Floor Statements

Mr. President, section 36(b) of the Arms Export Control Act requires that Congress receive prior notification of certain proposed arms sales as defined by that statute. Upon such notification, the Congress has 30 calendar days during which the sale may be reviewed. The provision stipulates that, in the Senate, the notification of proposed sales shall be sent to the chairman of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee.

In keeping with the committee's intention to see that relevant information is available to the full Senate, I ask unanimous consent to have printed in the Record the notifications which have been received. If the cover letter references a classified annex, then such annex is available to all Senators in the office of the Foreign Relations Committee, room SD-423.

I ask for the yeas and nays.

Madam President, I ask unanimous consent that the order for the quorum call be rescinded.

Madam President, I rise today to discuss the proposed Udall amendment to the National Defense Authorization Act. It is not pending, but it has been filed, and thus I do want to talk about it for a few minutes.

First, let me be clear: The United States is not responsible for Iran's reckless activity and its violent ways. It is time once again to thrust Iran's long, shameful record of malign behavior back into the spotlight.

For the past 40 years, Iran has refused to behave as a responsible member of the international community. Indeed, the magnitude of the Iranian regime's caustic behavior both at home and abroad is overwhelming. Responsible nations do not threaten the sovereignty of their neighbors by funding terrorists. Responsible nations do not catalyze sectarian identities and provoke violence in the region. Responsible nations do not prop up the murderous regime of Bashar al- Assad in Syria. Responsible nations do not carelessly spread dangerous missile technology to violent extremist groups that threaten the lives of civilians. Responsible nations do not attack embassies and hold hostages. Yet the Iranian regime has done all of these things and persists.

Make no mistake. The Iranian regime has American blood on its hands. We all recall the dark days in Iraq and the Iranian roadside bombs that took the lives and maimed our servicemen and women.

Today, America's sons and daughters deployed abroad are again at risk. The amendment in front of this body will tie the hands of our commanders and prevent our troops from even acting in self-defense. Additionally, this amendment unnecessarily takes options off

the table, telegraphs our foreign policy to our adversaries, and emboldens those who wish us harm.

No one seeks a conflict with Iran--not the President of the United States, not this body, and not the American people. The U.S. Government has made clear our willingness to negotiate with Iran.

The Iranian people are a proud people. They have a proud history. They are the descendants of the Persian culture, one of the greatest cultures on the face of the earth. The Iranian people deserve better than what they are getting from the regime in power now in Iran.

The fact remains that the Iranian regime is faced with a sharp choice. The regime must choose between continued terrorist activity and behaving as a responsible member of the international community. The Iranian regime should sit down and think about the road that they are pursuing.

Like all countries, they want national security for their people. Is the road to national security trying to develop a nuclear weapon that the world has told them they can't develop? Is it continuing funding terrorists? Is it continuing the malign activities that it continues within Syria? None of these things gives them the national security they want.

They should take a lesson from North Korea. North Korea pursued this for generations. But in the last 18 months, North Korea sat down and said: Do you know what? Our national security is better served by picking door No. 2 instead of door No. 1. As a result of that, the threat that North Korea has been under has been greatly lifted.

This particular amendment is an amendment that has a place in the debate, but it has no place in this particular bill. First of all, it is not within the jurisdiction of the committee that has this bill in front of them. It is within the jurisdiction of our committee, the Foreign Relations Committee. These issues on war powers and the President's ability to use military force deserve thoughtful and reasoned debate. It is not a cavalier amendment like this that takes away the ability of our men and women to actually defend themselves.

I urge my colleagues to cast a ``no'' vote on this amendment and get on with the serious business and the important business of passing the National Defense Authorization Act.

I yield the floor.

Mr. President, in just a few moments, we are going to consider S.J. Res. 28 through S.J. Res. 48. I urge my colleagues to oppose these resolutions and to consider the sales that we are talking about here on their own merits.

First of all, we are not talking about the killing of Mr. Khashoggi. That was a murderous act; it was an awful act; and it cannot be condoned or tolerated in any way, shape, or form. Yet it is not what we are voting on here today. Indeed, we hope to eventually bring to the floor a resolution, possibly even a bill, that speaks to that horrific act. Those negotiations have been going on for some time, and we hope to reach a conclusion, but we are not talking about that. We are talking about arms sales that the administration has determined are needed--and on which we have all been briefed--because of the current situation in the Middle East.

