Mr. Speaker, we're going to be spending the next hour, I and my colleagues are going to be talking about issues that are really on the forefront right now of debate. We've been talking for weeks and will continue to talk about health care…
Mr. Speaker, we're going to be spending the next hour, I and my colleagues are going to be talking about issues that are really on the forefront right now of debate.
We've been talking for weeks and will continue to talk about health care reform; but as these bills are rolling out of committee, we're learning new facts that are, I think, disconcerting to many of us, particularly those of us who are of the pro-life persuasion. So we're going to be talking this evening about the subject of life. We're going to be talking about abortions, preventing abortions, the up and down and the frequency of abortions. We may even get into end-of-life issues because all of these are relevant, of course, to what's going on with the health care debate today in Washington.
I want to start out with the first slide and notice it says from 1973 until the Hyde amendment was passed in 1976, Federal taxpayers were paying for 300,000 abortions per year, even though abortion was never mentioned in the original Medicaid statute. Think about that. There was no provision for abortions to be paid for under the Medicaid statutes, and yet 300,000 abortions per year were being provided, all at taxpayers' expense. How can this happen? How can this happen in America where something is being paid for, something that is unconscionable for, at least today, over 50 percent of Americans, and yet it's paid for by taxpayers?
You know, it's interesting in the abortion debate, some of us are definitely against abortions. We call ourselves pro-lifers. There are those who are in favor of abortions. They, of course, call themselves pro-choice. But the interesting thing about this matter, many of those who call themselves pro-choice actually say that they would like to see fewer abortions, perhaps even no abortions if it could be done, even though they would prefer that there not be a law against that. In fact, a recent study showed that 69 percent of Americans are against taxpayer-funded abortions.
So you have many different issues here. You have whether or not there should be abortions in the first place. You have the issue of those who even want to leave it to the mother would rather not see abortions, and then many Americans who really see no problem with the taking of life, don't want to have to pay for it, at least not through their taxes, of course.
But you know, it's very interesting that, again, from 1973 until the Hyde amendment was passed, there were 300,000 abortions per year. In 1976, something very interesting happened. The Hyde amendment was attached to an appropriations bill, and it prevented any further taxpayer funding of abortions except in the unusual case such as rape, incest, the health of the mother, of course; and we've seen a tremendous dip in the number of abortions. And, again, this slide illustrates the fact I mentioned a moment ago, 69 percent of Americans oppose taxpayer funding for abortions. That's a vast, vast majority of Americans.
We go to slide three. Abortion advocates are using health care reform to advance a hidden agenda. And here's a quote from Wendy Chavkin, who's former board chair of Physicians for Reproductive Health and Choice, obviously a pro-abortion advocate. She says, Public option--and that's referring to the current bills that are before us today, that is, the option of choosing a public plan, a government-run health care system--public option is key to the health reform, and using medical standard of care in language, instead of listing reproductive services that will siphon off votes, is key to this.
And what is she referring to? Well, if we talk about reproductive care, that of course implies reproductive services, including abortions.
Well, if we just leave it to the medical standard of care and let someone else define that standard of care, then what we really end up with is a standard of care out there that can be dictated to all that means, of course, abortion services.
So, really, what are we getting to in this entire debate and discussion? We're going to be getting into the weeds here in just a moment with my colleagues. But the bottom line is that if, according to the courts and according to the rules that can be provided by the administration, if abortion is not explicitly excluded under taxpayer funding, under Medicaid, any kind of single-payer, government-run health plan, if it is not specifically excluded, then it is included. Let me repeat that. If it is not explicitly excluded, it is included.
What does that mean? It means that it is a de facto mandate. The courts over and over have judged that if Congress does not say it's not to be paid for, it is considered a standard of care and therefore will be covered.
Again, I want to give you another quote here from the National Abortion Federation, which, ``supports health care reform as a way to increase access to comprehensive reproductive health care, including abortion care for all women.''
