Floor Statements

Madam Speaker, I would like to take this opportunity to recognize the life and work of Dr. Luis Conte-Aguero who has devoted himself to fighting communism in Cuba and spreading democracy throughout the entirety of Latin America.

While Dr. Luis Conte-Aguero is not a native-born American, he has served as a shining example of patriotism for all in our community. Since his arrival to the U.S. in 1960, he has worked tirelessly for freedom and democracy around the globe.

As a young philosophy student at the University of Havana, Dr. Conte- Aguero befriended another student named Fidel Castro. However, after the fall of President Fulgencio Batista, Castro revealed his true intentions for Cuba. Dr. Conte-Aguero vehemently fought Castro in hopes of preventing Cuba from becoming a communist state.

In 1960, Dr. Conte-Aguero was forced to flee Cuba, leaving his home and everything that he knew and loved. He took with him nine handwritten notes in his pocket which Fidel Castro wrote him while in prison in the 1950's. The Prison Letters of Fidel Castro has since served as a platform from which Dr. Conte-Aguero could expose the atrocities committed by Castro to the world.

The Prison Letters of Fidel Castro was only the beginning for this storied and well celebrated poet whose honors are numerous, meritorious, and well-deserved. The Dominican Republic has honored him as ``The Highest Voice in America''; in Uruguay, he was selected by delegates from 14 nations to be the President of Alliance for Freedom; and his contributions to the Dominican Republic and its quest for freedom were recognized by the country's armed forces in 1965 when he was awarded the title of ``Continental Leader and Standard Bearer of Democracy in America.''

I pray that many more in America and around the world will choose to follow the example of Dr. Luis Conte-Aguero. It is a blessing that the elegance of his pen will preserve

his legacy for future generations so that they may also choose to expose the crimes of tyrants and fight for the freedom of all people.

Thank you, Dr. Conte-Aguero.

Madam Speaker, I yield myself as much time as I may consume.

(Ms. ROS-LEHTINEN asked and was given permission to revise and extend her remarks.)

I rise in strong support of House Resolution 34, recognizing Israel's right to defend herself against attacks from Gaza and reaffirming the United States' strong support for Israel.

Madam Speaker, the conflict between Israel and violent Palestinian extremist groups is not, to paraphrase Chamberlain, a quarrel in a faraway country between people of which we know nothing. This conflict is one part of a broader struggle that we're all engaged in, a struggle between liberty and tyranny, between democracy and violent Islamic extremism, between those who love life and those who preach death.

It is a struggle Israel did not seek but one which she must, nonetheless, fight and win. For 8 years, while Israel has sought just and lasting peace and security, Hamas and other Islamic militants have launched thousands of rockets from Gaza against innocents in southern Israel. Israel, a democratic state, chose to exercise remarkable restraint.

Finally, on December 19, Hamas unilaterally broke the calm, the so- called calm, and began launching scores of rockets against Israel. Israel chose to protect itself and her people. Israel has made every effort to prevent civilian casualties and has provided significant humanitarian assistance to Palestinian civilians. Meanwhile, Hamas has again committed war crimes by placing its militants and its weapons in or at schools, in hospitals, in private homes, and in other civilian buildings.

How has much of the world reacted? Too many states and too many officials in the United Nations have responded by blaming Israel and only Israel. The U.N. swung into action, holding four Security Council meetings in less than 2 weeks, including last night, when it passed a resolution that did not even mention rocket attacks against innocent Israeli civilians, that did not even mention Hamas and its war crimes, and it called for an immediate cease-fire, not a sustainable cease- fire.

Sadly, these officials do not recognize that only Israel would consider itself bound by such an agreement. Hamas would continue to pursue Israel's destruction, and such a devil's bargain without holding Hamas and its state sponsors of terror accountable will only embolden these Islamic extremists to intensify their destructive agenda.

The desire to stop all violence now is understandable. We all desire peace. We all regret the loss of innocent lives on both sides of the conflict, but as the ancient rabbis have stated, those who are merciful to the cruel, as the U.N. has been, will end up being cruel to the merciful, in this case, Israel.

The right way forward is not easy; it is not pleasant, but upon it rests the security of the Israelis, of the Palestinians, of the Americans, and of all freedom-loving people.

The following is my full statement for the Record: Madam Speaker, I rise in strong support of House Resolution 34, recognizing Israel's right to defend itself against attacks from Gaza and reaffirming the United States's strong support for Israel.

Madam Speaker, the conflict between Israel and violent Palestinian extremist groups is not, to paraphrase former British leader Neville Chamberlain, a quarrel in a faraway country, between people of which we know nothing.

On the contrary, this conflict is one part of a broader struggle that we are all engaged in--a struggle between liberty and tyranny; between democracy and violent Islamist extremism; between those who love life and those who preach death.

It is a struggle which the United States and Israel did not seek, but which we must, nonetheless, fight and win.

On the outcome, rests our freedom, our security, and our very existence.

Today, this House sends a strong and unequivocal signal that America stands with Israel in its fight to exist.

To some of the ``high-minded'' who feel comfortably removed from this struggle, such language is old-fashioned, or out of style, or undiplomatic.

In the United States, Madam Speaker, we prefer to call it the truth.

For 8 years, while Israel has sought just and lasting peace and security, Hamas and other Islamist militants have launched over 8,000 rockets from Gaza against innocents in southern Israel.

Even after Israel took the risk of withdrawing from Gaza in 2005, Hamas rejected peace and chose to use its new sanctuary to plan and carry out more attacks against the Jewish state and its people.

Six months ago, Hamas agreed to a so-called state of ``calm,'' then proceeded to break it repeatedly by using other groups to do its dirty work and fire rockets.

Israel, a democratic state, chose to exercise remarkable restraint.

Finally, on December 19, Hamas unilaterally broke the ``calm'' and began launching scores of rockets into Israel.

Israel chose to protect its people and defend itself.

Hamas and its fellow violent hate-mongers do not seek a few more square miles of land. They do not seek a Palestinian state.

