Mr. Speaker, I rise today in support of S. 1104, a bill to increase the number of Iraqi and Afghan translators and interpreters who may be admitted to the United States as special immigrants. The bill improves upon an earlier effort made…
Mr. Speaker, I rise today in support of S. 1104, a bill to increase the number of Iraqi and Afghan translators and interpreters who may be admitted to the United States as special immigrants. The bill improves upon an earlier effort made by Congress to address this matter. The intent that underwrites this bill is a noble one, and the improvements it makes to current law are needed. I am concerned, however, by the limited scope of the authorities provided by the bill before us and that is under consideration.
Section 1059 of P.L. 109-163 allows for 50 Iraqi and Afghan translators or interpreters who work in support of United States Armed Forces in those countries to petition the United States Government and be approved for entry into the United States under special immigrant status. The opportunity to immigrate to the United States has proved to be very popular among translators who work with the United States Armed Forces in Iraq and Afghanistan. These individuals are generally the targets of incidences of violence or threats of violence from certain individuals or groups due to their close association with the United States Armed Forces. Reportedly, there is a six year waiting list for the 50 slots authorized by Section 1059 of P.L. 109-163. Unfortunately, Section 1059 of P.L. 109-163 did not provide similar opportunities for translators and interpreters who work with civilian departments and agencies in Iraq and Afghanistan who, like their colleagues who serve alongside the United States Armed Forces, are subject to incidences of violence or threats of violence from insurgents, militias, criminals, and terrorists operating in those countries. S. 1104, the legislation before us today, would expand existing law to authorize 500 special immigrant visas annually for the next two years, and expand eligibility for the visas to include both translators and interpreters working for the Chief of Mission or the United States Armed Forces in Iraq or Afghanistan.
This bill would make useful and important changes to current law. The House Committee on the Judiciary notes in House Report 110-158 that accompanies S. 1104, ``that there are potentially dire consequences in delay'' of this legislation and that ``the Committee chose to consider the Senate-passed legislation in the interest of expediting its enactment.'' I commend my colleague from Michigan and the Chairman of the House of Representatives' Committee on the Judiciary (Mr. Conyers), my colleague from Texas and the Committee's Ranking Member (Mr. Smith), and the members of the Committee for their prompt work toward reporting this legislation for consideration by the full House. Simply put, their efforts on this bill in Committee, and our favorable consideration of this bill on the floor, will directly result in the saving of the lives of some incredibly brave individuals.
But the United States Government can and must do more. We have a moral obligation to do all that we can to protect all of those individuals and their family members who are targeted for death or are subject of acts of intimidation or violence as a result of their employment by, or close association with, United States and Coalition military and civilian personnel operating in Iraq and Afghanistan.
While this bill represents progress in this regard, it alone will not completely fulfill this moral obligation.
The Committee notes in House Report 110-158 that, ``[i]n approving this bill for expedited consideration, the Committee acknowledges the issues that are left unaddressed.'' The Committee, in its report accompanying this legislation, comments that, ``[t]here appears to be little reason to limit this relief to those serving with our Missions in Iraq and Afghanistan as a translator or interpreter. Iraqis and Afghans are serving in many different functions in aid of our Missions there, and as their lives come under threat as a result, they would seem similarly deserving of our help in delivering them from harm's way.'' House Report 110-158, furthermore, notes that, ``[t]here is also the question of whether these would-be refugees should be granted access to refugee assistance programs promptly once they arrive in the United States.'' I fully understand and recognize that this is a complicated issue. But it is my hope that comprehensive Iraqi and Afghan refugee legislation can be considered and agreed to by this body in the near future.
I would hope that such comprehensive Iraq and Afghan refugee legislation, at a minimum, would provide the authority for at-risk Iraqi and Afghan individuals and their family members--who serve in any capacity--alongside, in support of, or in close coordination with United States or Coalition military and civilian personnel--to be eligible to petition the United States Government and be approved for entry into the United States under special immigrant status. Specifically, I would hope that such comprehensive refugee legislation would, at a minimum, provide petition authority and approval eligibility for at-risk Iraqis and Afghans who are direct hires of United States Government or Coalition country departments, agencies, and military services; Iraqis and Afghans who work as contractors for, or in support of, United States Government or Coalition country departments, agencies, and military services; Iraqi and Afghan public sector employees or elected members of government who work alongside, or who are closely or commonly associated with, United States and Coalition country military and civilian personnel; and Iraqi and Afghan business owners and operators and laborers who have performed work on construction, service, or other contacts financed by United States Government or Coalition government funds.
Success achieved by United States and Coalition military and civilian personnel in Iraq and Afghanistan to date can be, in part, attributed to the efforts of the local nationals in those countries. Those Iraqis and Afghans, for the most part, believe in democratic, peaceful and prosperous futures for their countries and their families. That is why they choose to stand for election to public office, why they serve alongside United States and Coalition personnel, whether as translators, cultural advisors, or the myriad other roles that these brave individuals perform in support of our missions in those countries, and why they perform work on reconstruction projects financed by the United States Government and the governments of Coalition countries. By doing so, however, they and their family members are exposed to extreme risks.
Here in Washington, DC it is all too easy for us to distinguish between the roles and responsibilities of Iraqis or Afghans who are direct hires of the United States Government and the governments of Coalition countries, Iraqis and Afghans who work on contract in support of United States and Coalition personnel, and Iraqis and Afghans who are employees of their governments. Each has a distinct role and relationship with the United States and Coalition governments and the missions pursued by their personnel. But these distinctions are not similarly considered by insurgents, militias, criminals, and terrorists who wish to do these individuals harm. That is, the enemy does not first review their employment situations and statuses of Iraqis and Afghans, draw distinctions, and then issue threats or conduct acts of intimidation or violence accordingly. The enemy kills, kidnaps, and intimidates ``enablers'' without discrimination. The Iraqis and Afghans who work alongside our personnel know this reality all too well. Comprehensive legislation to address this issue should, to the best of our ability, not draw distinctions or discriminate either.
S. 1104, as noted by the Committee in its report to accompany this bill, is not a comprehensive response to the problem before our country with respect to Iraqis and Afghans who are at-risk of violence and intimidation as a result of their association with United States and Coalition country departments, agencies, and military services' operating in Iraq and Afghanistan. Nevertheless, I recognize the urgency of enacting the limited reforms to current law contained in the language of this bill; and, therefore, I support its passage. I urge my colleagues to vote ``yes'' on this bill and to continue to work in support of comprehensive refugee legislation with respect to the service of Iraqi and Afghan nationals.