I want to speak very briefly about recent events that have been happening as far as Iran is concerned. Iran is conducting activities that are very worrisome and very troubling. When you have these kinds of things happen, it is obvious that a miscalculation can occur, which is the most worrisome thing here.

In any event, these arms sales are needed. To be clear, in the current statute, the administration is within its legal authority to declare an emergency. As stipulated in the Arms Export Control Act, which was passed by this body, the President can act swiftly if he concludes an emergency exists that requires a proposed sale that is in the national security interest of the United States. That has occurred.

Presidential authority to waive congressional notification was invoked for the very first time by President Carter in 1979. It has been used on three other subsequent occasions. The administration has said, as in those cases, this is a one-time invocation of the waiver authority in response to an acute threat from Iran. The administration has since returned to the regular congressional notification process for further arms sales, which is in place today.

These sales are needed to address the legitimate security requirements of other countries we support in response to there being numerous threats from Iran and its proxies. These threats are real. As the events over just even the recent 24 hours have shown us, it is important that these countries be ready to assist us and to act on their own behalf to counter what Iran has been doing.

Yesterday, Iranian-backed Houthi militants struck a Saudi civilian desalinization plant with a land attack cruise missile.

Last night, Iranian forces shot down a U.S. drone that was operating in international airspace over the Strait of Hormuz. It is the third U.S. aircraft they have targeted in recent weeks.

Last week, using limpet mines, Iran attacked two oil tankers that were traveling near the Strait of Hormuz. Yesterday, German Chancellor Merkel cited strong evidence that attributes that attack to Iran. There are very few people in the world who don't know for a fact that it has been Iran that has been responsible for all of this.

On that same day last week, the Iranian-supported Houthis fired a missile at Abha International Airport, in southern Saudi Arabia, and wounded 26 innocent Saudi civilians. Human Rights Watch announced this Houthi attack as a war crime.

On May 19, a rocket--likely by Iran's proxies--landed near the American Embassy in Baghdad.

On May 14, Iran's proxies used drones to strike two strategically important Saudi oil facilities.

Just 2 days earlier, on May 12, four more tankers were targeted by Iran while they were anchored in an Emirati port.

Each month, Iranian-sponsored Houthi rebels launch over 15 ballistic missiles and weaponized, unmanned aerial systems against Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates. This poses a significant threat and endangers the lives of 80,000 Americans who reside on the Arabian Peninsula.

These are the most recent examples of Iran's destabilizing actions on the world stage. These are serious, serious matters. As I said before, this is worrisome; this is troubling. The miscalculation of these kinds of things cause hostilities that lead to very large wars.

As Iran thinks through these things and calibrates them and tries to make determinations as to what is in its best interest, it is not going well. If you listen to Iran's public statements, they clearly do not coincide with facts. More importantly, Iran is miscalculating the resolve of the American people. It is miscalculating the fact that it is dealing with President Trump; it is not dealing with a former President.

I have talked to the President about this many times. He does not want to go to war with Iran. The American people don't want to go to war with Iran. This body does not want to go to war with Iran. This President is absolutely committed to protecting U.S. lives and U.S. interests, and he will do so. Iran should not miscalculate on that matter, for the President is deeply committed to that proposition.

Iran needs to back away from the edge that it has taken everyone to and deal with this matter entirely differently than it has, or there are going to be dire consequences.

In the face of the attacks I have described and the intimidation, our allies have an obligation to develop capabilities to protect their citizens from such threats. These arms sales are an essential part of our effort in helping them build those capabilities and resist Iranian intimidation.

I share my fellow Senators' concerns about the humanitarian crisis in Yemen and the need for all combatants to avoid civilian casualties. This package includes the sales of precision weapons, which, when combined with partner efforts to improve intelligence in targeting, will enable those who use the weapons to ensure their actions are precise, discriminate, and proportional so as to minimize civilian casualties. The precision munitions in these sales would also prove to be essential to other countries' efforts in defending themselves from more direct attacks from Iran.