They seek to destroy Israel, impose an Islamist dictatorship in its place, and fight on throughout the world.

Such an outcome is unacceptable to Israel.

It is unacceptable to the United States.

It must be unacceptable to all other responsible nations--because in a compromise between good and evil, only evil benefits.

Israel has made every effort to prevent civilian casualties, and has provided significant humanitarian assistance to Palestinian civilians.

Meanwhile, Hamas has again committed war crimes by placing its militants and weapons, in or near schools, hospitals, private homes, and other civilian buildings.

In the real world, Hamas's use of civilians as human shields would provoke international condemnation and action to stop this menace.

But how has much of the world reacted?

Too many states, and too many officials at the United Nations, have responded by blaming Israel and only Israel.

Let us remember that in the months and years before Israel started its defensive operation on December 27, the U.N. did not make any meaningful effort to stop the relentless attacks by Hamas or diminish the threat posed by its state sponsors.

But once Israel rose to protect its citizens, the U.N. swung into action, holding four Security Council meetings in less than two weeks, including last night, when it passed a resolution--that did not even mention rocket attacks against Israeli civilians; that did not even mention Hamas and its war crimes; and that called for an immediate ceasefire, not a sustainable ceasefire.

This Security Council resolution and other developments throughout the U.N. system, reflect the short-sightedness and bias that pervade that body.

The so-called President of the U.N. General Assembly called Israel's behavior a ``monstrosity,'' and the Secretary-General called for an immediate cease-fire.

Sadly, they do not recognize: that only Israel would consider itself bound by such an agreement; that Hamas would continue to pursue Israel's destruction; and that such a devil's bargain without holding Hamas and its state-sponsors accountable would only embolden these Islamist extremists to intensify their destructive agenda.

The desire to stop all violence now is understandable.

We all desire peace and regret the loss of innocent lives on both sides of the conflict.

But as the ancient rabbis stated, those who are merciful to the cruel (as the U.N. has been) will end up being cruel to the merciful (in this case, Israel).

If the U.N. wants to regain its credibility, it should advance peace and security by moving to compel Hamas and their state sponsors to: immediately stop their attacks, shut down their militant infrastructure, and recognize Israel's right to exist as a Jewish state.

Madam Speaker, we've been here before.

In 2006, the violent extremist group Hezbollah kidnapped Israeli soldiers and fired rockets relentlessly against northern Israel.

In response, the U.N. Security Council passed a resolution calling for a ceasefire between Israel and the violent extremist group Hezbollah, which would supposedly strengthen the ability of a U.N. force in Lebanon to prevent Hezbollah from rearming.

In the last 2\1/2\ years, Israel has held up its end of the deal, while a legitimized Hezbollah has rapidly re-armed under the U.N.'s nose and has, along with its state-sponsors Iran and Syria, increased its control in Lebanon.

As a result, U.S. interests in the region have been damaged.

If we act the same way this time, we will get the same result or worse, and we are running out of second chances. Not again, Madam Speaker.

We must support Israel's right to defend itself by rooting out the Islamist militant infrastructure in Gaza and by ending--not reducing, not postponing, but ending--the threat Hamas poses to Israel's existence; to regional stability; and to global peace and security.

Then, and only then, Madam Speaker, can a ceasefire work.

Consistent with the Palestinian Anti-Terrorism Act, we should also tighten U.S. and international sanctions against Hamas.

Additionally, the U.S. and our allies must seek to stop Iran and Syria from providing financial and other support to Hamas and other violent Islamist extremist groups.

The right way forward is not easy or pleasant, but upon it rests the security of Israelis, Palestinians, Americans, and all other peoples.

With that, Madam Speaker, I reserve the balance of our time.

Madam Speaker, I would like to yield 1 minute to the gentlewoman from North Carolina, Congresswoman Virginia Foxx.

Madam Speaker, I would like to yield 2 minutes to the gentleman from Texas (Mr. Paul).

(Mr. PAUL asked and was given permission to revise and extend his remarks.)

Madam Speaker, I am pleased to yield 3 minutes to the gentleman from Texas who says, ``That's just the way it is,'' Judge Poe.

Madam Speaker, I am so pleased to yield 5 minutes to the gentleman from Virginia (Mr. Cantor), our distinguished Republican whip.

Madam Speaker, at this time, I would like to yield 3 minutes to the gentleman from California (Mr. Royce), a senior member of the Committee on Foreign Affairs.

Madam Speaker, I am proud to yield 2 minutes to the gentleman from Indiana (Mr. Pence), our distinguished Republican Conference chairman.

(Mr. PENCE asked and was given permission to revise and extend his remarks.)

Madam Speaker, I am pleased to yield 30 seconds to the gentleman from Colorado (Mr. Lamborn).

Madam Speaker, I would like to yield 1\1/2\ minutes to the gentleman from California (Mr. Rohrabacher), a senior member of the Foreign Affairs Committee.

Madam Speaker, I would like to yield myself such time as I may consume.

Madam Speaker, I would like to make five simple points that get to the heart of what is happening right now.

First, Israel is a democratic Jewish state that respects human rights and desires peace with its neighbors, innocent civilians, innocent Palestinians included. The jihadists in Gaza continue to terrify thousands of innocent Israelis with their attack, while Israel continues to facilitate the transfer of humanitarian aid into Gaza.

Second, Hamas is a hate filled, violent, Islamic militant group that is backed by Iran and Syria regimes and seeks Israel's destruction.

Third, like any sovereign nation, Israel has the right to defend herself, her existence and to protect her citizens from attack, whether by Hamas or Hezbollah or other radical Islamists.

I have been to Sderot, and I have watched as air raid warnings forced the entire population, including children, to hide from an incoming attack.

Fourth, the actions and aims of violent Islamist extremists and their state sponsors is not just a threat to the Middle East peace and security, but to global peace and security. Today it's Hamas, tomorrow Hezbollah, the Taliban, al Qaeda, and so on.

Fifth, the U.S. and Israel are in this together. We have a saying in Spanish about close alliances that describes the U.S. and Israel friendship perfectly, we are two wings of one bird.

