Floor Statements

Mr. Speaker, I continue to oppose the Republican piecemeal bills to fund the government. While I support funding the Bureau of Indian Affairs, the Bureau of Indian Education, and the Indian Health Service (IHS), the bill provides less than 50% of the funding that Tribes receive from the Federal Government. Native American tribes and families will not have services restored for the USDA's Food Distribution Program on Indian Reservations, HUD's Native American Housing Block Grant, law enforcement programs under the Violence Against Women Act, and other critical education and environmental programs across the government that this legislation does not fund. I continue to stand ready to vote for a clean continuing resolution to end the Republican Shutdown and fund the entire Federal Government.

Mr. Speaker, I was unavoidably absent in the House Chamber for the following votes on October 14, 2013. I would like the record to show that, had I been present, I would have voted ``nay'' on rollcall vote 547, and ``nay'' rollcall vote 548. on passage of H.J. Res. 80, the American Indian and Alaska Native, Health, Education, and Safety Act.

Amendment Offered by Mr. Grayson

Mr. Speaker, I was unavoidably absent in the House Chamber for the following votes on October 8, 2013. Had I been present, I would have voted ``nay'' on H.J. Res 84, rollcall vote 530; ``nay'' on rollcall vote 531, and ``nay'' on rollcall vote 532.

While I am a strong supporter of the Head Start program, I oppose the Republican piecemeal bills to fund the government. Vulnerable children and their families need and deserve critical government services that this legislation does not fund. I continue to stand ready to vote for a clean continuing resolution to end the Republican Shutdown and fund the entire Federal Government, including Head Start, the Community Services Block Grants, Child Care aid, and nutrition programs.

Mr. Speaker, I was unavoidably absent in the House chamber for votes yesterday. Had I been present, I would have voted ``nay'' on rollcall vote 527 and ``nay'' on rollcall vote 528, final passage of H.J. Res. 77, the Food and Drug Safety Act.

The Republican piecemeal bills to fund only select governmental entities leave the American public without the critical services in food safety, public health, and consumer protections. This bill fails to fund the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, the Consumer Product Safety Commission, and the Federal Trade Commission, which work alongside the Food and Drug Administration to ensure food safety and public health. However, I stand ready to vote for a clean continuing resolution to end the Republican Shutdown and fund the entire federal government.

Mr. Speaker, we've all heard that later today an immigration bill will be introduced in the House of Representatives in order to keep the issue moving forward.

I plan to sign on to that bill. As I understand it, it will combine elements of the Senate's bipartisan compromise bill with a bipartisan House border security bill. I am going to sign on because I want to stand with 200 of my Democratic colleagues and assert that the Democratic Party is ready to move forward on immigration reform. The bill that Democrats will put forward is not a perfect bill. It is the product of negotiations, compromise, and bipartisanship.

Having spent many long hours working with Ted Kennedy, John McCain, Jim Kolbe, and Jeff Flake on bipartisan bills in 2004, 2005, 2006, and 2007, I know that you never get everything you want when you engage in genuine bipartisan efforts; but these days, with our sharply divided politics, bipartisanship is the only way you get anything done. The American people are sick of the U.S. Congress because we are totally divided and can't seem to come together, even to keep our government open.

Yesterday, Puerto Rican Korea war veterans and Mississippi and Iowa veterans of World War II had to break down barricades to visit the monuments on The National Mall that celebrate their sacrifice and honor. It should have never had to come to this.

And on immigration, I still think we have a chance to work together and get something done. It's really rare that the AFL-CIO and the U.S. Chamber of Commerce agree on anything. But you know what? They came to agreement to move immigration reform forward. The largest growers actually worked out an agreement to move forward on immigration reform with the union founded by Cesar Chavez that's been fighting for them for 40 years.

The New York Times and The Wall Street Journal editorial pages represent different ends of the political spectrum, but their editorials calling for Congress to address immigration reform are so similar, they could practically be accused of plagiarism.

