Mr. Chairman, I rise to claim the time in opposition to the amendment. Mr. Chairman, this is one of various amendments that will be brought forth, I believe, today with regard to the issue of our policy toward the Communist totalitarianism…
Mr. Chairman, I rise to claim the time in opposition to the amendment.
Mr. Chairman, this is one of various amendments that will be brought forth, I believe, today with regard to the issue of our policy toward the Communist totalitarianism in Cuba. In fact, this amendment was brought up by Mr. Flake a year ago, and it was one of the amendments brought up last year. Since it was brought to the floor last year, the pro-democracy movement in Cuba, and I think it is of relevance to point out, had an opportunity, despite the extraordinary difficulties of speaking out with regard to issues of public policy, either in Cuba or anywhere else, the pro- democracy movement had an opportunity to speak with regard to the amendments that were introduced last year in this Congress. I think it is of relevance and I would like to make note of their position.
We have a letter from the leaders of the Assembly to Promote Civil Society. Unbelievably, a year ago they were able to hold a convention for the first time in totalitarian Cuba. Many of their delegates were not allowed to arrive at the convention. They were detained. They were harassed. They were stopped before they left their house. Others were arrested. The assembly elected leaders, something which is extraordinary in a totalitarian state, and those leaders signed a letter which I would like to introduce into the Record, Mr. Chairman, with regard to the amendments that were brought forth that were made, that were introduced last year. And I would just like to say that as those leaders, one of the three, by the way, has since been arrested, is Mr. Rene Gomez Manzano, who signed this letter, subsequently was thrown in the gulag where he is today, despite not having been charged but he is there today in the gulag. And they said, as they expressed their opposition to the amendments that were filed last year, including this amendment by Mr. Flake, that the adoption of any unilateral measure to completely or partially lift the existing sanctions of the United States could be interpreted by the Cuban regime in Havana, which has given continuous examples of its absolute immovability and of its repressive and anti-democratic vocation as a policy of accommodation. Now, this is the position of the brave pro-democracy movement in Cuba, which I think it is of relevance to listen to. As I say, one of them was thrown in the gulag after making known this position with regard to amendments that were filed last year, including Mr. Flake's.
Another point I would like to bring out which I think of is relevance, the Flake amendment, he admits that it is legal to travel for religious purposes to
Cuba. I want to reiterate that. It is legal. One of the existing categories for travel to Cuba is religious travel. The administration does fight fraud and abuse, people who go and say, use even the most sacred of subterfuges, including the religious travel mantle. The administration does fight against abuse, and regulations are in place to make sure that people who are going for religious travel go for religious purposes.
Now, that must be reiterated, the fact that it is legal to travel for religious purposes. The Flake amendment says, no funds could be spent to change the current authorization, regulation that authorizes religious travel. So if a future administration wished to change the regulation, make it stricter, make it easier to travel, the regulations couldn't be changed under Mr. Flake's amendment.
So I simply, as I oppose this amendment, reiterate that it is legal. One of the 13 categories of travel, legal travel to Communist Cuba is for religious purposes. The Flake amendment is confusing, contingent, prospective, and thus difficult really to analyze with regard to its possible effects on the future.
But, for me, the most important factor in this debate is that the people who are suffering the repression today and who risk their lives when they make a statement like Rene Gomez Manzano did a year ago in opposition of this amendment, they are clear in their opposition. So I reiterate their position and oppose the Flake amendment.
Havana, June 24, 2005.
Hon. Lincoln Diaz-Balart,
Hon. Mario Diaz-Balart,
Hon. Bob Menendez,
Hon. Ileana Ros-Lehtinen.
Distinguished Compatriots: We have recently learned that,
at present, the Honorable House of Representatives of which
you are members is considering several proposals--introduced
by various Congressmen--seeking to prevent or hinder the
implementation of diverse measures related to the embargo
decreed by the United States against the totalitarian regime
in Havana.