We depend on each other for our security and our existence. America and Israel are engaged in a broader conflict throughout the world, a struggle between liberty and tyranny, between those who love life and those who preach death. We did not seek this struggle, but we must win it.

As we stand at this important day in our living history, let us remember the consequences of inaction in the face of evil. For many years, responsible nations turned the other way, refused to accept the reality of what Israel was subjected to.

But no responsible nation could stand by and allow such attacks to continue, allow thousands and hundreds of its people to continue to live in constant fear of being murdered at any moment. No responsible nation could defer its security of its people to entrenched bureaucrats, the European Union, the United Nations, who constantly chastise Israel for taking all necessary actions to protect her own people.

Despite the U.N.'s rhetoric, there is no moral or legal equivalent between militant Islamic extremists who target civilians and a democracy that responds by targeting them. This false moral equivalence only persuades militants to persist in the unlawful action against civilians.

So, Madam Speaker, I hope that the House will carefully consider this resolution, will look at the actual language of the United Nations' resolution that points no finger at Hamas and its violent action and only points its finger at the democratic State of Israel. It's an unbalanced resolution. The United States was correct in not voting in favor of it.

Israel must not abide by it. We all want peace, but Israel wants peace with security as well.

With that, Madam Speaker, I yield back the balance of our time.

Madam Speaker, on that I demand the yeas and nays.

Madam Speaker, pursuant to Republican Leadership standards on earmarks, I am submitting the following information for publication in the Congressional Record regarding earmarks I received as part of H.R. 2638, The Consolidated Security, Disaster Assistance, and Continuing Appropriations Act, 2009.

Requesting Member: Ileana Ros-Lehtinen (FL-18).

Account: Defense, Research Test and Evaluation (Army).

Legal Name of Requesting Entity: University of Miami.

Address of Requesting Entity: 1252 Memorial Dr, Ashe Administrative Building Room 230, Coral Gables, FL 33146.

Description of Request: I received an earmark of $5,000,000 of funding for the Center for Ophthalmic Innovation at the Bascom Palmer Eye Institute be used to help develop new modalities of treatment and ensure direct treatment of military personnel through the development of relevant ophthalmic telemedicine initiatives. The Center for Ophthalmic Innovation (ONOVA) is located within the Bascom Palmer Eye Institute, which has been rated as the #1 eye hospital in the nation. This funding will aid ONOVA in continuing research on advanced ocular imaging technology enabling more accurate diagnosis of hereditary retinal disease, better monitoring of treatments for wet and dry macular degeneration, rapid and cost-effective screening for diabetic retinopathy, better evaluation of refractive surgical outcomes, and the ability to qualify dry eye disease. Additionally, the Center is developing

new operational systems for ophthalmic telemedicine to bring high quality eye disease screening to military personnel as well as every United States citizen. Eye health is vitally important to the Department of Defense as active military personnel must have perfect visual acuity to carry out their duties effectively. At least 16% of war casualties are due to eye trauma, and millions of retired military personnel suffer from age-related eye disease. A spending plan for the project will include

Spending Plan: Center for Ophthalmic Innovation Budget.

There are three separate programs and we have separated the salaries.

------------------------------------------------------------------------ ------------------------------------------------------------------------ Imaging and Telemedicine................................... $445,205 Prevention and Restoration................................. 454,797 Retinal Degeneration Florida Eye Disease Project Prevention 245,853 Minor equipment and supplies............................... 120,945

Madam Speaker, I would like to honor one of south Florida's most distinguished residents, Rabbi Solomon Schiff. For more than 40 years, Rabbi Schiff has dedicated his efforts to increasing and strengthening interfaith cooperation in south Florida.

Due to his service and his undying commitment to our community, he will be awarded the Papal Medal Benemerenti by Pope Benedict XVI. This prestigious award was instituted by Pope Gregory XVI in 1832. The medal is awarded to recognize those individuals who have helped foster outstanding interfaith collaboration with the Catholic church.

Rabbi Schiff served as executive vice president of the Rabbinical Association of Greater Miami for 42 years before retiring in 2006. He has also worked as staff chaplain for patients of all faiths at Mount Sinai Medical Center in Miami Beach. His devotion to his work led him to serve as Chairman of the Dade County Community Relations Board and as President of the National Association of Jewish Chaplains.

Rabbi Schiff's guidance and expertise on interfaith cooperation earned him appearances on CBS's ``60 Minutes'' and NBC's ``Nightline'' news magazine shows. His love for people of all faiths and his conviction that common ground can be found among all is an example for us all. I am blessed to have him represent my district, but even more grateful to call him a friend.

Madam Speaker, pursuant to Republican Leadership standards on earmarks, I am submitting the following information for publication in the Congressional Record regarding earmarks I received as part of H.R. 2638, the Consolidated Security, Disaster Assistance, and Continuing Appropriations Act, 2009.

Name of Requesting Member: Ileana Ros-Lehtinen.

Account: Defense, Research Test and Evaluation (Army).

Project Name: Mass Scale Biosensor Threat Diagnostic for In-Theater Defense Utilization at FlU.

Amount: $8,000,000.

Contact: Dr. Joe Leigh Simpson, Executive Associate Dean of Academic Affairs, College of Medicine; Florida International University (FIU) 11200 S.W. 8th Street, Miami, Florida 33199.

Detailed Budget:

------------------------------------------------------------------------

Requested Requested

Item funds year funds year Total

1 2 ------------------------------------------------------------------------ Salaries and Fringes for 1 $1,000,000 $500,000 $1,500,000 Biomedical Engineering, 1 (University Electrical/Computer Engineering, match and 2 College of Medicine $500,000 faculty (1 Genetic; 1 year-02) Reproductive Endocrinology) ($250,000 each)................. 3 lab tech. (@75K ea.) (salary 225,000 ........... 225,000 and fringe)..................... Supplies......................... 100,000 50,000 150,000 Sample Collections............... 20,000 30,000 50,000 Research Coordinator (salary and 75,000 ........... 75,000 fringe).........................

