Floor Statements

Thank you very, very much. And I thank you, Congressman Jeffries, for leading the Congressional Black Caucus Special Order hour for the 113th Congress.

For your weekly advice, for your weekly message, I thank you. We owe you a debt of gratitude. It was a pleasure to have worked with you for these last 2 years.

Mr. Speaker, we are running out of patience. Last week, the Nation waited and hoped that justice would finally be served in the case of Michael Brown. We waited to hear our country say loud and clear: There are consequences for taking the lives of others.

We waited to hear some reassurance that Black and brown boys' lives do matter. But, again, we were terribly disappointed and discouraged.

The Ferguson grand jury's decision not to indict former Officer Darren Wilson was yet another slap in our face. It was a painful reminder that, just like with Trayvon Martin and Tamir Rice, and so many others, law enforcement officers kill our Black and brown men and boys without repercussions.

While some may see the grand jury's decision as the system working as it should, others witnessed what we believe was a blatant miscarriage of justice.

Where is the closure for Michael Brown's parents?

Where is the understanding for the outrage and desperation of the Black community?

The fact that our country, the greatest country in the world, remains mired in race relations issues in the year 2014 is an embarrassment. We really should consider taking a long look in the mirror before we go to other countries lecturing to them about the need for democracy and tolerance when, here at home, we are unable to fully address our own issues.

If we are to learn anything from the tragic death of Michael Brown, we must first acknowledge that we have a race issue that we are not addressing. We must have open, honest, transparent conversations about prejudice, racism, and racial threat. We must also lead conversations with law enforcement about transparency, accountability, and community policing.

I want to thank the President today for, once again, putting a focus on the need for community policing in our country.

Mr. Speaker, all lives have value. As Members of Congress, it is our responsibility to clearly communicate this message to our voters, our constituents, and our neighbors.

Mr. Speaker, enough is enough.

I thank the gentleman for yielding.

I want to thank my colleagues Jeffries and Horsford for leading the Congressional Black Caucus Hour. It is an issue that, I think, is important to this entire country, and it should be a priority for all Members, not just members of the Congressional Black Caucus--a discussion on where Congress goes from here in pursuit of a more perfect Union.

Mr. Speaker, even before the final ballots were counted from the midterm elections, conservatives began sharing their priorities for the upcoming Congress.

Instead of promising to improve our health care system, my colleagues on the other side of the aisle began promising to renew their campaign to repeal the Affordable Care Act--a campaign that has wasted millions in taxpayer dollars, with 53 unsuccessful votes.

Instead of searching for common ground, they are still committed to finding a way to impeach President Barack Obama.

Instead of using the next Congress to create more opportunities for the American people, the decision has already been made to continue efforts to obstruct and undermine the President.

None of these actions will move our Nation forward or do what is best for the country. We must do something more than advance a partisan, political agenda. It is irresponsible, Mr. Speaker, and is an insult to the very public that gave us this awesome responsibility in the first place. We were elected to represent the American people--all of the American people. Let's write and pass legislation that will make their lives easier and their futures more promising. It is time for this Congress to unite and move forward together. This is not the time for doubling down on the tactics of distraction, obstruction, and confusion.

We have the opportunity now to lay a foundation for the 114th Congress that is built upon bipartisan cooperation and a shared commitment to doing what is best for all of our citizens. I urge my colleagues to join the CBC in doing the people's work.

Mr. Speaker, 2 weeks from today, Golden Week will begin in the State of Ohio. This is a one-stop voting opportunity that will allow Ohio residents to register and cast in-person absentee ballots at the same time. But for the U.S. district court ruling against the GOP- led general assembly, Ohio voters would not have this opportunity.

According to a Lawyers' Committee for Civil Rights report, African American voters made up 78 percent of all early voting ballots in the country. There are people working in every State to make it more difficult for citizens, and particularly people of color, to exercise their right to vote. That is why it is critical for each of us to do all we can to protect it.

I support the Voting Rights Amendment Act of 2014, and I encourage my colleagues to do the same.

I thank you for yielding.

I want to thank my colleagues, Congressmen Jeffries and Horsford, for leading today's conversation on a problem that America must acknowledge, come to terms with, and address. I want to thank them for their leadership. As a freshman member, Mr. Horsford has been outstanding. It is my pleasure to serve with you.

Mr. Speaker, in communities across our Nation, many believe that police officers, sworn to protect and serve, are instead disturbingly and violently attacking citizens without just cause.