Of course, we respect any decision that sovereign Congress
takes on this matter.
However, we do not wish that anyone pretend that such
proposals count with the support of the generality of those
who within Cuba oppose the ruling system and who fight
peacefully for change.
As you know, the signatories of this letter form the
Secretariat of the Assembly to Promote Civil Society in Cuba
(a group that on May 20 and 21 successfully held in Havana
the first congress of Cuban democrats and which is comprised
by the majority of the independent entities located in Cuba);
and as such we can assure you--and through you the Congress
of that great nation--that our coalition does not support the
adoption of unilateral measures to completely or partially
lift the existing embargo of the United States, which could
be interpreted by the Cuban regime in Havana (which has given
continuous examples of its absolute immovability, and of its
repressive and antidemocratic vocation) as a policy of
accommodation.
Respectfully,
Felix Antonio Bonne Carcasses.
Rene de Jesus Gomez Manzano.
Martha Roque Cabello.
Mr. Chairman, I rise in opposition to the amendment.
Mr. Chairman, I negotiated the agreement that Mr. Moran made reference to, along with my dear colleagues, Ms. Ros-Lehtinen and Mrs. Emerson. At that time Mr. Nethercutt was here. And the agreement stands.
The agreement authorized sales to the Cuban regime as long as payments were made, cash in advance. Now, the Cuban regime, and let us be clear when we talk about trade with Cuba that we are dealing, there are no Cubans, there are no Cubans who can buy, because it is a totalitarian state, the regime.
Now the dictator started to make purchases after the law was passed in October of 2000. And as is to be expected, then he started engaging in delaying tactics, precisely to create leverage and pressure so that we would see something like we see today. Sure enough, the delaying tactics began by the dictator.
And U.S. financial institutions asked for clarification of what ``cash in advance'' is. Now, it should not surprise us that the dictator started his delaying tactics, when we see the billions and billions of dollars that he owes to anyone who has given him credit.
It should not surprise anyone that he started, he began delaying tactics. The reality of the matter is, cash sales are allowed. The reality of the matter is that U.S. financial institutions asked for this clarification.
And also I want to make a separate point. President Bush is right, and I thank him once again for, today, having issued another very clear statement of administration policy, when he has stated from the first day of his administration that he has promised to veto any legislation that enriches the Cuban dictatorship or benefits the Cuban dictator's regime.
The President is right. I stand with him. I thank him once again. And I urge all of my colleagues to do the same.
Mr. Chairman, I reserve the balance of my time.
Mr. Chairman, I yield such time as she may consume to another negotiator of the deal, of the agreement that still stands and has not been changed by this regulation by President Bush, Ms. Ros-Lehtinen.
Mr. Chairman, I yield 15 seconds to the gentleman from Florida (Mr. Mario Diaz-Balart).
Mr. Chairman, I yield the remainder of our time to the distinguished gentleman from Virginia (Mr. Cantor).
Mr. Chairman, I thank Chairman Knollenberg.
I was pleased to hear that our colleague from the other side of the aisle said that, I think he said something like he would vote for democracy in Cuba. When we have had opportunities in this Chamber, as late as May of 2005, to condemn the human rights violations, I see that he has voted ``no.'' So I am glad that perhaps some progress on that issue may be being made.
Mr. Chairman, which of the conditions that Ms. Ros-Lehtinen mentioned, which are in our law for the immediate lifting of U.S. sanctions, the sweeping of trade, the arrival of massive trade and tourism and financing, which of the conditions in our law that make that access to the U.S. market, that are contingent for that access to the U.S. market, which are the conditions mentioned by our colleague, Ms. Ros-Lehtinen? The liberation of all political prisoners, the legalization of all political parties, labor unions, the press and the holding of free elections, which of those conditions are objectionable?