Madam Speaker, I rise to recognize and celebrate the contributions of our Nation's Nicaraguan-American population. The South Florida community that I represent is blessed to have many of these hard-working and talented individuals. Their contributions to our community's success and growth are a testament to their dedication and service.

It is fitting that this recognition occurs in the month of September. The rapid growth of Nicaraguan immigrants started in September 1972 following a devastating earthquake. The largest group of refugees arrived on our shores in September 1979 as they escaped the communist Sandinista regime.

Out of this tragedy came the triumph of a people who were determined not be victims of circumstance. They took charge of their life and decided to make a better life for themselves and their children in our great country. They have contributed to the fabric of American society and helped strengthen the ties between both our nations.

During the next Congressional session, I will be introducing a resolution to designate September as Nicaraguan-American Heritage month. It is a fitting tribute for a people who have truly realized their own American dream.

Madam Speaker, I would like to take this opportunity to offer my highest commendations to Sheriff Richard Roth and to thank him for the nearly twenty years of service that he has selflessly dedicated to Monroe County.

It is a testament to the greatness of our nation that a native of Minneapolis, Minnesota can find his calling in the Law Enforcement community of Florida and work his way up from a radio dispatcher to the Sheriff of Monroe County.

Sherriff Roth has committed himself wholly and unwaveringly to the safety of our community. Throughout his career, he has sought to further his expertise in law enforcement with a degree in Police Administration from Florida Keys Community College, as well as successfully completing courses at the National Sheriff's Academy and the prestigious FBI National Academy for police executives all so that he may better serve our community.

As Sheriff, his efforts to boost community involvement have resulted in nearly 140 Crime Watch groups in Monroe County and recognition at the State and National level for its accomplishments; not the least of which is reducing crime in Monroe County by fifty percent during his tenure as Sheriff.

His service to his country in the United States Navy and to his community in the Monroe County Sheriff's Department have benefited us all, and I know that I sleep soundly at night knowing that Sheriff Richard Roth is watching over all of our neighbors.

Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.

Mr. Speaker, first of all, I would like to thank my good friend, the chairman of our committee, Howard Berman. It is a delight to work with him in a bipartisan manner, and I appreciate the close cooperation that we've enjoyed in these months.

Mr. Speaker, I rise in support of H.R. 7177, a measure to authorize certain naval vessel transfers, to strengthen U.S. security assistance to Israel and to upgrade the foreign military sale status of our allies in the Republic of Korea. Mr. Speaker, this bill contains many provisions identical or similar to those contained a bill previously passed by this House this spring, H.R. 5916, the Security Assistance and Arms Export Control Reform Act of 2008.

The bill before us strengthens the U.S. commitment to the security of our dear friends in Israel by requiring an objective analysis of Israel's military capability with respect to conventional and unconventional threats while authorizing an increase in U.S. foreign military financing that is consistent with the August 2007 U.S.-Israel memorandum on military assistance. These provisions are of vital importance because as we all know, Israel is surrounded by a number of threats which threaten its very survival.

Thus, the provisions in this bill enhancing our relationship with Israel are critical to Israel's security but also to our vital interests in the region.

This legislation also upgrades the Foreign Military Sales status of our staunch ally, the Republic of Korea. Elements of this provision were included in H.R. 5443 which passed the House earlier this week. This upgrade is an important symbol of a renewed and transformed U.S.- ROK alliance. It reaffirms that South Korea continues to be a close and a much-valued strategic ally of the United States in a relationship that is, and must remain, a bedrock of stability in Northeast Asia.

Mr. Speaker, our actions here tonight will help to advance a new strategic framework for the alliance, not only for the purpose of managing a range of North Korea contingencies, but also to cement a common, democratic partnership for the 21st century.

Finally, Mr. Speaker, this bill authorizes the grant of surplus Navy vessels. According to our Secretary of the Navy, these proposed transfers would improve our political and military relationship with these countries.

The United States would also incur no cost in transferring these vessels, as the recipients would be responsible for all costs associated with the transfers.

I urge support for this important measure, Mr. Speaker.

I reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. Speaker, I would also like to reiterate the warm friendship and great cooperation that we have gotten from our chairman, both as Members and as members of our staff coordinate these sometimes thorny bills, controversial measures, and we are able to compromise and come to an agreement and understanding and help the House develop a good foreign policy for this greatest nation in the world, the United States of America. It is an honor for me to work with Chairman Berman.

Mr. Speaker, I yield back the balance of my time.

Madam Speaker, I would like to take this opportunity to extend my most heartfelt congratulations to Joany Cabrera for winning the 2008 Congressional Arts Competition.

In the fourth largest school system in America, Joany has created a breathtaking piece of art that allows him to stand apart from his peers at Miami Jackson Senior High School.

It is a testament to the greatness of our Nation that a young man from a disadvantaged Latino family could have the fruit of his labor hanging in the halls of the United States Capitol to represent his community.

This beautiful painting which will represent south Florida for the next year will serve to remind us all that we should never be hindered by circumstance and that we should never accept anything less than the very best from ourselves.

I pray that Joany's devotion to art never waivers so that he may continue to inspire us with his work and bless us with his friendship.

I am not, Mr. Speaker.

Mr. Speaker, I'd like to yield myself 4 minutes.

I rise in strong support of this bill to approve the U.S.-India Agreement for Peaceful Nuclear Cooperation. I've been a strong supporter of this increased cooperation between the United States and India, including peaceful nuclear cooperation.

I was an original cosponsor of the Henry Hyde U.S.-India Peaceful Nuclear Cooperation Act, which laid the foundation for the agreement that we are seeking to implement this week. I have worked hard to secure bipartisan support for that legislation and for the agreement on nuclear cooperation.

To ensure that legislation bringing the nuclear agreement into force could be adopted by the Congress this week, I introduced, with the support of our Republican leadership, H.R. 7039, which is an identical version of the text now before the Senate and the text that Chairman Howard Berman introduced last night and that we are considering right now.

