Mr. President, it is my understanding that all time has been used. Mr. President, last November, there was a call across this country that culminated in the November election. It was a call for a change in the way Congress does its…
Mr. President, it is my understanding that all time has been used.
Mr. President, last November, there was a call across this country that culminated in the November election. It was a call for a change in the way Congress does its business. We had nine new Democratic Senators. During the campaign, they called for change--and they will achieve change today.
The legislation before us shows Congress heard this call for change. The change we have in this legislation, in fact, is big-time change. It is the most significant change in lobbying and ethics rules in the history of our country--some have said since Watergate, but I say in the history of our country.
This is S. 1, which was the first bill introduced in this body this year--our first and most important bill of the new Congress. Why was it No. 1? The American people--Democrats, Republicans, and Independents-- knew our progress would depend on renewing the people's faith in the integrity of Congress. What does this legislation do?
Among other things, it requires Senators to pay fair market prices for charter flights, putting an end to abuses of corporate travel.
This legislation slows the revolving door by extending the ban on lobbying by former Members of Congress and senior staffers, and it prevents Senators from even negotiating for a job as a lobbyist until their successor has been elected.
It puts an end to pay-to-play schemes such as the notorious K Street Project. It shines the light of day on lobbying activities by vastly increasing disclosure requirements, including disclosure of bundled campaign contributions.
It requires the Senate to disclose all earmarks for the first time ever.
We originally passed it by an overwhelming bipartisan vote of 96 to 2.
In June, I tried to send the bill to conference. I tried and I tried, but we were unable to go to conference because of objections by the minority. Some Republican colleagues expressed concern that this bill might lead to legislation that doesn't achieve the goals of the original bipartisan bill. I assured them then, and I assure them now, this bill has teeth. I asked them to withhold judgment until the final bill was complete.
I have heard a number of statements today about this bill from some of my friends on the other side of the aisle. They say we gutted earmark disclosure, that we have tried to hide earmarks, keep them in the shadows. This claim is just absurd.
For the first time ever, Senate Democrats have required all committees to disclose their earmarks and earmark sponsors. We didn't have to. It wasn't the law. But we did it. Last year, when the Republicans controlled this institution, not one earmark was disclosed. I don't recall a single speech about that failure last year by any of the Republicans who have spoken today.
Now, for the first time ever, we are already being transparent--fully transparent--about earmarks, and we are here to talk about that. But we hear these breathless claims made today that earmarks are being hidden. How can you describe how ridiculous that is? That is what it is.
Thirty-four pages of this legislation deal with earmarks. I might boast a little bit. Other staffs have worked on this, but I had two of the finest legal minds in this community working on it: Ron Weich, a graduate of Yale Law School, who worked on Capitol Hill for many years with Senator Kennedy, went downtown and became a very successful lawyer. He decided he wanted to engage in more public service, so he came back to Congress to work with me. He is an experienced attorney, and he worked on this. He also worked with a Harvard law graduate, Mike Castellano, a wonderful young man who has spent months--not weeks, not days, not hours but months--working on this. So for anyone to castigate this legislation, they are castigating these two fine men, who have worked with numerous people throughout this body.
For each of the 11 appropriations bills reported so far this year, similar earmark disclosure is available on the Internet. It is already searchable. Those talking about earmarks, my Republican friends, are either ignorant of what is already happening or they are living in a parallel universe.
This legislation puts into the Senate rules the revolution in earmark disclosure and accountability we began this year. It requires all earmarks in bills, joint resolutions, and conference reports be disclosed on the Internet 48 hours prior to action on the floor. We don't intend to have to wait until 48 hours, so the bill directs committees to issue earmark lists as soon as possible after the bill is reported.
The bill requires that earmarks and amendments be posted on the Internet as soon as possible after being introduced. The language originating in S. 1 did not have any rules on amendments. We put them in there. If we were trying to hide amendments and hide earmarks, why would we add that to the bill?
This legislation, for the first time ever, allows a point of order to be raised against new earmarks added in conference.