We have heard stories of individuals being shot to death when there is clearly no threat to an officer's safety. We have seen peaceful protestors and journalists on the job arrested, having cans of tear gas shot at them and guns suited for military combat pointed at unarmed citizens.

Over the past few months, cell phone videos and pictures have surfaced showing a policeman kicking subdued civilians in the head, repeatedly punching a woman in the face on the side of a highway, and placing a man in an illegal choke hold when there appears to be no resistance to arrest.

Last year in Cleveland, one of the cities I represent, 13 officers fired 137 shots into one car, killing two unarmed individuals, and both occupants of the car were shot more than 20 times.

The startling images we saw of the police response to civil protest in Ferguson, Missouri, were in stark contrast to the citizens exercising their constitutional right to be heard. Police met peaceful protestors with a force intent on silencing their voices. This excessive use of force often provokes animosity instead of building the cooperation needed to combat violence.

The trust between law enforcement and citizens required to keep our community safe is being eroded by the uncertainty of motives and biases behind the actions officials take, often against those who are powerless yet pay for them to protect them. Instead of keeping the peace, these actions incite tensions where there should be opportunities for understanding.

This type of activity must stop. Community policing can only be effective when citizens and leaders, community law enforcement and elected officials work together, not against one another, to address violence and unrest. Transparency, accountability, and responsibility must be at the nexus of this relationship.

Because of Ferguson, our Nation and the world have seen what happens when these principles are ignored or disregarded.

I applaud the Department of Justice for initiating full civil rights investigations into this case and others that have resulted in the deaths of civilians at the hands of law enforcement. I also applaud the citizens of Ferguson for realizing that their community belongs to them and that it is up to them to decide with whom they will work to lead it.

Just because the cameras are no longer rolling in Ferguson, the recent tragedies we have witnessed there, in Staten Island, and in other American cities have shown that we cannot keep turning a blind eye to what is going on between law enforcement and the communities they serve.

Members of the Congressional Black Caucus remain committed to working with our colleagues on the local, State, and Federal level to improve the policies and practices of law enforcement officials across this country so that safety, trust, and confidence can be restored where it has been broken.

I want to especially congratulate my colleague, Mr. Clay, for all of the work that he did during the Ferguson situation and will continue to do. I am as proud of him as I can be of anyone, and I certainly am going to be supportive of his efforts.

Mr. Speaker, we cannot move forward together without figuring out what must be done so that what happened in Ferguson never happens again.

Thank you very, very much for yielding. I, again, want to thank my colleagues Congressmen Jeffries and Horsford for, again, leading the Congressional Black Caucus Special Order hour on an issue that should never have made it to this House floor. We shouldn't even have to consider halting the Republican leadership's irreverent and irresponsible march toward impeachment of the President of the United States.

Mr. Speaker, since his election, the Republican leadership has shown nothing short of outright disrespect and disdain for the current President of the United States. In an effort to prevent the President from getting anything done during his first term or his second, the Republican leadership has completely ignored the democratic process. They prefer the obstruction and destruction of our Federal Government over working towards what is best for the American people.

Now Speaker Boehner and the Republicans are posed to waste millions of taxpayer dollars on a lawsuit arguing against something they asked him to do. They are claiming to take issue with the President because he instructed the delay of the Affordable Care Act's employer mandate.

If I remember correctly, Mr. Speaker, House Republicans wanted to do away with that provision, not to mention the entire ACA. The President delayed the employer mandate from taking effect for 1 year in an effort to hear and act on Republicans' more reasonable concerns. And now they are trying to punish him for it. This makes absolutely no sense. Instead of focusing on the many issues facing our Nation, the Republican leadership is choosing to pull another political stunt that wastes our time and our tax dollars.

Through consistent obstruction, dysfunction, and a steadfast unwillingness to serve the American people, the Republican leadership continues to abuse their power while they demean and disgrace this House. When will they recognize that by attempting to damage the President's leadership and his legacy, they are only hurting the people that we are all sworn to serve?

When will they wake up and realize that this job is not about political gamesmanship? It is about doing the work we are asked to do by our constituents, and that work is to propose and pass legislation that creates opportunity for the American people, not to distract them with the silliness that Republicans have stirred up since day one of this administration.

Their inaction and petty behavior has caused this to be the least productive Congress in the history of this Nation. The President should sue the Congress for not doing their job. Mr. Speaker, the American people deserve so much more than Republican leadership has given them. It is time to stop these ridiculous games and get to work on the real and serious business of this House.

