Madam Chair, I yield myself such time as I may consume. Madam Chair, I rise in support of the en bloc amendment, and I thank the Defense Subcommittee chairman for working with our side to include many amendments important to our Members.…
Madam Chair, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
Madam Chair, I rise in support of the en bloc amendment, and I thank the Defense Subcommittee chairman for working with our side to include many amendments important to our Members. The chairman has been a great partner and has been very fair throughout this process.
Madam Chair, I urge my colleagues to support this amendment, and I reserve the balance of my time.
Madam Chair, I yield 1 minute to the gentleman from Michigan (Mr. Walberg).
Madam Chair, I yield back the balance of my time.
Will the gentleman yield?
Madam Chair, I accept the gentleman's amendment.
Madam Chair, I claim the time in opposition to the amendment.
Madam Chair, this amendment risks undermining the readiness of our military at a time when we can least afford it. It does so by prohibiting the implementation of a careful and thoughtful policy developed by a panel of military experts last year regarding military service by transgender individuals.
Then-Secretary of Defense Mattis wrote that, in his best professional judgment, allowing military service by transgender individuals in the absence of this policy could ``undermine the readiness, disrupt the unit cohesion, and impose an unreasonable burden on the military that is not conductive to military effectiveness and lethality.''
This current policy is not--I repeat, not--a ban on service by transgender individuals. It carefully balances the readiness needs of the military with the medical needs of transgender individuals who wish to serve.
As new recruits, those individuals can serve openly under their biological gender so long as they have not suffered from gender dysphoria within 36 months and have not undergone gender transition procedures.
Furthermore, the new policy only applies to those seeking to join the military after its April 12, 2019, implementation and allows the service and the Coast Guard to waive its application in individual cases.
This issue is not one of social policy but of deployability. Individuals with medical conditions that do not allow them to deploy, such as those identified in the policy, adversely impact military readiness and reduce the military's warfighting capability.
I would also point out that individuals who require daily injections for other medical conditions are also not deployable, such as people who have diabetes.
Madam Chair, the military is an institution with one primary mission: to fight and win our Nation's wars. Anything that interferes with its readiness for that mission poses an unacceptable risk to our men and women in uniform.
Unfortunately, this amendment poses just such a risk by disregarding the military's professional judgment and interfering with the policy developed to preserve warfighting readiness.
Madam Chair, I strongly oppose this amendment. I urge my colleagues to do so as well, and I yield back the balance of my time.
Madam Chair, may I ask the Chair how much time is remaining?
Madam Chairwoman, section 702 authorizes the intelligence community to target the communications of non-U.S. persons located outside the United States for foreign intelligence purposes.
This FISA section 702 program is an important tool for the intelligence community to gather foreign intelligence information to protect the homeland against international terrorism, weapons proliferation, hostile actions, cyber actors, and other threats to the national security.
Importantly, its focus is on foreigners located abroad. It does not allow the intelligence community to target U.S. persons. Section 702 collections already include significant protection for civil liberties and privacy.
While the amendment may be well-intentioned, I fear it will upset the delicate balance reflected in current wording of this provision. The recent comprehensive review and bipartisan reauthorization of section 702 by Congress would strongly suggest that additional changes to the program without a full review of the potential impact is ill-advised.
Madam Chairwoman, intelligence officials from the Obama administration and the Trump administration have asserted, as FBI Director Christopher Wray recently reiterated, that section 702 is one of the most viable tools we have in our toolbox to keep America safe. Accordingly, I oppose this amendment.
Madam Chair, I claim the time in opposition, although I support the amendment.
Madam Chair, the Army identified a $75.6 million unfunded requirement for the future vertical lift program, and this amendment helps to address that by adding an additional $9 million, as the chairman brought out, to this program.
Madam Chair, this is a good program. I support it, and I yield back the balance of my time.
Madam Chair, I rise in opposition to the gentleman's amendment.
Madam Chair, just 5 months ago, the Department of Defense completed a public assessment titled ``Report on Effects of a Changing Climate to the Department of Defense.''
The report accompanying the bill includes further directive language regarding additional reporting requirements for the department.
How many reports do we need on this topic in 1 year? This amendment is extraneous and unnecessary; I urge my colleagues to oppose it; and I yield back the balance of my time.
Madam Chair, I demand a recorded vote.
Madam Chair, I rise in opposition, although I am not opposed to the amendment.
Madam Chair, I thank the gentleman for this amendment. They make that fine ship in San Diego, California, and we want to defend it to the hilt, so we appreciate this amendment.
It makes the bill a better bill, and I thank the gentleman for bringing that bill forward.
Madam Chair, I yield back the balance of my time.
Madam Chair, I rise in opposition to the amendment.
Madam Chair, at the outset, it should be clear: There is no country that is more hostile to the interests of the United States and our allies, especially Israel, than Iran.
In fact, as we debate this bill, the U.S. and our partners in the region are under serious threat from Iran and its proxies.
As our commander of the U.S. Central Command, General Frank McKenzie, said recently, the Iranian threat remains imminent.
Just last week, Iranian Revolutionary Guard forces used a type of magnetic mine--a limpet mine--to attack Japanese and Norwegian oil tankers in the Gulf of Oman.