And I've talked with many of my Republican colleagues. They too understand that our current legal immigration system is broken. Many of them understand that creating ways for people to come legally is necessary to spark our economy, reunite families and maintain our values in the United States.

They understand that the path to law and order is to have a functioning, legal immigration system that allows people to come with a visa and not a

smuggler. Many of my Republican colleagues understand that we cannot secure the border unless we secure and combine border security with a legal avenue for people to come here.

And they understand that we cannot establish law and order without getting the millions of people here into the system, on the books, paying taxes, and legitimize their stay in the United States, including citizenship for those who choose to embrace this country, just as every wave of previous immigrants have had that choice.

Many of my Republican colleagues realize that the best way, politically and practically, to achieve a full implementation of things like E-Verify and an entry/exit visa system, the only way to effectively enforce our law is to allow for legal immigration. We can and must do the legalization, the border security, and all of the enforcement together.

With the introduction of a bill, you will see the unity and commitment of my party, the Democratic Party. But I believe it is only after we emerge from this very dark tunnel of partisanship and budget bitterness that we can find a way for leaders in both parties to move forward, work together and get the Speaker to give us a vote.

But the clock is ticking. Two million people will have been deported by this administration, a Democratic administration, by President Barack Obama, sometime in October. Believe me, the deportation machine does not pause for a government shutdown.

This Saturday, October 5, in 163 cities there will be marches and demonstrations and activities to push this Congress, and especially the Republican leadership, to allow a vote on immigration reform.

I will march in Chicago, meet with evangelical leaders, and join canvassers fanning out across congressional districts on Saturday.

And then, on Tuesday, October 8, I invite all my colleagues to join the tens of thousands of Americans, immigrants, supporters, citizens, for a concert and a rally to make sure this Chamber knows the truth, and that is that the persistent and consistent pressure to pass an immigration bill in red States, blue States, purple States has not subsided and is stronger than ever.

I ask you all to come and join me and our immigrant community from across this Nation.

Mr. Speaker, I will show you the faces of families who want this Congress to put aside our party differences and to act for the families of America, for the millions of American citizens that need a fair and just immigration system.

Come and join us in your city on October 5 and, if not, come and join us here in the Capitol of the United States on October 8. The people will be speaking.

Madam Speaker, I plan to vote no on final passage of H.J. Res. 59, the Continuing Appropriations Resolution.

Congress has a responsibility to the American people to pass a budget that funds the government and reflects the priorities of the American people. Instead of working with Democrats to end sequestration and pass a budget that will create jobs, strengthen the middle class, and make investments in housing, education and maintaining our critical infrastructure, the Majority is willing to force a disastrous government shutdown in order to try to defund the Affordable Care Act for the 42nd time in the House of Representatives.

Instead of lurching from manufactured crisis to manufactured crisis, I stand ready to work with my colleagues on both sides of the aisle to pass a clean Continuing Resolution, work on a balanced budget that makes smart investments and responsible cuts, and pass comprehensive immigration reform. That is what my constituents in the 4th Congressional District of Illinois expect from us in Congress.

Mr. Speaker, I was unavoidably absent in the House Chamber for votes today, Friday, September 20 due to a family emergency.

Had I been present, I would have voted ``yes'' on rollcall vote 477, ``no'' on rollcall vote 479, ``no'' on rollcall vote 480, ``no'' on rollcall vote 481, ``yes'' on rollcall vote 482, and ``no'' on rollcall vote 483.

Mr. Speaker, I was unavoidably absent in the House Chamber for votes on Tuesday, July 30. Had I been present, I would have voted ``yea'' on rollcall vote 419, ``yea'' on rollcall vote 420, and ``nay'' on rollcall vote 421, ``nay'' on rollcall vote 422, ``yea'' on rollcall vote 423, ``yea'' on rollcall vote 424, and ``yea'' on rollcall vote 425.