Offered By: Ms. Fudge

Amendment No. 9: At the end of the bill, before the short

title, insert the following:

Mr. Speaker, I would like to thank the chairwoman for the support. It is very much appreciated.

Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.

Mr. Speaker, I rise in support of H. Con. Res. 100, which authorizes the use of the Capitol rotunda to commemorate the 50th anniversary of the signing of the Civil Rights Act of 1964.

The passing of the bill that became the Civil Rights Act of 1964 was a critical turning point in the history of this Nation, prohibiting all forms of discrimination on the basis of race, color, religion, sex or national origin.

This significant law also ensured that the promise of equal protection under the law would be true for all Americans.

Millions of Americans faced violent opposition to ensure that the Civil Rights Act was brought before Members of the House and the Senate for a vote.

During what was one of the most turbulent times in this Nation, a time when discrimination was commonplace and segregation was an accepted norm, passing this law was a true bipartisan effort, with Members of both parties overcoming their differences to do what was best for this Nation.

If passed, H. Con. Res. 100 would allow the use of the Capitol rotunda to recognize the courageous efforts made by former Members of this House to pass the landmark Civil Rights Act of 1964, and will honor civil rights and community leaders who dedicated their lives to see this bill become a reality and be signed into law by the President of the United States, President Lyndon B. Johnson.

I urge all Members to support H. Con. Res. 100, and I reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. Speaker, it is now my pleasure to yield as much time as he may consume to the gentleman from South Carolina (Mr. Clyburn), the assistant Democratic leader of the House.

(Mr. CLYBURN asked and was given permission to revise and extend his remarks.)

Mr. Speaker, I have been blessed and privileged to work with many great people in this House. You have just heard from one, the assistant leader who is our historian and has been an activist in many, many ways throughout his life.

I now want to yield to someone who all of us consider an icon, as was referenced by the chairwoman earlier. It is, indeed, an honor to yield such time as he may consume to the gentleman from Georgia, John Lewis, my good friend who is the face and voice for so many of the civil rights movement.

Mr. Speaker, there are just some things that are inherently American. They are truth and freedom and justice, doing what is best for our Nation.

I know that we have disagreements, we have differences, but today, we stand together as one House, and I thank the chairwoman for allowing that to happen again.

Again, I urge all Members to support H. Con. Res. 100, and I yield back the balance of my time.

Mr. Speaker, May is Health and Fitness Month, a critical time to encourage our communities to live healthier lives. It is also an appropriate time to highlight an issue that, in recent years, has greatly impacted the physical and economic health of our country.

Nearly one third of all children in this country are overweight or obese--a rate that has tripled over the past fifty years. Largely due to obesity and obesity-related diseases, this is the first generation of Americans that are likely to be less healthy and have shorter life expectancies than their parents.

Though this is a nationwide epidemic, childhood obesity disproportionately affects low-income and minority populations. Earlier this year, scientists touted some significant progress in the fight against childhood obesity among the youngest children, however, African American and Hispanic Children experienced a smaller reduction in obesity rates and remain three and five times more likely than Caucasian children to be obese.

To address this troubling epidemic, I introduced the Fit for Life Act of 2014, which increases access to healthy foods, expands prevention and treatment options for low-income children, and increases opportunities for physical activity for our youth. Further, this critical legislation supports mobile healthy food programs, broadens access to healthy foods for children in child care, increases coverage for obesity prevention and treatment options for low-income children, and expands opportunities to take part in joint use agreements, opening existing facilities in low-income areas to community use.

This country cannot afford for our children to continue to feed into the cycle of obesity. We must begin to aggressively combat this epidemic before it puts more of our children at risk.

I encourage my colleagues to stand with me in this fight and cosponsor the Fit for Life Act.

Mr. Speaker, I want to thank Congressman Jeffries and Congressman Horsford for organizing this Special Order Hour to commemorate the 60th anniversary of the historic Brown v. Board of Education ruling.

The Brown v. Board of Education decision declared that education ``must be made available to all on equal terms.''

When ruling on the case, former Supreme Court Chief Justice Earl Warren stated, ``In these days, it is doubtful that any child may reasonably be expected to succeed in life if he is denied the opportunity of an education. Such an opportunity, where the state has undertaken to provide it, is a right that must be made available on equal terms.''