We want to see the sanctions lifted. What we want to see are the people of Cuba, 90 miles from our shores and oppressed for 47 years by a totalitarian tyrant, we want to see them freed. We want the political prisoners freed. We want their political parties legalized. We want to see them with free elections. Which of the conditions are objectionable?
Is it correct to lift, to reward that tyranny now, unilaterally, while the prisons are full of men and women, prisoners of conscience, who peacefully advocate for freedom and democracy, the freedom that we are here exercising today? For example, one of them, an independent journalist, Guillermo Farinas, is on the verge of death as we speak because he entered a hunger strike 4 months ago for the right as an independent journalist to access the Internet and to be able to have and send e-mail, and he is on a hunger strike, on the verge of death as we speak.
What is objectionable with our insistence to that tyranny that that political prisoner be released and all the others and political parties be legalized and the Cuban people have access like the rest of this hemisphere has to free and fair elections, multiparty elections? What is so objectionable? Why the different treatment? Why is it that we insist on free elections for countries throughout the world, but our neighbors 90 miles away, no, no; for them let us unilaterally reward the tyrant and give him what he seeks.
No, this amendment must be defeated once again, Mr. Chairman.
Mr. Chairman, I noted with interest that the distinguished ranking member of the subcommittee stated that he was interested in this intellectual exercise. Perhaps this could be because we are in a free Parliament, in a democracy, and it could be interpreted as an intellectual exercise.
But I will tell you for whom this issue is not an intellectual exercise. When a year ago, despite the totalitarian nature of the Cuban regime, over 100 delegates from the peaceful prodemocracy movement managed to meet. Many others were not able to meet. They were stopped. They were arrested. For many reasons many others were not allowed, but over 100 did manage to meet in assembly. And they elected leaders and principles.
Those leaders sent us a year ago, after their assembly, after this amendment, the same amendment and a few others had been filed, a statement of position with regard to the amendments, including this one that was filed a year ago.
Now, of these three leaders, the elected leaders of the prodemocracy leader in Cuba, one was thrown in the gulag after sending this letter, where he is today. He remains uncharged. Who knows if the dictator will ever charge him? He was sent to the gulag and he is today in that inferno gulag after sending us his position. That is not an intellectual exercise; it is an exercise of extraordinary heroism.
And they stated in the letter that those amendments, and one of them was this one, if any of them would be passed, that Cuban regime in Havana, which has given continuous examples of its absolute immovability and of its repressive and antidemocratic vocation, would consider such amendments unilateral actions by this Congress as a policy of accommodation with the regime. So this is not an intellectual exercise.
We are dealing with a tyranny of 47 years. And let no one be confused. Despite the 47-year duration of that tyranny, let no one be confused that for one single day the Cuban people have failed to fight for their freedom. And they will be free and the tyrant who is about to celebrate his 80th birthday will soon be elsewhere and the Cuban people will be free.
By the way, statements like the resolution that was mentioned recently, that only 22 Members of this House voted against, in support of the prodemocracy movement and in condemnation of the violation of the human rights of the Cuban people, those statements and manifestations by this Congress will always be seen as admirable, admirable statements of solidarity of the people who deserve to be free and who will be free despite 47 years of oppression.
So I ask my colleagues on both sides of the aisle to once again stand for the rights of the Cuban people to live in freedom. And these amendments, like this one which seeks to confuse, because it is already legal for Americans with educational purposes to get a license and study in Cuban, but not to engage in child prostitution and not to engage in the endeavors of the regime, like our State Department has stated publicly just a few days ago on the record, Ambassador John R. Miller, Ambassador-at-Large on International Slavery: Cuba has a tourism industry, government operated or affiliated, which engages in promoting child prostitution, which is not only trafficking under United States law but under United Nations protocol, and it is done very openly.
That is among the realities, the horrible realities of the Cuban tyranny which will soon come to an end but that we must continue to condemn and we must continue to reject unilateral rewards for. So I ask my colleagues to vote down this amendment.