Mr. Chair, I rise in opposition to the amendment. Mr. Chairman, I regret that my good friend from Colorado has offered this amendment. It was not voted on in either subcommittee or in full committee. It should be rejected by this House,…
Mr. Chair, I rise in opposition to the amendment.
Mr. Chairman, I regret that my good friend from Colorado has offered this amendment. It was not voted on in either subcommittee or in full committee. It should be rejected by this House, and rejected overwhelmingly.
Why? We need to make sure that our missile defense works. This is not a vote on whether we are for or against missile defense. I am strongly for missile defense. I just want to make sure that it works. In the National Defense Authorization Act of 2015, there is a strong section in that act that requires that it work.
The gentleman's amendment is not supported by the Missile Defense Agency, it is not supported by the Pentagon.
What it is is a vendor's dream, what it is is a defense contractor's dream, because it would enable them to sell stuff to us, the American taxpayer and to the citizens of this country, promising national defense, but not proving it.
We need to fly it before we buy it. We need to test it before we invest in it. We need to make sure that it works before we fork over the dough.
If this loophole were to be established into law, allowing missiles to be flown through this loophole, it would delight the defense contractor industry. This is an amazing breach of what really, I think, has been American law for 150 years.
Back during the Civil War, there was a law passed called the Lincoln Law. And because so many Americans were outraged that the bullets sold to the Union soldiers did not work and the cannonballs did not work and the boots didn't last in the rain, they passed one of the toughest laws ever passed by this Congress, to penalize defense contractors who sold us stuff that did not work.
We need to make sure these missiles work. The gentleman is absolutely correct. The threat from North Korea is real, the threat one day from Iran could be real. We need to make sure these missiles work. And to short-circuit, to obviate a testing requirement would be an appalling thing for us to do.
This has been law since 2015. It is working, it works fine, the Missile Defense Agency is all for it. Let's keep it. If it ain't broke, don't fix it.
And to allow contractors to sell us stuff that is unproven, that is not tested, that has not flown before we buy it, oh, my gosh, I wouldn't want to be on that side of that transaction.
So the gentleman is an outstanding Member, he does great work. As I say, this was not voted on in either subcommittee or full committee. It would be a mistake for the full House to support this amendment at this time.
So I would urge my colleagues to reject this amendment, and I reserve the balance of my time.
Mr. Chairman, this Congress in 2015 passed this requirement because it made sense.
Institutional memory can be short. The MDA is already exempt from normal Pentagon acquisition processes. No one in this body should think that MDA is subjected to the DOD 5000 regular acquisition rules.
What this amendment would do would be to short-circuit that process. And which Member of this House in either party would want to admit to the constituency that they represent that they voted to allow missiles to be purchased by this country before we knew they would work?
The threat is real, and we need to be prepared for that threat and we need defense missiles that work. Already the shot doctrine is several to one. We have to shoot up four missiles and hope that we can stop the one from coming over. We need things that actually work better than that. We need to make sure this equipment that the U.S. taxpayer is buying functions correctly.
We have already expedited the acquisition process for the MDA. Let's not expedite it further. If our missile defenses don't work, we are all in trouble. The Congress decided wisely and rightly in 2015.
The MDA, as I say, does not support this amendment. They have had ample opportunity to come to us and say that they want more flexibility, more freedom, they want things that work too. This House should want things that work. So I urge my colleagues to support what works and oppose this amendment.
I reserve the balance of my time.
Mr. Chairman, I know this amendment comes late in the process and my colleagues are tired of hearing all these National Defense Authorization Act amendments, but this one is really important. Already the North Koreans threaten the United States. Other countries could do so. We need to make sure that our missile defense works, and our constituents will not accept excuses.
Now, as I say, defense contractors love this approach if they can sell us something that is not proven to work, but this equipment must work.
This Congress got it right in 2015. The MDA is on board with the testing that they have to do. The process now works. Let's not change it, and this amendment would change it for the worse. It would be a defense contractor's dream.
Let's not cave in to the lobbyists, let's not give away the American taxpayers' money, and let's make sure that the defense equipment we buy works. By stopping this amendment, we will do so. This amendment would be a giveaway to the defense contracting industry.
Mr. Chairman, I reserve the balance of my time.
Mr. Chairman, how much time do I have remaining?
Mr. Chairman, Admiral Syring has been a great leader of MDA. He did not request this change. Admiral Syring has done a great job. Let's follow his lead, and let's reject this amendment.
Mr. Chairman, I yield back the balance of my time.
Mr. Chairman, I demand a recorded vote.