Mr. Speaker, the U.S.-India nuclear cooperation agreement is not one that we would offer to just any nation. It is a venture we would enter into only with our most trusted democratic allies. I believe that stronger economic, scientific, diplomatic, and military cooperation between the United States and India is in the national interest of

both countries and that our increasingly close relationship will be the central factor determining the course of global events in this century.

Among the most important elements of this new relationship is India's commitment to cooperate with the United States on major issues such as stopping the spread of nuclear weapons material and technology to groups and to countries of concern.

In particular, Mr. Speaker, this nuclear cooperation agreement is essential in continuing to ensure India's active involvement in dissuading, isolating and, if necessary, sanctioning and containing Iran for its efforts to acquire chemical, biological and nuclear weapon capabilities and the means to deliver these deadly weapons.

It will also help secure India's full participation in the Proliferation Security Initiative, including a formal commitment to the Statement of Interdiction Principles, and it will be a major step forward in achieving a moratorium by India, Pakistan and China on the production of fissile materials for nuclear explosives.

In addition, in order to meet the requirements of the Hyde Act, India and the International Atomic Energy Agency have negotiated a safeguards agreement on several Indian nuclear facilities that will expand the ability of the IAEA to monitor nuclear activities in that country.

Mr. Speaker, these are but a few of the many benefits from our nuclear cooperation with India and the strategic cooperation between our two countries that have already taken root. I am gratified that we are finally considering this legislation so that Congress can approve it without delay.

I urge my colleagues in both the House and the Senate to approve this nuclear cooperation agreement with India overwhelmingly. By doing so, the United States and India will embrace one another in a strategic partnership that will prove to be one of the most principal guarantors of the security and prosperity of both countries in this new century.

I reserve the balance of our time.

Mr. Speaker, I am so proud to yield 2\1/2\ minutes to the gentleman from California (Mr. Royce) the ranking member on the Subcommittee on Terrorism, Nonproliferation, and Trade.

Mr. Speaker, I would like to yield 2\1/2\ minutes to the gentleman from South Carolina (Mr. Wilson), an esteemed member of our Committee on Foreign Affairs and its Subcommittee on Middle East and

South Asia, and cochair of the Congressional Caucus on India and Indian Americans.

Mr. Speaker, I yield 1\1/2\ minutes to the gentleman

from California (Mr. Rohrabacher) who is the ranking member of the Subcommittee on International Organizations, Human Rights, and Oversight.

Mr. Speaker, I would like to yield myself such time as I might consume.

Mr. Speaker, I rise in support of this measure, but with great reservations that this weak legislation will send a message to our enemies of a weakened U.S. position on the issue of Iran.

The Iranian threat to the United States, to our allies and to our interests could not be more apparent. Only last week the head of the International Atomic Energy Agency warned that Iran is probably carrying out secret nuclear activities. Then last Saturday the lead inspector for the Middle East shared with member nations of the IAEA extensive documentation of an Iranian effort to reconfigure the Shahab- 3 long-range missile to carry a nuclear warhead. The range of these missiles reach Israel and most of the Middle East.

And this is a regime whose current leader, Ahmadinejad, has consistently called for the destruction of the Jewish State of Israel.

On October 26, 2005, at the World Without Zionism Conference in Tehran, the Iranian leader called for Israel to be ``wiped off the map,'' described Israel as ``a disgraceful blot on the face of the Islamic world'' and declared that ``anybody who recognizes Israel will burn in the fire of the Islamic nation's fury.'' Then on December 12, 2006, he addressed a conference in Tehran questioning the historical veracity of the Holocaust and said that Israel, again, would ``soon be wiped out.''

On Israel's 60th birthday, Ahmadinejad gave a speech in which, according to the official Iranian news agency, he stated that Israel was ``on its way to total destruction.''

In a public address which aired on the Iranian news channel on June 2 of this year, Ahmadinejad again called this ``worm of corruption'' in reference to Israel, to be wiped off. He further stated that while ``some say the ideal of Greater Israel has expired, I say the idea of lesser Israel has expired too.'' And earlier this week at the United Nations, he continued to invoke anti-Israel and anti-Semitic canards when he stated ``the dignity, integrity and rights of the European and American people are being played with by a small but deceitful number of people call Zionists. These nations are spending their dignity and resources on the crimes and the occupations and the threats of the Zionist network against their will.''

But the threat is not just to our friend Israel. Iran is currently working on even longer-range missiles directly threatening critical U.S. interests. The importance and the urgency of strengthened sanctions was underlined just a few days ago, Mr. Speaker, when the European Union warned that Iran was approaching a nuclear weapons capability. The significance stems from the fact that the European Union has long insisted that the West and other countries focus their efforts on diplomacy to persuade Iran to suspend its nuclear program.

This is an acknowledgment that a strategy based on holding out an olive branch and engaging directly with the Iranian regime, while promising trade agreements and other benefits, has not worked and that more concrete economic pressure is needed to compel a change in regimes' behavior. Thus the evidence before us makes it clear that we must act quickly to impose the greatest pressure possible on the regime and its enablers.

Unfortunately, this bill does not do quite that, Mr. Speaker. My colleagues, you all know where I stand on Iran. Last Congress I authored the Iran Freedom Support Act which contained very tough and quite focused sanctions on the regime in Tehran. Our beloved late former chairman of the Foreign Affairs Committee, Tom Lantos, was the lead Democrat cosponsor, and the bill enjoyed the support of our current chairman, Howard Berman, my good friend, and 360 Members of the House.

The Iran Freedom Support Act was enacted into law 2 years ago almost to the day on September 30. Then when Chairman Lantos approached me last year and asked that I serve as the lead Republican cosponsor of H.R. 1400, the Iran Counter-Proliferation Act of 2007, I immediately agreed because H.R. 1400 truly does strengthen U.S. law and does tighten the economic noose around the regime's elites in Iran.

