying firms to hire Republicans and to tilt their political contributions to Republicans. It is a pay-to-play scheme as blatant and arrogant as anyone has seen in Congress.
This amendment increases civil and criminal penalties under the Lobbying Disclosure Act for individuals who knowingly and willingly file false information.
This amendment puts an end to the dead-of-night legislating and the practice of shutting Members and the public out of conference committee proceedings.
One of our real complaints since we have become a minority is the majority does not even go through the sham of holding a conference. They just march over in someone's office and say: This is what the bill is going to be.
That is not the way things previously were done. We had public meetings where there were debates and votes in public. That is what we want to be the future of this Senate. This amendment requires the conference committees hold regular formal open meetings and that each member of the conference be afforded an opportunity to vote on the full text of the bill in open session.
This amendment prohibits all gifts from lobbyists, including meals. This amendment goes beyond simple disclosure and prohibits outside interests who advocate before the Congress from paying for travel for Members and staff, and bans most privately funded travel by companies, groups, business associations, and other special interests that lobby Congress. There would be a limited exemption for travel sponsored by 501(c)(3) tax-exempt charities and educational groups that would be required to certify that lobbyists did not finance, organize, or participate in the travel.
We worked hard to get this bill to the Senate. I hope this amendment will give us the bipartisan support we need to strengthen this legislation now before the Senate.
I am disappointed we have heard today that the House Republican leaders have stated that they prefer a partisan approach, something different than we have had in the Senate to this point. The House Republican leaders have said they intend to tack regulation of 527 groups onto their yet-to-be-seen lobbying reform bill. They also want to pair regulation of 527 groups with measures to weaken McCain- Feingold laws in a way that would principally benefit the majority.
In fact, these are the only clear priorities House Republican leaders appear to have for their bill. That is where the House Republicans' narrow interest lies. Theirs is a partisan goal of changing the rules of our campaign finance system to hedge against the possibility of Republican election losses this fall. They think if you cannot win under the rules, then change them. That is what the House Republican leaders plan.
What we have in the Senate, to this point, has been bipartisan, Democrats and Republicans. What has been talked about in the House today is anti-reform legislation. Our Senate leaders--and I am directing my attention principally to the two committees--have rejected this effort and, again, I congratulate them for that.
As Senator Dodd so aptly put it yesterday, campaign finance reform is much larger than the narrow question of 527 groups. The House Republican leaders want to shut those down because of the perception that these groups benefit Democrats. But what about trade associations which engage in the same types of activities? What about these foundations that we have heard so much about lately that pay relatives and friends and campaign workers? We know these trade associations engage in activities because we have seen their handiwork in advertisements, political advertisements for Republican candidates up this cycle. They were also active in 2004.
Yet the trade associations engaging in these activities are even less regulated than 527 groups. They are not required, as 527s are, to disclose their expenditures and their donors. They operate in the shadows. These groups principally benefit Republicans.
We also need to crack down on abuses of foundations, as I mentioned, and charities which are used by Members for personal gain or for campaign purposes. Curiously, we do not hear Republican calls to regulate any of these activities.
So what Senator Dodd and I say is, if we are going to have a debate on foundations, trade associations, and 527s, let's have a debate on that and not try to bury what we have on the floor, an Honest Leadership and Open Government Act. I understand it is a way that the House thinks it will take this bill down. But as Senator Dodd said, if this comes back from a conference and this is the issue, there will not be lobbying reform. That would be very unfair, wrong for this institution.
As important as these campaign finance issues are, they are on the periphery, really, of the big issue; that is, how do we pay for campaigns? Is public financing--which some Senators believe is the right way to go--where we need to go? That is why a debate should be on campaign finance reform and not trying to muddle up and confuse the Senate on the issue now before us.
Lobbying reform, of all things, should not be twisted into a vehicle exploited by one party to gain electoral advantage. If that is a path which is chosen, it will be a poison pill. The legislation will come down. I hope this does not happen. We have worked with Republicans so far to make sure this issue does not get entangled with campaign finance reform, such as the public funding of campaigns or the regulation of these 527 groups. I hope we can continue to do that.
This amendment is, in effect, an effort to plug the holes that were not placed in this legislation by the Rules Committee and the Homeland Security Committee. I hope we have a good debate on this issue. This is not something that should take a long time. I have told the distinguished majority leader this is no attempt to stall this legislation. I have told the majority leader that unless there are issues outside of what the two committees did that are within their jurisdiction, we
have no intention of offering a myriad of issues we have Members clamoring to offer--issues on the port security deal, minimum wage, all kinds of things dealing with health care. There is a long list of issues we want to bring up as soon as possible, but we are not going to do it on this legislation. We believe this should be for lobbying reform. So I think it needs the good faith of both parties to see if we can move down that road.
I have asked my caucus, if they want to speak on this issue, to do it as soon as they can, hopefully in the morning when we come in. It would be good if we could have a vote before we go to our respective lunches. The majority has a Steering Committee meeting every Wednesday. We have a special caucus tomorrow. It would be good if we could wrap up the vote before then.
Mr. President, I wish everyone a good evening. Good night.