Mr. Speaker, I submit this letter, from Rep. Jared Polis of Colorado and myself to the President of the United States asking for the release of the DREAM 9 held in detention in Arizona.

July 25, 2013.

President Barack Obama,

The White House, Washington, DC.

Dear President Obama: We write you to express concern for

the nine undocumented young people who earlier this week

attempted to re-enter the United States from Mexico to return

to their homes. They presented themselves at a check point,

were detained by U.S. border patrol and are currently being

held in the Eloy detention center in Arizona.

As we understand it, these ``DREAMers'' are asking that

discretion be exercised by federal authorities to allow them

back into the United States and to return to their families

and communities. An additional goal that they express is to

work to change a system that has resulted in the deportations

of DREAMers. Regardless of whether we feel their actions are

the best way to affect the change they desire, we share their

goal to allow DREAMers and others with strong ties to the

United States and who were deported to return to the United

States. You stood firmly with the DREAMers when you put in

place beneficial case by case relief for DREAMers through

Deferred Action of Childhood Arrivals (DACA). We believe that

the DREAMers currently detained on the border should have

your concern and consideration, as well.

We understand that a long term legislative solution is

required in order to provide the most justice for the most

people. We are deeply committed to ensure that the ability to

return to the U.S. for previously deported individuals is

enacted into law, and have worked hard to incorporate such

relief into the bipartisan proposal currently being drafted

in the House of Representatives. We continue to build the

bipartisan support

needed to pass legislation this year. While immigration

reform is making its way through Congress, we ask that the

young people currently detained at the border be released

from detention and allowed back into the United States. Their

actions to lift up the needs of those deported should not

result in detention or exclusion from the United States. In

fact, their return would likely be allowed under the Senate-

passed immigration bill, S. 744, which we all support.

Thank you for your leadership on behalf of DREAMers and

your support of comprehensive immigration reform. We urge you

to release the DREAMers detained on the U.S. border in

Arizona and allow them to rejoin their families. We urge you

to act with all possible speed to make this happen.

Sincerely,

Luis V. Gutierrez,

Member of Congress.

Jared Polis,

Member of Congress.

Mr. Speaker, I did not expect to still be waiting for a vote on immigration reform in August. But here we are, 48 hours from leaving town for 6 weeks, and there has been no definitive House action.

Many of us will spend time with our children and loved ones, whether on vacation or just in the backyard. I urge my colleagues to think about the millions of immigrant families who are no longer able to spend time together--the mother who was deported yesterday; the sister who feared deportation and left last year; the tens of thousands who wait in line for visas; and the ones for whom there is no line available.

For those who are in detention, like the Dream 9 in Arizona, and the many others who, because of their status, a trip to the hospital or getting a traffic ticket could mean they never see their children again. The American Dream will end for 44,400 immigrants who will be deported between now and September 9. I hope they are in your thoughts.

Mr. Speaker, I will be inserting into the Record a letter from Jared Polis of Colorado and myself to the President of the United States asking for the release of the Dream 9 held in detention in Arizona.

Mr. Speaker, I was unavoidably absent in the House chamber for votes on July 8, 2013. Had I been present, I would have voted ``yea'' on rollcall vote 305, ``yea'' on rollcall vote 306, and ``yea'' on rollcall vote 307.

Mr. Speaker, yesterday, a short time after the Supreme Court ruled that the Defense of Marriage Act violated the Constitution of the United States, an immigration judge in New York stopped the deportation of a man who was legally married to an American citizen.

According to press reports, the bonds of marriage that tied Sean, an American citizen, to Steven, a native of Colombia, were invisible in the eyes of the law before 11 a.m. Eastern Standard Time yesterday; but after the Supreme Court announcement, the bonds of marriage that drew these two individuals together in love and in the sight of God all of a sudden became visible to the United States Government. They materialized before our eyes, allowing a spouse of a U.S. citizen to live peacefully in the United States with his spouse as our immigration laws intended. What a difference a day makes.