H.R. 1400 passed the House a year ago yesterday, September 25, 2007, by a vote of 397 in favor and only 16 against. Yet it has been stalled in the Senate all this time. Then we have Senate bill 970 which currently has the support of 73 Senators. However, action on these stronger bills was not to be. Instead, we have a bill which refers to certain sanctions already in place, and they call them ``new'' sanctions, and then refers to a handful of other important ones while providing a meager ``national interest waiver.''

What does this mean in practice, Mr. Speaker? The next President doesn't have to worry about actually implementing or applying these sanctions, as a ``national interest waiver'' has been easily justified by consecutive administrations to avoid implementing U.S. laws concerning state sponsors of terrorism, like Iran.

So rather than strengthening the sanctions structure, rather than limiting the President's flexibility, as we did 2 years ago in the Iran Freedom Support Act on proliferation-related sanctions by removing the waiver and on the Iran Sanctions Act by raising the threshold to ``vital to the national security interests of the United States,'' the bill before us provides the weakest possible threshold.

I do not fault my good friend, Chairman Berman. I commend the chairman for his efforts. He is in a difficult situation, and this is as strong a bill as some of his colleagues will allow the House or the Senate to act on.

This bill is like one of the weak Iran resolutions that the United Nations Security Council keeps passing that allows Russia and China and others to go along with because they do nothing. In fact, just today, the U.N. Security Council moved a measure that contained no new sanctions but said that other Security Council resolutions on Iran are legally binding and must be carried out. That is almost exactly what the bill before us is going to do on the issue of sanctions.

Again, I do not understand why, at a time when the Iranian regime is crystal clear in accelerating its efforts to acquire a nuclear weapon, that we are not considering the Lantos Iran Counter-Proliferation Act or Senate bill 970.

Notably, this body has not even considered the Ackerman-Pence resolution, which has 275 cosponsors and is a strong, unequivocal message to the regime.

Yet, Mr. Speaker, despite the many deficiencies of this bill, I want to thank my friend, Chairman Berman, for adding a Rule of Construction to his version of the Dodd bill which states, ``nothing in this Act shall be construed as affecting in any way any provision of the Iran Freedom Support Act of 2006, Public Law 109-293.''

Since the legislation retains a ``notwithstanding'' clause for section 103, I hope that the Rule of Construction will be sufficient to prevent the unraveling

of sanctions codified 2 years ago. Additionally, Mr. Speaker, portions of section 104 are essentially a repetition of current law as section 2(f) of the Executive Order 13059 codified.

In this respect, Chairman Berman, I would appreciate or his substitute, Mr. Ackerman, clarification that the waiver in section 104 would not apply to sanctions already in place, even if these have been restated in the legislation.

Finally, Mr. Speaker, I appreciate that the reporting requirements have been strengthened with respect to investments in Iran's energy sector since January 1 of this year. However, I ask to add language to the bill before us that would amend current law and force a determination on whether foreign investments in Iran's energy sector violate the Iran Sanctions Act and whether sanctions should be implemented. My proposal was not limited to the last 9 months of activity or to simply reporting requirements. But this modification was not incorporated in the text that we are considering today.

Looking to other sections of this House version of the Dodd bill, there are provisions seeking to prevent the export or trans-shipment of U.S.-origin goods to Iran. Except for the language calling for the designation of a country as a Destination of Possible Diversion Concern, this bill duplicates most existing laws and regulations on these issues, as well as current U.S. Government programs. It does provide for the application of licensing controls to the countries designated, but immediately affords yet another mere ``national interest waiver.''

There are also stronger bills pending on the issue of trans-shipment, such as H.R. 6178, the Security Through Termination of Proliferation Act, or the STOP Act. And I hope that we can work together to move that legislation in the next Congress.

My good friend, Howard Berman, shares with me concerns about trans- shipment and diversion of sensitive materials and technology to Iran. We articulated them in our letter of February 5, 2008, a letter to Admiral McConnell, the Director of National Intelligence, raising these and many other vital issues.

Mr. Speaker, also on this issue I recently wrote to my chairman, Howard Berman, asking for greater scrutiny of foreign military financing, foreign military sales and direct commercial sales to countries that are a trans-shipment concern for U.S.-origin goods to Iran.

In closing, Mr. Speaker, despite my grave, serious and repeated reservations about this weak bill, I will vote for it, and I hope that the Iranian regime and its enablers do not see this as a sign of weakness on our part.

House of Representatives,

Committee on Foreign Affairs,

Washington, DC, February 5, 2008.

Hon. J. Michael McConnell,

Director of National Intelligence, Office of the Director of

National Intelligence, Washington, DC.

Dear Admiral McConnell: We are writing to request an

assessment of the export control regime in the United Arab

Emirates (UAE), especially its effectiveness in preventing

the export or transshipment of U.S.-origin goods to Iran. We

are also interested in receiving information regarding

broader efforts to implement U.S. sanctions against Iran.

As you are aware, Iran is the one of the UAE's largest

trade partners. The UAE is also a world leader in the

transshipments of goods from other countries, including the

United States. We are concerned by reports that the

international sanctions against Iran are being undermined by

inadequate end-use controls in the UAE. Obviously, an

effective export, re-export, and transshipment control regime

in the UAE is a prerequisite to that country's ability to

control transshipment of sensitive goods through its ports.

To enable the House Foreign Affairs Committee to better

understand this issue, we request that you provide an

assessment of the effectiveness of the UAE's existing export

control regime and a translated copy of the DAE's new export

control legislation. Among other subjects, the assessment

should address overall effectiveness, obstacles to

implementation, the extent to which the UAE has complied with

U.S. requests to interdict and prevent shipments of concern,

and the attitudes and records of specific UAE officials

toward preventing exports or transshipments of items of

proliferation concern to Iran or Iranian-controlled entities.

Additionally, we request that you provide the following

information pertaining to broader U.S. efforts: the amount of

goods seized, penalties imposed, and convictions obtained by

U.S. authorities under the trade ban; the type and amount of

U.S. sensitive items diverted to Iran through all

transshipment points; the extent to which all repeat

violators of U.S. Iran-specific sanctions laws have ended

their sales of sensitive items to Iran; the total amount of

assets frozen due to financial sanctions implemented by both

the United States and other nations; and the total impact of

U.S. bilateral sanctions on foreign investment in Iran's

energy sector.