Some of us have been briefed by U.S. personnel who have worked specifically with the Saudis to make these improvements, and I encourage my colleagues to have similar conversations. If you care about reducing civilian casualties, you should be an enthusiastic supporter of providing these exacting capabilities, which will be transferred pursuant to these sales. These are important for reducing civilian casualties, and we should all support them.

In closing, I will repeat several key points.

First, the emergency declaration is legal.

Second, these sales are necessary to answer for the legitimate security requirements of other nations that work to keep safe our fellow Americans who work, travel, and live around the world.

Third, to reject these sales at this time and under these circumstances is to reward recent Iranian aggression, to encourage further Iranian escalation, and most importantly, to encourage the miscalculation on the part of the Iranians, which will be disastrous if

they continue down the road they are going.

For all of these reasons, I urge my colleagues to vote against these resolutions.

I yield the floor.

Vote on S.J. Res. 36

Mr. President, today I wish to recognize Michael Assante, a leader, a visionary, and a patriot who has contributed so much to protect our Nation's critical infrastructure and our interests around the world.

Michael Assante began his impressive career as an intelligence officer in the U.S. Navy where he learned the intricacies of cyber security defenses. After leaving the Navy, Mike became the chief information security officer at one of the largest U.S. utilities, American Electric Power. Mike continued to work in the private sector in the field of cyber security before he joined Idaho National Laboratory, INL, as a critical infrastructure protection specialist. At INL, Michael Assante assembled a unique team of computer experts, power engineers, control systems technicians, grid operators, infrastructure designers, law enforcement officials, and U.S. military special forces officers to tackle the most challenging cyber threats to critical infrastructure. This team has an impressive list of successes and its work continues to this day.

As Mike's accomplishments and recognition grew, he left INL and assumed senior positions at the North American Electric Reliability Corporation, the Council on CyberSecurity, the Center for Internet Security, NexDefense, the SANS Institute, and the Center for Strategic and International Studies. In all of these capacities, Michael Assante brought unique insights and strategies to the effort to protect our critical infrastructure from cyberattack. It was during this time that Mike became a resource to me and my staff, and he helped us better understand the magnitude of the cyber threat to our grid and opportunities for engineered solutions to interrupt the kill chain and mitigate the threat.

As a result of more than two decades of dedication, hard work, and impact, Michael Assante has a long list of noteworthy publications, collaborations, recognitions, and awards, but perhaps his greatest legacy is the thousands of professionals he trained to help protect our Nation's critical infrastructure.

Most Americans, including Mike's family and friends, will never know how much he did to protect U.S. national security interests. As a member of the Senate Select Committee on Intelligence, I can tell you that he is a giant in his field, and our country is safer because of his efforts. We are grateful for his many contributions.

Mr. President, I thank the Senator very much. I want to associate myself with the remarks of my distinguished Senator from New Jersey. I thank him also for the cooperation he has shown in getting us a little further down the road on the Saudi Arabia bill.

The issues regarding this longtime ally of the United States are troubling. I don't think there is anyone on this floor who is adverse to the idea that action needs to be taken. Obviously, the relationship is not the same as it has been for a long time. Having said that, on a transactional basis, there are a number of things we are allied with Saudi Arabia on.

Also, having said that, some of the things that have happened cannot go unnoticed. There are certainly going to have to be repercussions, and we have been negotiating with all parties, including my staff and the staff of the ranking member, together with the State Department and with the White House. I think we are very close to having a bill that could actually pass the Senate, pass the House, and be signed into law by the President. I think this is a real step forward; I think it is progress on this issue; and I think the structure we have put together is in the best interests of all parties.

So I agree with my friend from New Jersey.

I yield the floor.

Madam President, along with my colleagues Senator Mike Crapo and Representative Mike Simpson, I congratulate the American Legion Post 7 in Twin Falls, ID, on its 100th anniversary.

On March 15, 1919, the first American Legion caucus was held in Paris, France, in the wake of World War I. Just a few months later, in June of 1919, the American Legion Post 7 in Twin Falls, ID, was chartered. On September 16, 1919, Congress established the American Legion as a federally charted corporation. As you can tell, those men in Twin Falls wasted no time answering the call in peacetime as they had in time of war, as veterans so often do. The low post number, post No. 7, shows the veterans of Twin Falls were one of the earliest to request and receive a charter in the Idaho Department.