In addition to this threat to international freedom of navigation and commerce, Iran's Houthi proxies have launched sustained attacks on airports and other infrastructure targets within Saudi Arabia.
In this context, it is clearly in the national interest of the United States to ensure that our partners in the region have the capabilities they need to counter a hostile Iran.
The sweeping scope of this amendment, however, seeks to block all 22 of these arms sales instead of those few that may be of particular concern. For example, it would attempt to prevent the transfer of precision-guided munitions to our ally Jordan, as well as a number of other seemingly noncontroversial cases.
Madam Chair, we need to work with our partners in the region to accomplish common objectives on counterterrorism and in deterring Iran, including through timely U.S. defense transfers.
Arbitrarily stopping a large number of arms sales, regardless of their sensitivity, will hinder the ability of our combatant commander to accomplish these goals. It will also undermine the reputation of the United States as a reliable security partner and provide opportunities to China or Russia to erode U.S. influence in the region.
I want to acknowledge that all of us are deeply concerned with the ongoing humanitarian crisis in Yemen. I support the efforts of the executive branch to work with the U.N. Special Envoy toward a political resolution of this conflict.
It is also unfortunate that the Department of State decided to utilize an emergency waiver authority on the arms sales that are the subject of this amendment. Congressional oversight over arms transfers is an important responsibility, and it would have been best had these sensitive matters been handled through the traditional consultative process.
This is not the appropriate vehicle to vindicate those congressional prerogatives. That responsibility rests with the Foreign Affairs and Foreign Relations Committees, and not in this bill.
Madam Chair, accordingly, I oppose this amendment, and I reserve the balance of my time.
Madam Chair, we need to stand by our allies and oppose Iran. This amendment is not helpful. I encourage all of our colleagues to vote ``no'' on this amendment.
I yield back the balance of my time.
Madam Chair, I will be very quick.
I am shocked: The Russians are cheating.
Now that our treaty obligations are suspended, the United States needs to move forward with developing ground-launched INF missile capability.
Madam Chair, I support the gentleman's amendment.
Madam Chair, I demand a recorded vote.
Madam Chair, do you trust the Russians? I don't trust the Russians.
Those who think they are making the world safer by refusing to support the programs should remember the ancient Latin adage, ``If you want peace, prepare for war.''
That has never been more applicable than in regard to this program.
Madam Chair, this amendment is vital to maintaining deterrence and peace. I would urge my colleagues to support it.
I might point out that the Russians are under the perception that this is a strategic imperative from their perspective. So from my perspective, let's remove that misconception and vote in favor of this amendment.
Madam Chair, I demand a recorded vote.
Madam Chair, I rise in opposition to this amendment.
Madam Chair, this amendment would prohibit the use of 2020 funds for development of a long-range standoff weapon program.
A long-range standoff missile will be a nuclear-armed air-launched cruise missile that the U.S. Air Force is scheduled to first deploy in the early 2030s.
The LRSO is necessary for maintaining the deterrent capability currently provided by a rapidly aging air-launched cruise missile. According to the Department of Defense, the current air-launched cruise missile is already decades beyond its originally planned service time.
As General John Hayden, Commander of the U.S. Strategic Command, has stated: ``The ALCM is encountering sustainability and viability issues from age-related material failures . . . and diminishing manufacturing sources. Parts and materials designed for a 10-year service life are now 35 years old and are obsolete.''
In addition to severe problems with maintenance and reliability, the ALCM has a significant degraded ability to survive modern air defense systems. We also need the long-range standoff weapon because conventional air-launched cruise missiles are unable to effectively meet the same deterrence requirements.
Madam Chair, sustaining the nuclear standoff capability in the air leg of the U.S. strategic triad strengthens our deterrence. Conventional weapons are not capable of fulfilling the nuclear-armed cruise missile's contribution to, and role in, an effective deterrence and reassurance of U.S. allies.
Effective deterrence requires that an adversary believes that the United States can and may respond in kind to a nuclear attack.
For these reasons, I urge the defeat of this amendment.
Madam Chair, I yield such time as he may consume to my colleague from Indiana (Mr. Visclosky).
Madam Chair, I yield back the balance of my time.
Madam Chair, I thank the gentleman for yielding.
I am not in opposition to the gentleman's amendment, I just find it unnecessary. There is robust funding in the bill for this activity to fight encroachment on our military bases, and that is really kind of between the local government and local State and local groups.
Madam Chair, I make that point, and I yield back the balance of my time.
Mr. Chair, I rise as the designee of the ranking member from Texas (Ms. Granger), and I move to strike the last word.
Mr. Chair, I thank Mr. Visclosky for the great working relationship we have had going through this legislation in detail. We do this for the men and women who serve the United States military. We want to make sure that they have the best quality of life and, obviously, that we procure the best weapons that are available to make sure that if ever we are in unfortunate circumstances, we do not have a fair fight.
It has been a great experience. I also thank all the staff for the great work that they have done on both the majority and the minority.
I do want to point out one thing to the chairman. There is going to be a meeting tomorrow at the White House, hopefully, about a budget agreement. Hope springs eternal, but, hopefully, we can get a budget agreement with the White House, the House, and the Senate so that we don't have to go into sequestration later this year, which, as the gentleman knows, would be a disaster for the United States military. Let's wish them well as they try to work out an agreement.
Mr. Chair, I yield back the balance of my time.