Well, actually, this step towards justice took a great deal longer than a day. I'm proud that the Supreme Court finally caught up to Sean and Steven. I'm glad that the law of the land finally caught up to the American people, who generally feel that marriage equality, like other forms of equality, is a good thing. I'm glad the Supreme Court caught up to the 21st century, and I'm glad the Supreme Court caught up to me. In fact, what does a 21st century Congressman do on such occasions? I tweeted. And what did I tweet? ``I told you so.''

It was right here on this spot, on July 11, 1996, that the House of Representatives passed DOMA. I came to this well and walked up to the distinguished gentleman from Massachusetts, Barney Frank, who controlled the time on the Democratic side, and I asked him if I could speak on the bill. I had a great deal of respect for the gentleman from Massachusetts, and I have a great deal of respect for him today, now that he's happily retired and happily married. But on that particular day, he said to me, Luis, I have no time for people who are against the bill. Shoo. Go away.

Who knows, maybe it was a mild case of profiling. He saw a Latino Catholic from the Midwest and said he can't be a friend. I assured the gentleman that as a Chicago alderman, as a Congressman--you know something, just as a man--I was against discrimination, bigotry, and unfairness wherever and whenever I saw it and that I had fought in Chicago to pass a groundbreaking ordinance on LGBT equality in the 1980s. The gentleman from Massachusetts smiled, welcomed me to the team, and yielded me 3\1/2\ minutes.

I went back to check the Record to see what I had said on that night, and you know what? The 2013 me agrees wholeheartedly with the 1996 me. I pointed out that the supporters of DOMA were wrapping themselves up in family values when, in fact, they were preventing families from being recognized as families.

I don't know many Americans--regardless of their political

party, race, religion, or sexual orientation--who don't

believe that family values are vitally important. But I also

don't know many Americans who want a couple of hundred

politicians in Washington to impose their values on everyone

else's families.

Let me tell you about some very basic values I think we're

talking about when we stand up against this bill: the values

of people who love each other; people who share each other's

lives; people who care about their future and the future of

those around them; people who want to make a commitment that

is legal and official and is important to them. To me, that

sounds like family values.

I am proud to have spoken up; I am proud to have voted against that bill; and I am proud to have stood shoulder to shoulder with Barney Frank and other heroes who said ``no'' and today say ``I told you so.''

Now we need to take another vital step right away. The immigration judge that stopped Steven's deportation because of his legal marriage to an American citizen was absolutely right, but we need to make sure our immigration law reflects the post-DOMA reality across the board. If the Obama administration needs to write regulations to make sure our immigration laws match the Constitution of our Nation, then they better get to work. We can't afford delay.

Same-sex couples form families. Our immigration laws are supposed to honor families. So, Mr. President, please make it clear, from your office on down that family unity means all families. We've waited long enough.

The Highest Court in the land helped us take another step against discrimination. Now we must make sure that the administration of the law catches up with the letter and the spirit of the law. All families, like Steven and Sean, must be recognized as families for the purposes of our immigration law.

What a difference a day makes.

Mr. Speaker, I was unavoidably absent in the House chamber for votes on Monday, June 17. Had I been present, I would have voted ``yea'' on rollcall vote 245, ``yea'' on rollcall vote 246, and ``yea'' on rollcall vote 247.

I was also inadvertently absent for the following votes. Had I been present, I would have voted ``yea'' on rollcall vote 256, and ``yea'' on rollcall vote 259.

Mr. Chair, I was inadvertently absent and would like to show that, had I been present, I would have voted ``yea'' on rollcall vote 270, ``nay'' on rollcall vote 274, and ``nay'' on rollcall vote 283.

Amendment No. 102 Offered by Mr. Southerland

Mr. Speaker, later today, the Judiciary Committee will mark up the first immigration reform

bill offered by the Republicans in the 113th Congress. Since election day, no Member of Congress has done more to highlight and praise the Republicans for their new spirit of bipartisanship on immigration than I. I praise our committee and subcommittee chairmen for their new tone in the Republican-led immigration hearings.