The Twin Falls American Legion Post 7 has been around to help veterans from WWI, WWII, Korea, Vietnam, Iraq, Afghanistan, and other U.S. engagements and activities. A remarkable record of accomplishment of service and support to our troops and veterans.

In addition, you will see post 7 members serving on Memorial Day, Veterans Day, veteran funerals, and many other community events as the color guard, providing 21-gun salutes, or playing taps on the bugle. They quietly provide support to grieving military families, injured veterans, and patriotic citizens.

Twin Falls American Legion Post 7 is part of the fabric and spirit of Twin Falls and the surrounding communities. They provide assistance and service to veterans by helping them to understand and apply for benefits, find jobs, and healthcare services. In addition, they are involved in many programs and community activities such as American Legion Baseball, Boys State, Oratorical Contests, and scholarship awards. Post 7 also has a women's auxiliary that sponsors the Girls State Program and serves in many capacities in the community.

The Preamble of the American Legion Constitution speaks volumes about the quality and patriotism of American Legion members. The first few lines of the preamble make evident these values: ``For God and Country we Associate Ourselves together for the following purposes: To uphold and defend the Constitution of the United

States of America; To maintain law and order; To foster and perpetuate a one hundred percent Americanism . . .''

We thank Twin Falls American Legion Post 7 and its membership for their outstanding service to community, country, and America's veterans. Congratulations on 100 years of achievements. We commit to ensure veterans have access to the highest quality services worthy of their remarkable dedication to our Nation.

Mr. President, fellow Senators, today, in a few moments, we are going to consider S.J. Res. 20, which is a joint resolution that it prohibits the sales of munitions to Bahrain. Actually, we are going to consider a motion to discharge, and the same is true of S.J. Res. 26, which is a joint resolution that prohibits the issuance of a letter of offer with respect to the proposed sale to Qatar of 24 helicopters.

I strongly urge my colleagues to consider these sales on their own merits and to avoid conflating these with unrelated controversies over the administration's recent emergency declarations. They are not related. They are different matters.

These sales--the two that we are talking about regarding Bahrain and Qatar--address the legitimate security interests of both countries and strengthen the U.S. partnerships with both countries and support shared efforts to deter Iran. Congress should support these sales. The news this morning of attacks on two more civilian oil tankers in the Gulf of Oman lend further weight to the conclusion that our allies and partners in the region need greater capabilities to share the burden of defense in support of our mutual security interests.

The State Department notified these sales in the standard process, and the chairs and ranking members of both House and Senate committees approved them last month.

The sale to Qatar is not related to the activities of the Saudi-led coalition in Yemen. Denying this sale will not punish Saudi Arabia or influence its actions in Yemen, as Qatar ceased its participation in the Saudi-led coalition in Yemen 2 years ago. I think that is very important because there is a lot of discussion up here, as there should be, regarding the hostilities in Yemen, but they are not related at all to the matters we are dealing with today.

Bahrain has not been implicated in any inappropriate strikes in Yemen and has focused on defensive operations, including border security. The Royal Bahraini Air Force patrols Saudi Arabia's borders to counter incursions from Yemen into Saudi Arabia. Just this week, we saw how real these threats are, as a missile from the Iranian-supported Houthis wounded 26 civilians at a civilian airport. Denying this sale will not punish Saudi Arabia or influence its actions in Yemen.

As the ranking member said regarding the resolution brought up last November, this vote is not Yemen, it is not Saudi Arabia, and it is not the UAE. It is Bahrain. Bahrain is a critical ally to us, and there is absolutely no question about that. These sales will help Qatar and Bahrain rightfully assume the burden of their own defense and relieve U.S. forces that have been providing support. The helicopters will enable the Qataris to provide for their own defense against threats to its vital infrastructure. The munitions are critical for Bahrain's F- 16s and essential to any plans to defend Bahrain. The United States has critical and strategic interests in both of these matters.