While this Nation may no longer legally deny children access to a quality education because of their race, the equal opportunity to have a quality education is still being denied to millions of students who live in poverty, most of them children of color.

According to a report released by the Civil Rights Project at UCLA, communities are experiencing more school segregation now than they have in decades. In fact, in New York, Illinois, Maryland and Michigan, more than half of African American students in these states attend schools where 90 percent or more of the student body is comprised of minorities.

According to the U.S. Department of Education, African American students are six times more likely than white students to attend a high-poverty elementary school. These students often have inexperienced teachers, inadequate resources and dilapidated facilities.

Today, millions of students are learning within the environment the Brown v. Board decision was meant to help them escape. Sixty years later there is still much work left to be done.

Every student in this country must have equal access to a quality education regardless of the color of their skin or the poverty rate in their community. Furthermore, for this Nation to prepare our future generations for success, we must ensure adequate and equitable funding for all schools; no longer can only schools in the most affluent neighborhoods be adequately funded.

Race, socio-economic status or zip code should have no bearing on the quality of the education a child receives. From access to advanced classes, to participation in extracurricular activities, we must continue striving to ensure equal educational opportunities for all of our children.

As we commemorate and reflect on the 60th anniversary of Brown v. Board of Education, let us be mindful of the progress we have made and acknowledge that there is still much work to be done. The future of our Nation and our children depends on us.

Mr. Speaker, today we find ourselves five decades since the passage of the 1964 Civil Rights Act, as well as the onset of the War on Poverty and still, race and economic empowerment remain entangled in stark and distinctive ways throughout the nation. Not only has income inequality persisted over the years, but perhaps even more daunting is the wide and growing gulf in wealth inequity between Black and White America. Wealth, that is what one owns minus what one owes, anchors families. It provides a layer of stability in times of economic distress, and serves as an intergenerational stepping stone to prosperity. It is wealth that families often rely on to provide a critical means of support for higher education, downpayments for home purchases, capital for starting a business, or direct wealth transfers to heirs via cash inheritances. So while income is vital for meeting daily needs, wealth moves families beyond survival mode and opens up critical doors of opportunity that are necessary to thrive economically over the long haul.

Historically, discriminatory practices have played a significant hand in manifesting wealth differentials within Black and White communities. Everything from housing policies and practices that made it more difficult for communities of color and particularly African Americans to gain access to homeownership as early as their White peers, to tax policy which overwhelmingly favor affluent households, much of the gap in wealth acquisition that we've witnessed over the long haul is not reflective of a natural order of responsible and irresponsible money management, but instead, is the result of centuries of policy actions that have advantaged some, while simultaneously disadvantaging others. The fallout from these practices remain, providing perpetual advantages and disadvantages relating to wealth acquisition, transfer, and growth.

In recent years, however, the Great Recession took a heavy toll on most. But while few families escaped the sting of wealth loss following this world-wide economic disruption, even fewer were more strikingly impacted than African Americans. In fact, according to the Pew Research Center, over half of the wealth amassed among African Americans was lost in just four years as a direct result of this historic recession. After which, the already tremendous racial wealth gap actually widened. In fact, as it stands today, for every dollar in wealth held by Whites, Blacks hold a shockingly meager 5 cents.

Recent research has examined the reasons behind the widening of the racial wealth gap. After tracing the same households over 25 years, including the most recent period in which we've witnessed the widening of this gap, it was determined that primarily five factors are at play: (1) Years of homeownership; (2) Household Income; (3) Exposure to Unemployment; (4) Higher Education Acquisition; and (5) Inheritances or other sources of financial support from family or friends.

In briefly examining each of these issues we know that historical residential segregation starkly limited opportunity for home equity acquisition among African Americans. We know too, that Whites are more likely than Blacks to receive inheritances or receive large financial gifts from family members that can then be used for home downpayments, and thus, create a situation where Whites are perpetually better positioned to transition into homeownership. And finally, we know that Blacks were disproportionately impacted by subprime mortgage vehicles during the run up to the housing crisis, thus increasing their risk of foreclosure, and limiting their equity acquisition potential.

Further Blacks have historically and continue to suffer wage gaps as compared to Whites across both genders and every level of education. Blacks are also more likely to experience unemployment at some time during their working lives and when unemployed, are more likely to experience longer bouts of joblessness than their White counterparts. As a result, Blacks are more apt to tap into any available wealth reserves they may have at their disposal in order to meet survival needs during disruptions in their income stream.