This assessment may be in classified form.

Thank you for your attention to our request.

Sincerely,

Ileana Ros-Lehtinen,

Ranking Member, House Foreign Affairs Committee.

Edward R. Royce,

Ranking Member, Subcommittee on Terrorism, Nonproliferation

and Trade.

Mike Pence,

Ranking Member, Subcommittee on the Middle East and South

Asia.

Tom Lantos,

Chairman, House Foreign Affairs Committee.

Howard L. Berman,

Senior Member, House Foreign Affairs Committee.

I continue to reserve, Mr. Speaker.

I reserve my time.

Mr. Speaker, I would like to yield myself such time as I may consume.

I would like to point out that the reports that we are getting about the threat of a nuclear-powered Iran are coming from all corners of the world, and I would like to read just segments of the online edition of The Jerusalem Post posted by Herb Keinon. It says, ``Military Intelligence: Iran Halfway to First Nuclear Bomb.'' It reads, ``Iran is halfway to a nuclear bomb, and Hezbollah, Hamas and Syria are using this period of relative calm to significantly rearm.''

This is according to the Head of Research from the Israeli Military Intelligence, and that is the information that he gave and he shared with members of the Israeli Cabinet and the Israeli Parliament on September 21st, in the Knesset. He said there was a growing gap between Iran's progress on the nuclear front and the determination of the West to stop it. A growing gap. Iran gets closer, our determination is stopped. Iran is concentrating on uranium enrichment and is making progress.

He noted that they have improved the function of their 4,000 centrifuges. According to this military intelligence head of research, Iranian centrifuges have so far produced between one-third to one-half of the enriched material that is needed to build a nuclear bomb. The time that they will have crossed the nuclear point of no return is fast approaching.

Although he stopped short of giving a firm deadline, last week in the Knesset's Foreign Affairs and Defense Committee, he put the date at 2011. Tick tock, the clock is ticking. He said that their confidence is growing with the thought that the international community is not strong enough to stop them. He said that the Iranians were playing for time and that time was working in their favor because the longer the process dragged on, the wider the riffs appearing among the countries in the west, then Iran is in control of the technology and continues to move forward with determination toward a nuclear bomb.

In addition to their nuclear efforts, Iranians were also deepening their influence throughout the region, because they are cooperating with Syria. They are cooperating with the Palestinian terrorist organization, as well as being the main arms supplier to another terrorist group, Hezbollah.

While I appreciate the intentions of my good friend, Chairman Berman, this bill does fall far short of the type of comprehensive sanctions that would truly cripple the Iranian economy, which is dependent on investments in its energy sector. Setting aside the weakness of the bill regarding the U.S. direct sanctions on the regime, it does nothing tangible to force the executive branch's hand to fully implement the Iran Sanctions Act.

It could have, but language to include an automatic trigger for a determination of sanctions was not in place in this bill, and it was not to be. This bill had great promise. It does deliver on some of those promises. I wish that it could have gone further, but I hope that my colleagues will adopt this important bill tonight.

Mr. Speaker, I yield back the balance of our time.

Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.

Mr. Speaker, I rise in strong support of H.R. 5443, a bill to upgrade the status of South Korea's foreign military sales to that of the countries of NATO, Australia, New Zealand, and Japan.

I would like to thank Chairman Howard Berman for helping to schedule consideration of this legislation before us today and to also recognize the important work of our Foreign Affairs colleague, Mr. Royce of California, in introducing this timely and important bill which I am pleased to cosponsor.

Mr. Speaker, this bill appropriately accords South Korea the same treatment provided to other key partners of the United States in the foreign military sales process, such as higher dollar thresholds and expedited time frames for congressional notifications. This upgrade is a powerful symbol of a renewed and transformed U.S.-South Korea alliance. It forcefully reaffirms that South Korea has been and will continue to be a close and valued strategic ally of the United States-- a relationship that has long served as a bedrock of stability for northeast Asia.

Mr. Speaker, this legislation is strongly supported by our Departments of State and Defense, and its passage will help advance a new strategic framework for the alliance but not only for the purpose of managing a range of increasingly complex contingencies related to North Korea, but also to cement a common Democratic partnership for the next century.

I urge its adoption.

With that, I reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. Speaker, I am pleased to yield such time as he may consume to the gentleman from California (Mr. Royce), the ranking member of the Subcommittee on Terrorism, Nonproliferation, and Trade and the author of this important legislation.

Mr. Speaker, I have no further requests for time, and I yield back the balance of our time.

Mr. Speaker, I yield 3 minutes to the gentleman from California (Mr. Royce), the ranking member of the Subcommittee on Terrorism, Nonproliferation, and Trade.

Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.

I rise in strong support of H.R. 6646, a bill to require the executive branch to provide quarterly briefings to Congress on possible defense transfers from the United States to Taiwan.

At the outset, I'd like to thank Chairman Howard Berman and the leadership on both sides for helping to expedite consideration of this legislation.

Mr. Speaker, this is a modest bill. It requires the executive branch again to regularly brief Congress on our policy toward Taiwan and, in particular, the defense needs of Taiwan and the security balance across the strait.

Why is this bill even necessary? Well, it's necessary because a long- rumored freeze on United States foreign military sales to Taiwan was confirmed on July 16 by Admiral Timothy Keating, the commander of U.S. forces in the Pacific.

According to press accounts of his remarks at the Heritage Foundation, Admiral Keating observed that there have been ``no significant arms sales from the U.S. to Taiwan in relatively recent times,'' and that the absence of arms sales under the Foreign Military Sales process reflected ``administration policy.''

Admiral Keating went on to suggest that he had, in fact, discussed the issue of Taiwan arms sales with leaders in Beijing, noting that, ``The Chinese have made clear to me their concerns over any arms sales to Taiwan.''