In addition to Qatar and Bahrain taking increasing responsibility for their own defense, they are taking an increasingly prominent role in U.S.-led coalition operations. Importantly, Qatari fighters conduct joint air patrols with U.S. forces to deter Iran.

Qatar contributes more Naval forces to coalition patrols of the Arabian Gulf than any of its neighbors. Qatar C-17s have moved more than 3 million pounds of cargo in direct support of coalition operations in Syria, Iraq, and Afghanistan and is expanding its tanker fleet to become the No. 2 provider of coalition air refueling, ahead of the British.

Bahrain has also contributed to stability in the region. Bahrain has been the key mediator in opening relations between the Gulf Cooperation Council and Iraq and contributes to counter-mine, counter-piracy, and intelligence sharing in support of regional security.

The United States named Bahrain a major non-NATO ally in 2002, and since then, they have lived up to that designation. Bahrain holds 7,000 U.S. troops in its borders, including the U.S. Navy's Fifth Fleet, and it is home to the only U.S. naval base in the Middle East.

For its part, Qatar hosts 10,000 U.S. forces and is home to the regional headquarters of U.S. forces, including air and special operations. Qatar provides access to key logistic nodes and overflight rights for U.S. aircraft. It has already invested more than $8 billion to develop Al Udied Air Base and is now providing more than $3 billion to upgrade U.S. facilities there to meet specific requirements of the United States. The Qataris are also providing $200 million a year to sustain these facilities. Duplicating or recreating the facilities in Qatar would result in a sizable and needless bill to the U.S. taxpayer.

In recent years, Qatar and Bahrain have worked to strengthen cooperation with the United States on countering the financing of terrorism. As part of these efforts, Qatar has agreed to increase the sharing of information on terrorist financiers in the region, to place greater emphasis on preventing terrorist financing abuse in the charitable and money services business sectors, and develop a domestic designation regime in line with international standards. Bahrain, too, is a significant partner in cutting off terrorist financing and has assisted in blocking Iranian efforts to circumvent sanctions.

Meanwhile, the credibility of the United States as a partner of choice is on the line. If the United States cannot reliably sell its partners weapons that are vital for defense, these partners will turn by necessity to China and Russia.

The United States recently sent 1,500 more troops into the theater in protection of U.S. forces. As we ask partners like Qatar and Bahrain for their support in protecting their own forces, we should support them as they seek greater capabilities to protect themselves.

In November, this body concluded that blocking sales to Bahrain over an unrelated issue was inappropriate and did not make sense. I urge my colleagues in the strongest possible terms to reach the same conclusions in this case.

In closing, these sales should be considered on their own merits and should not be entangled with unrelated controversy. These sales address Qatar and Bahrain's legitimate security interests, strengthen U.S. partnership with Qatar and Bahrain, and, importantly, they deter Iran.

I support these sales. I urge my colleagues to do the same. As we can see from what I have said here, these sales are minimal, really, in the overall scheme of what these countries are doing to help us. We should show these countries that indeed we are reliable partners, we are good friends, and we deeply appreciate their efforts to promote the same interests the United States of America has in the region.

Thank you, Mr. President.

I yield the floor.

Vote on Motion to Discharge S.J. Res. 20

Madam President, on May 24, 2019, pursuant to section 36(b) of the Arms Export Control Act, the Secretary of State determined ``that an emergency exists which requires the immediate sale of the following military sales'' to the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates. The Arms Export Control Act indicates that, in the Senate, the notification of such a determination shall be sent to the chairman of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee.

In keeping with the committee's intention to see that relevant information is available to the full Senate, I ask unanimous consent to have printed in the Record the Secretary's determination and transmittals submitted to the committee by the Defense Security Cooperation Agency regarding sales under section 36(b). The Secretary's emergency determination and transmittals for sales conducted pursuant to other sections of the Arms Export Control Act were included in the Congressional Record via separate executive communications on June 3, 2019.

Mr. President, section 36(b) of the Arms Export Control Act requires that Congress receive prior notification of certain proposed arms sales as defined by that statute. Upon such notification, the Congress has 30 calendar days during which the sale may be reviewed. The provision stipulates that, in the Senate, the notification of proposed sales shall be sent to the chairman of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee.