One of the main arguments used by the opponents of reform is that the certification required by the committee chair or the majority leader would be a sham. We deal all the time with budget points of order. Do my colleagues think the Parliamentarians will say: Let's see, does this amendment exceed scoring levels? No, they have to depend on the chairman of the Budget Committee. The Budget Committee reports to them. They depend on the Budget Committee. The Parliamentarians--that is what they do, they are referees but they get their information from the committee chairman.
The argument of my opponents is beyond the pale. If effect, these Senators are arguing that the committee chairs and the leaders would cheat and lie. Who other than the chairman of the committee, similar to the Budget Committee, can tell the Parliamentarian where there are earmarks? It is impossible for the Parliamentarian to know if a Senator has requested an item. Someone has to tell him. I'm sure these Senators are not saying that Senator Byrd or Senator Cochran would lie. That is not a very good argument to use in this body. To say that would be an affront to what we do around here.
Further, the opponents have ignored a simple and unavoidable fact. The definition of ``earmark'' requires that the provision be added primarily at the request of a Senator. The Parliamentarian can't know that. The only person who could ever know for sure how a provision got added to the bill is the author of the legislation, the committee chair. The Parliamentarian has no capacity to figure out that a provision was added primarily at the request of a Senator, or was added because the President wanted it, or because everyone agreed it was a good policy. Under any circumstances, the Parliamentarian would have no choice but to defer to the committee chair.
I ask my friend, the junior Senator from South Carolina, as an example, to understand the hard work put into this legislation--hard work, really hard work. If there is something that is wrong with the legislation, talk to us about it. We will try to change it in subsequent legislation if this doesn't work. If there is a problem, I am happy to work with him, but don't denigrate this bill. We worked hard on it.
I so appreciate the work of Chairman Feinstein. I so appreciate the work of Chairman Lieberman. They both have reputations that are impeccable. One may not always agree with their policy, but their ability for honesty and integrity is above reproach.
I must also talk about Russ Feingold. When this session started, I asked Russ Feingold to draw up legislation, and he did that, and we have worked around that. Does anyone question the integrity of Russ Feingold? You cannot question his integrity, Dianne Feinstein's, or Joe Lieberman's integrity. That is what this legislation is all about.
Anyone saying this bill is an obscenity--that is what one Senator said in the press, that this legislation is obscene--is impugning the integrity of three of the finest public servants we have in this country.
Another important leader on this issue is Senator Obama. He was in many ways the face of this bill last year. He has played an important role last year and this year, and I appreciate his input into this legislation.
This bill is not just a little bit of reform. Just listen to the outside reformers. Fred Wertheimer, a man who has been in this town since I have been here, talking about how we can improve this body in many different ways, Fred Wertheimer said this is ``landmark legislation.'' Those are his words, not mine.
The effort by opponents to try to denigrate this legislation is shameful. I don't care if they disagree with this legislation, but don't impugn the integrity of the people who are trying to do something that is positive and good.
This is good legislation. We have succeeded, the Democratic majority has succeeded. I appreciate the support of the minority, but the Democrats have succeeded in what Republicans couldn't do last year or the year before, and they have seized on one issue, earmarks, and blown it way out of all proportionality or rationality and have ignored reality to create doubts in people's minds.
The fact is, we have sweeping reform legislation in a whole host of areas--gifts, travel, lobbyist disclosure, stealth coalitions, reporting of lobbyist contributions, the revolving door. It is sweeping. The bill will change the way we do business.
Our work on this issue is done for now. I am confident the judgment of Democrats and Republicans alike will be favorable. The vote was 411 to 8 in the House of Representatives. Let us do the same. Let us send a message from coast to coast that this Congress is serious about delivering to the American people a government as good and as honest as the people it serves.
Cloture Motion
Mr. President, we have two Senators who have requested to speak on this matter. Senator Byrd wishes 20 minutes, Senator McCaskill, 10 minutes. Following that, we would return to SCHIP and the vote on this bill--cloture was just invoked--will occur at 1:50 this afternoon. The time between 1:30 and--the time after Senators Byrd and McCaskill speak will be controlled by Senators Baucus and Grassley.
I ask unanimous consent that be the case.
Mr. President, I ask the motion to concur with the amendments be withdrawn.