Mr. Speaker, this bill is the reason I came to Congress, to continue my work for children's health. It's a blight on our Nation that millions of children in hardworking families still have no access to health care, and today we can undo…
Mr. Speaker, this bill is the reason I came to Congress, to continue my work for children's health. It's a blight on our Nation that millions of children in hardworking families still have no access to health care, and today we can undo that wrong. Through this fiscally responsible bill we ensure that millions more eligible children will be able to get primary care, manage life-threatening illnesses, improve their school attendance and grow into healthy, productive adults. And how fitting that at the same time we will improve Medicare for seniors.
I wish to submit for the Record the piece by Ron Brownstein in today's L.A. Times where he calls the Bush and Republican arguments against this bill as not much more than stealing health care from babies.
We do have a choice today. We can continue to ignore the health of millions of babies and children, or we can take the high moral ground and pass this bill which will provide health care to those who need it most.
I want to commend Chairmen Dingell, Pallone, Rangel, and Stark for all the hard work they and the committee staff have done. I urge my colleagues to vote ``yes'' on the CHAMP Act. Do something positive today for America's children.
[From the Los Angeles Times, Aug. 1, 2007]
Stealing Healthcare From Babies
(By Ronald Brownstein)
Does President Bush really believe what he's saying about
the effort from congressional Democrats and some leading
Senate Republicans to provide health coverage for millions of
uninsured children? He's portraying it as the first step on a
slippery slope toward ``government-run healthcare,'' as if
senior senators in both parties were conspiring with Michael
Moore to import Cuban doctors to inoculate and indoctrinate
American children.
In fact, Congress is moving responsibly to remove a blot on
the nation: the 8 million children without health insurance.
It is doing so by expanding the State Children's Health
Insurance Program, or SCHIP, a state-federal partnership that
the Republican Congress and President Clinton created in 1997
to cover kids in working-poor families. Final votes on the
House and Senate floors could come this week.
Bush, seemingly determined to provoke every possible
confrontation with congressional Democrats, has pledged to
veto the bills. And with the GOP congressional leadership, he
is fighting the proposals with a swarm of misleading and
hypocritical arguments.
Bush complains that expanding the program costs too much.
But cost was no object when Bush and congressional
Republicans sought to court seniors by creating the Medicare
prescription drug benefit in 2003.
Under the bipartisan Senate bill, Washington would spend
about $56 billion over the next five years to cover almost
half of the nation's uninsured children. Over the same
period, the Medicare entitlement that Bush signed (after more
than four-fifths of House and Senate Republicans voted for
it) will cost nearly $330 billion. Is social spending
affordable only when it benefits constituencies Republicans
prize in elections?
Next, Bush complains that the SCHIP expansion would require
``a huge tax increase.'' Actually, both the House and Senate
plans would raise taxes just on tobacco. And the sponsors are
increasing taxes only because they have committed to the
novel notion of paying for their program. When Bush and the
Republican Congress created the expensive Medicare drug
benefit, they did not provide any new revenue to fund it.
They just billed the cost to the next generation through
higher federal deficits. Now Bush is condemning Democrats for
displaying more responsibility.
Bush also disparages the SCHIP expansion as an attempt ``to
encourage people to transfer from the private sector to
government healthcare plans.'' But studies have found that
three-fourths of children covered under the current program
receive their care through private insurance plans that
contract with the states, notes Edwin Park of the liberal
Center on Budget and Policy Priorities. In that way, the
program is no different than Bush's prescription drug plan:
The government pays for services delivered by private
insurance companies.
Bush's argument that the SCHIP changes will unacceptably
``crowd out'' private insurance is misleading in another
respect. It's true, as Bush charges, that if the program is
expanded, some eligible families would shift their children
into it from private coverage, hoping to save money or
improve care. The Congressional Budget Office estimates that
children making such a switch would account for about one-
third of the 6 million kids expected to enroll in the
expanded SCHIP program under the Senate plan, and hence one-
third of the added cost.
But as CBO Director Peter Orszag notes, all efforts to
expand coverage for the uninsured inevitably spill some
benefits on those who already have insurance. And the Senate
SCHIP plan, by limiting that spillover to one-third of its
cost, is actually more efficient than most alternatives for
expanding coverage.
Bush, for instance, wants to reduce the number of uninsured
by providing new tax incentives for buying coverage. But the
Lewin Group, an independent consulting firm, recently
calculated that 80 percent of the benefits from Bush's plan
would flow to people who already have insurance. Such numbers
help explain why Orszag recently said that, dollar for
dollar, expanding SCHIP ``is pretty much as efficient as you
can possibly get'' to insure more kids.
Bush's most outrageous argument is that expanding SCHIP
``empower[s] bureaucrats.'' In reality, covering more
children would empower parents like Sheila Miguel of Sun
Valley, Calif.
Miguel used to spend hours in emergency rooms trying to
obtain asthma medicine for her daughter, Chelsea, but since
enrolling her in a SCHIP-funded program, Miguel can take her
to reliably scheduled clinic visits.
Bush says he wants ``to put more power'' over healthcare
``in the hands of individuals.'' By freeing Miguel's family
from the worry and drudgery of repeated emergency room
visits, that's exactly what SCHIP does.
Few of the lower-income working families that rely on this
program have the time to follow this week's legislative
struggle, much less analyze how it serves the White House's
apparent strategy of embroiling congressional Democrats in
unrelenting conflicts with Bush that alienate swing voters.
In that political skirmishing, these families have been
reduced to collateral damage. They deserve something better
from a president who once called himself a ``compassionate
conservative.''