In keeping with the committee's intention to see that relevant information is available to the full Senate, I ask unanimous consent to have printed in the Record the notifications which have been received. If the cover letter references a classified annex, then such annex is available to all Senators in the office of the Foreign Relations Committee, room SD-423.

Mr. President, this month I celebrate the power of the American entrepreneurial spirit by highlighting the success of a small business in my home State of Idaho. Hard work, innovation, and perseverance are some of the characteristics that have helped so many of our Nation's citizens achieve the American Dream. As a member and former chairman of the Senate Committee on Small Business and Entrepreneurship, it is my distinct privilege to recognize Partner Steel Co. as the Idaho Small Business of the Month for June 2019.

Partner Steel Co. first opened its doors in Pocatello, ID, in 1947 as a custom steel fabricator and wholesaler. Since then, Partner Steel has expanded to provide Idaho-made products not only to Idahoans, but to consumers all over the world. Partner Steel uses high-quality raw materials to produce custom creations, meeting the unique needs of each individual customer. As a commercial steel supplier, Partner Steel Co. provides steel to large and small clients across the United States.

Spanning beyond the realm of commercial steel supply and custom steel fabrication, Partner Steel Co. has an outdoor camping equipment line. They create products such as camping stoves, Dutch ovens, griddles, coffee pots and water purifiers for outdoor sanitation. These camping supplies have generated an international customer base, from the United States to Canada, Europe, and Australia.

After operating Partner Steel for more than five decades, the Partner family decided to sell the business in 2005. Having worked at Partner Steel for more than 30 years, Rick Eskelson had a deep understanding of the operations of the company, and he and his wife Debbie made the decision to buy the business. Now owners for 15 years, the Eskelsons have continued supplying steel products to Pocatello residents and consumers around the globe.

In addition to operating their small business, the Eskelsons have prioritized reinvesting into the Pocatello community. Rick and Debbie are avid supporters of the local 4H club, local sports teams and high schools, and are involved in the Pocatello business community.

It is my honor to recognize Rick and Debbie Eskelson and the employees of Partner Steel Co. for their outstanding contributions to the Pocatello community. You make our State proud, and I look forward to your continued success.

Mr. President, section 36(b) of the Arms Export Control Act requires that Congress receive prior notification of certain proposed arms sales as defined by that statute. Upon such notification, the Congress has 30 calendar days during which the sale may be reviewed. The provision stipulates that, in the Senate, the notification of proposed sales shall be sent to the chairman of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee.

In keeping with the committee's intention to see that relevant information is available to the full Senate, I ask unanimous consent to have printed in the Record the notifications which have been received. If the cover letter references a classified annex, then such annex is available to all Senators in the office of the Foreign Relations Committee, room SD-423.

Mr. President, section 36(b) of the Arms Export Control Act requires that Congress receive prior notification of certain proposed arms sales as defined by that statute. Upon such notification, the Congress has 30 calendar days during which the sale may be reviewed. The provision stipulates that, in the Senate, the notification of proposed sales shall be sent to the chairman of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee.

In keeping with the committee's intention to see that relevant information is available to the full Senate, I ask unanimous consent to have printed in the Record the notifications which have been received. If the cover letter references a classified annex, then such annex is available to all Senators in the office of the Foreign Relations Committee, room SD-423.

Mr. President, section 36(b) of the Arms Export Control Act requires that Congress receive prior notification of certain proposed arms sales as defined by that statute. Upon such notification, the Congress has 30 calendar days during which the sale may be reviewed. The provision stipulates that, in the Senate, the notification of proposed sales shall be sent to the chairman of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee.

In keeping with the committee's intention to see that relevant information is available to the full Senate, I ask unanimous consent to have printed in the Record the notifications which have been received. If the cover letter references a classified annex, then such annex is available to all Senators in the office of the Foreign Relations Committee, room SD-423.

Mr. President, for the Committee on Foreign Relations I report favorably the following nomination lists which were printed in the Records on the dates indicated, and ask unanimous consent, to save the expense of reprinting on the Executive Calendar that these nominations lie at the Secretary's desk for the information of Senators.