So, you see, the pro-abortion people are using this to advance their own goals, and that is to get the number of abortions back up again. I don't understand how that is in any way a desirable goal, but it's obvious they're doing that.
So what we're seeing here is a history that the more accessible abortions are--that is the easier they can be provided, and certainly for free without any costs--the fewer barriers there are, the more abortions there are going to be.
Now I have a quote from Barack Obama, our President. He says, Well, look, in my mind, reproductive care is essential care, basic care. So it is at the center, the heart of the plan that I propose. Insurers are going to have to abide by the same rules in terms of providing comprehensive care, including reproductive care that's going to be absolutely vital.
It's very clear where our President is going with this. Again, between the judicial branch and the executive
branch--the judicial branch, of course, in courts--again and again saying if Congress does not exclude it, it is included, and then a President who feels very strongly that it should be included, then it's going to be there unless we do our job and we amend this bill and exclude it. It has been attempted on the Senate side and failed. And certainly we're going to try.
This bill, of course, equals the largest expansion of taxpayer-funded abortion in history. In fact, I would say that it stands to increase the number of abortions greater than any time in history since Roe v. Wade. So we're really on the edge of another giant leap in terms of abortions.
I'm going to end my originating comments here with this, and that is many of you may recall when our President was asked, When does life begin? And what was his response to that? He said, as a candidate for the President of the United States, he said, Well, that's above my pay grade.
Well, I ask rhetorically, What is a higher pay grade than being the President of the United States? If he can't decide when life begins, then who do we go to? And that's going to be perhaps a matter of debate tonight.
I'm a physician. I can say very clearly and without hesitation that life begins at conception. It's a biological truth. It's biological fact. There's no way to argue around that. Many have tried. Some say that, Well, it's at the point of viability. But that, of course, is a moving target. Babies are surviving younger and younger in gestation.
So, as we go forward in the debate tonight, we certainly want to include all these issues relative to abortion.
My colleague Joe Pitts, Congressman Pitts, who has been at the forefront of the abortion debate for many years, really brings a lot of experience to us tonight. I want to recognize the gentleman and certainly give him the opportunity to use as much time as he may desire.
If the gentleman would allow, I'd like to ask a question. Congressman Pitts, are you saying then that perhaps the other side of the aisle, the pro-choice or the pro-abortion folks, are really piggybacking onto a bill that has nothing to do with abortion in order to reach their goals, their aims that they perhaps have been trying to attempt for many years?
Well, I thank the gentleman for his comments and certainly will be happy to discuss this further as we go along this evening.
Again, I want to underscore and emphasize the comments here that, as the
gentleman says, abortion is not health care. In fact, I would say the taking of innocent life is not health care. In fact, as a physician I have a sworn honor not to take life, of course unnecessarily, and certainly innocent life; only to do so if it of course protects other life, such as in the case of perhaps an ectopic pregnancy, if you will, or a mother who's bleeding to death. When there's no viability of the fetus or the embryo to begin with, that's a lifesaving measure.
But elective abortion--that is what this is. That is not health care. That is taking innocent life. And there is no way--in as many ways as we have tried to debate this, no one has ever been able to come up with a solid response to that argument that killing the unborn baby at any stage in life beyond conception is and always will be the taking of innocent life.
Well, this is an extremely interesting debate. I want to turn to my friend from the Corn State of Iowa, Steve King, Congressman King. I know he is itching to add some very important comments, so I yield to my friend.
Mr. Pitts.
Reclaiming my time, before I go to the gentlelady, I wanted to follow up on that, on the perspective of having unique fingerprints, for instance.
You know, at the moment of conception, that baby has a DNA pattern that is unique unto history. No one has ever had the same DNA pattern. No one ever will have the same DNA pattern, and that does make that a unique human being, but here is something else to ponder, I think:
Why is it that we think so differently about the born child versus the unborn child when there may only be a few-days' difference? I've thought about this and have pondered this. It is a unique capability that human beings have, which is to dehumanize. We have the ability to dehumanize other human beings. I can give you some great examples.