When the Republican Party chairman said Republicans have to stop pushing Latino voters away, I said, ``Right on, Reince.''

When young Republicans warned the GOP to change its tune in order to remain viable, I said, ``I think you're right.''

When your former candidate for Vice President and Budget Committee chairman came to Chicago to talk about immigration reform, I brought him to the barrio so that the Latino community could see him and applaud his commitment to immigration reform.

Judge Carter, the gentleman from Texas, and I shared the stage in San Antonio to discuss immigration reform deep in the heart of Texas, where we agreed on more things than we disagreed. He and I have met almost every day since January with a small bipartisan group of colleagues to fashion a bill that both parties can embrace.

And it's hard work for both parties.

On the other side of the aisle, it is hard to talk about immigrants in a new way when your party, its platform, its candidates, its talk radio, and its TV personalities have spoken disparagingly about immigrants for years. When you reference gangbangers and drunk drivers and rapists every time you talk about immigrants, it is hard to switch gears quickly; but most Republicans in this body, up until last week, were singing from a new and more harmonious hymnal.

Bipartisan work on immigration reform has been difficult on my side of the aisle, too. I have always fought for universal health care coverage, but discussing health care coverage for undocumented immigrants and their families--even in the context of a legalization program where they pay their full taxes, submit fingerprints, and pay huge fines--is a nonstarter not only for Republicans but for Democrats, unfortunately, alike. I have advocated for LGBT rights from my days as a Chicago alderman, but to work in a bipartisan manner, it's off the table.

To keep discussions going with Republicans, I am told that the Diversity Visa Program, which brings in immigrants from Africa and Ireland and around the world who diversify our immigrant pool, is eliminated--no discussion in the name of bipartisanship. Siblings-- brothers and sisters of U.S. citizens--will no longer be able to be sponsored by their family members to come to America, and the fees and fines we charge--billions upon billions--on immigrants so that they can be here legally, that will fund more drones, fences, border guards, and more enforcement on the border, a border that is as secure as I've seen in American history--but we'll do it.

I ask my Republican colleagues when is it enough?

But I want to keep things moving forward, so I hold my tongue, work within the bipartisan process and stay with the group. I speak well of Republicans who have partnered with Democrats on a serious bipartisan bill this year.

A tough, but fair bipartisan bill is moving towards passage, and our tough but fair bipartisan House bill is nearly complete. We're putting aside partisan bickering to solve a difficult policy issue for the American people.

In this moment, just in time for the Fourth of July, we get red meat politics for the barbecue and partisan fireworks on immigration.

The Arizona S.B. 1070 law was substantially struck down by the Supreme Court. No matter. Now your side of the aisle wants to nationalize it.

Sheriff Joe Arpaio is slapped by the Federal courts for systematically denying the civil rights of U.S. citizens and legal immigrants. No matter. Let's canonize him.

Police and local governments want immigrants in their communities to be able to call the police if they're a victim of crime or witnesses to crime. Too bad. Republicans in Washington know better than your cops, prosecutors and mayors at home. They will cut your Federal funding unless you commit to a full-frontal deportation and local immigration enforcement.

When 500,000 Latino citizens turn 18 every year and become potential voters, Republicans seem hell-bent on lining up and jumping off the demographic cliff.

While our country demands solutions and leadership, Republicans are feeding the partisan monster red meat as if their calendars already read 2014.

As a Democrat, I could probably stand back and watch. If you want to hang yourself on the immigration issue, who am I to stop you? But as an American, I have to tell you what I really feel. Your country needs you to step away from the partisan red meat and fearmongering that has defined your party on immigration. Come back to your senses. Do not push forward a bill that criminalizes every immigrant family and makes everyone think twice before they call 911.

You are better than this. America needs you to be.