I found Admiral Keating's remarks at the Heritage Foundation affirming that there was, in fact, a ``freeze'' on arms sales to Taiwan to be a cause for great concern. Even more disturbing was the Admiral's indication that the Chinese leadership had had some input into the decision of the United States about Taiwan's defensive needs and our commitment to Taiwan under our laws.

The Taiwan Relations Act gives Congress a clear role in the provision of defensive weapons to Taiwan. President Reagan's ``Six Assurances'' to Taiwan was a solemn commitment made over a quarter century ago making it clear that there should be no pre-consultation with Beijing on this matter. However, it seems that, while Congress has been left in the dark on this issue--which is of vital concern to our national security interests--the Chinese leadership has been kept fully abreast of our Nation's intentions.

Last year, the House passed a resolution that I put forward which declared, ``It shall continue to be the policy of the United States, consistent with the Taiwan Relations Act, to make available to Taiwan such defense articles and services as may be necessary for Taiwan to maintain a sufficient self-defense capability.'' That remains my firm position.

The legitimate defense needs of our friends in Taiwan must be met no matter who attended the Beijing Olympics nor how helpful the State Department says that China has been in the talks with North Korea. That is the clear intention of the Taiwan Relations Act. That is the clear commitment that President Reagan gave to Taiwan. On this matter, Mr. Speaker, there can be no backsliding or compromise.

I hope and I trust that this bill can be passed swiftly prior to congressional adjournment and thereby alleviate some of the confusion over this so-called arms ``freeze.''

For almost 30 years, the judicious sale of defensive weapons has been an essential element in the United States support for a secure, stable and democratic Taiwan as well as for peace and stability across the Taiwan Strait. Now is not the time to backtrack from that historic and bipartisan policy.

Mr. Speaker, this Congress should do everything in its power to ensure that Taiwan will continue as a beacon of democracy shining its light directly across the strait in the very heart of Tiananmen Square.

I urge support of this bill.

Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. Speaker, I yield back the balance of my time.

Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.

Mr. Speaker, I rise to express my support for House Concurrent Resolution 255, which deals with the preservation of the historic Jewish cemetery in Lithuania. I thank our colleague, Congressman Ferguson, for introducing this important measure.

Mr. Speaker, the resolution before us speaks to the preservation of a historic Jewish cemetery located in Vilnius, Lithuania, a city that was once a major center of Jewish culture in all of Europe. That cemetery has been in existence since the 13th century and is considered by religious experts around the globe and those of the Jewish faith to be sacred ground.

In 2002, the Government of Lithuania entered into a bilateral agreement with the United States to ensure the protection and the preservation of certain historical, cultural and sacred properties, including cemeteries such as the one in Vilnius. Regrettably, despite that bilateral agreement, construction of a condominium building took place within the perceived boundaries of the Jewish cemetery in Lithuania.

The resolution before us expresses the view that the Jewish cemetery in Vilnius must not be desecrated. It urges the Lithuanian Government to protect the cemetery site from future construction and desecration.

I want to note at this point, Mr. Speaker, that Lithuania has indeed been our ally in NATO since 2004. Indeed, the United States and Lithuania have had a strong relationship. And I believe that bilateral cooperation on issues of importance such as this issue that is addressed by the measure before us today will strengthen that relationship.

This resolution simply calls on the Lithuanian Government to do more to protect and preserve this cemetery site. Such action by the Government of Lithuania would indeed reaffirm the values shared by our two nations, and in so doing, enhance the broader relationship between the United States and Lithuania.

I urge my colleagues to support this important resolution.

Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. Speaker, I yield 3 minutes to the gentleman from New Jersey (Mr. Ferguson), the author of this resolution and a member of the Committee on Energy and Commerce.

Mr. Speaker, I yield back the balance of my time.

Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.

Mr. Speaker, I rise in support of House Resolution 1227, which condemns pervasive sexual violence in the Democratic Republic of the Congo and calls upon responsible nations to take immediate steps to respond.

While many have focused well-deserved attention on the humanitarian and human rights crisis in Darfur, Sudan, scant attention has been given to a deadly, festering conflict in the Democratic Republic of the Congo. The war in Congo has been called Africa's first ``world war,'' having drawn in seven neighboring countries and spawning some of the worst human rights atrocities known to man. An estimated 4 million people were killed by war, disease and starvation. Armed groups engaged in systematic rape, looting and acts of cannibalism often forcing their victims to victimize others. Children were forcibly recruited to serve as soldiers, and civilians were used as human shields.

Though a 2002 peace agreement and elections in June 2006 paved the way for a new beginning in Congo, these atrocities have continued in the eastern part of the country where a proxy war for control over Congo's vast natural resources continues to rage.

The level of sexual violence in eastern Congo is particularly alarming. It has become so pervasive, Mr. Speaker, and so severe, that the Panzi Hospital in South Kivu has had to perform an estimated 3,500 surgeries annually to repair a particularly stigmatizing injury suffered by those who have been brutally raped. And that is just one hospital. Countless others suffer the physical injury and the social consequences of rape in silence living as outcasts in their own communities.

All parties to the conflict in eastern Congo have taken part in such human rights atrocities, including the armed forces of the Congo and an increasingly vast array of armed militias. Even the United Nations peacekeepers, who have been deployed to help protect civilians in Congo, have engaged in acts of sexual exploitation and abuse themselves.

This is an unspeakable and unforgivable crime that cannot be swept under the carpet.

I want to thank my colleague, Mrs. Maloney of New York, for seeking to draw attention to the scourge of sexual violence in the eastern Congo and for seeking to inspire responsible nations to provide critically needed assistance to those in need.

I would like to thank the sponsor, Mrs. Maloney, as well as our chairman, Howard Berman, for agreeing to modifications which would allay fears raised regarding the Convention on the Elimination of Discrimination Against Women and what was referred to as ``women's reproductive health.''

With these critical changes accepted, I urge support to House Resolution 1227, Mr. Speaker.

I reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. Speaker, I have no further requests for time, and I yield back the balance of my time.