Look at Nazi Germany. Millions of Jews and Poles and others were exterminated because they were not thought to be truly human, but a human cannot do this to his own species unless he thinks one is a subhuman or a nonhuman. Look, of course, at the days of slavery. How could we have the Founding Fathers of our country think in terms of freedom for all and yet enslave our fellow man? The only way to do it is to think of those people as not being human.
That is the reason that people today can abort children, even to the point of partial late-term abortion, which is to think of them as nonhumans, and I think that's something that we really have to reassess in our lives--certainly our religious values. My values as a Christian suggest that a life is a life. Think of all the George Washingtons and the Abraham Lincolns and the Einsteins who are being aborted every day, people who could add so much to our future.
Anyway, we have a lot to cover, and I want to thank the gentlelady from North Carolina, Virginia Foxx. She is about the most hardworking Con- gressperson I know up here, and I always like to turn to her for valuable advice on things, so I yield to the gentlelady.
I thank the gentlelady for those comments. Of course very adroit, to the point, essential and important; and it also speaks to the process that we're going through in which these really weighty debates, weighty issues are being ignored and much more trivial issues are focused on here in this body. Again, we're talking this evening about the pro-life issues and the potential, if this bill passes, the ObamaCare, the single-payer health care reform plan that's coming out of the House and the Senate as well and the fact that just simply by not addressing the issue of taxpayer-funded abortions is actually allowing for them and providing for them through what is really a de facto mandate process.
With that, I want to recognize my friend Chris Smith from New Jersey. Congressman Smith has taken a point on pro-life issues so often. We have so much, of course, to thank him for in this respect. And with that, I yield to the gentleman.
If I might reclaim just for a moment, if the gentleman will yield. In the late-term abortions--I've never seen one, but my understanding is that a trocar is inserted into the womb, into the skull of the baby, and the brains are sucked out, among many other things. Here we are concerned about waterboarding, and yet these kinds of techniques are done on our innocent children.
Well, thank you to the gentleman, Mr. Smith, from New Jersey, for your truly passionate, eloquent statements. It is obvious, Congressman, that you have a deep passion that sits on your heart very heavily. And it is one of the things that is deeply distressing for you and for many of us here in this body.
Just to reframe, again, what our discussion is and what we are really talking about, we are not really debating abortion. That has been debated endlessly, and everyone knows where we are. What we are debating is a tremendous Federal expansion of abortions that will occur with this bill. Why? Not because there is a single word, no language at all that says there must be, but simply from an absence of language. And what that means is, and it is because of the courts and the administration, it is just the way the law works around here, but just suffice it to say if it doesn't exclude it, it includes it. And that means that you, the taxpayer, and those paying premiums, will be paying for the abortions of others, whether you like it or not.
We are also represented tonight by another New Jersey Congressperson, Congresslady Schmidt, who has probably run more marathons than the rest of the body put together. And obviously her physique reflects that fact. So she has a lot to bring to us when it comes to the discussion of health, and we are really anxious to hear about that. So with that, I would like to yield to the gentlelady.
I thank the gentlelady for yielding back, and I apologize, from Ohio instead of New Jersey. I'm getting my Schmidts and my Smiths mixed up this evening. Briefly in the final moments, I want to pitch back to Mr. Smith from New Jersey.
I appreciate that. We're going to be running out of time and I'm going to give you a brief response to that. When I was in the Navy, I had a friend who was an OB-GYN who specifically refused to do abortions. He said it was against his conscience. He retired and went into the local town nearby to go into practice and his practice began a little slow and soon within months he became the most prolific abortionist in town.
So in answer to your question, the reason why so many people, or those who have done it in the past have done it, it's obvious. It's money. It's a very lucrative trade. But on the other hand in the medical communities, in the communities at large, there's been tremendous social pressure against that. As a result, I think many have decided it isn't worth the money.
This has been a wonderful hour. I do thank my colleagues for visiting and adding so many wonderful comments. We could spend another couple of hours on this.
With that, I yield back the balance of my time.