While home ownership, income and unemployment greatly influenced the wealth differentials, so too did access to higher education. As we all know, post-secondary education provides a pathway to higher income, and ultimately more substantial wealth portfolios. According to this research, just as impactful as higher education is access to inheritance. Together, these five factors alone accounted for fully \2/ 3\ of the wealth gap increase we've seen between these two populations in recent years.

In correcting this unfortunate trend, it then becomes clear, that strong policy action is needed in order to address the wide and growing wealth gap that continues to disadvantage the Black community. Moving forward, there must be a concerted emphasis on expanding access to homeownership within the Black community. While the nation and the world was rocked by the mortgage crisis that intricately interconnected with the Great Recession, few were impacted more profoundly than the Black community. Moving forward we know that home ownership is still a key conduit to wealth acquisition for most Americans. As such, special efforts need to be put in place to ensure more Black families have access to this key wealth building tool.

Additionally, policies which expand employment opportunities for jobs that pay good wages are especially important to the Black community. Such a focus can help to alleviate both the persistent wage disadvantage experienced by this community as well as the lingering problem of elevated unemployment rates. Finally, making college affordable and improving elementary and secondary education so that Black children are both prepared for college and can afford to stay there through degree completion is key for providing a foundation for success that could later result in greater access to wealth building vehicles.

Beyond these measures, protecting and strengthening Social Security remains a key need for the Black community as this program is especially important to a population that is disadvantaged when it comes to access to employer provided retirement plans and is less likely than Whites to hold other assets from which they can draw upon to meet their needs in their retirement years.

In sum, Mr. Speaker, the persistent economic wealth disadvantage that continues to plague the Black community did not come about as mere accident of circumstance or broad scale pathologies as it relates to financial mismanagement. Instead, these differences came about from centuries of policy action that served in the interest of some and to the disadvantage of others. Despite this nation's bold attempt to correct this injustice decades before, the lingering effects of these policies remain. Moving forward, it is our responsibility to fulfill the promise of the historic Acts, including the 1964 Civil Rights Act, put in place fifty years prior by taking bold and substantive action today to finally make real the promise of an America that truly provides equal opportunity for all.

I thank you for yielding.

As chair of the Congressional Black Caucus, I am proud to once again propose a fiscally sound and morally responsible alternative budget.

The CBC has a long history of introducing an alternative budget that protects and invests in programs that are vital to our communities. Our budget emphasizes the CBC's commitment to eradicating poverty in America by increasing economic opportunities through robust investments in education and infrastructure, affordable housing, domestic manufacturing, small businesses, and job training.

Though tough decisions are required to ensure our country's fiscal future, we do not believe the well-being of the most vulnerable in this Nation must be sacrificed for us to remain on the path

to economic recovery. The CBC alternative budget for fiscal year 2015 remains true to the principle of opportunity for all.

The Ryan budget, on the other hand, completely misses the mark. It disregards the fact that millions of Americans struggle to feed their families and find jobs. It requires sacrifices of the most vulnerable, including the youngest and eldest among us.

As reported by the Center on Budget and Policy Priorities, some 69 percent of the cuts in Chairman Ryan's budget come from programs that serve people of limited means. These disproportionate cuts, which account for $3.3 trillion of the budget's $4.8 trillion in nondefense cuts over the next decade, contrast sharply with the Ryan budget's rhetoric about helping the poor and promoting opportunity. Need I say more about that?

To my colleagues in the House, the CBC substitute budget is the best blueprint. Let's build a stronger, better, and more fiscally responsible America together. I encourage all of my colleagues to vote for the Congressional Black Caucus budget.

Mr. Speaker, this week, the House begins deliberations on the majority's budget for fiscal year 2015, better known as the Ryan budget. Sadly, it is reminiscent of the same misguided policy proposals rejected by the American people time after time.

A budget is a moral document, a roadmap to fiscal stability, and the security of the social safety net. The majority's budget does neither. It is not a serious document, and it is not responsible.

According to the Center on Budget and Policy Priorities, nearly 70 percent of the cuts included in the majority's budget come from programs serving low- and middle-income American families, programs like Pell grants, SNAP, and Medicaid; yet no cuts were made from defense funding. Instead, it received a near $500 million increase. Most would agree that a nation's budget reflects its priorities.

The majority's budget is a clear sign that economic prosperity for all is simply not that important, that equality is not that important. Many of my colleagues on the other side of the aisle are focused on shrinking the government at any cost--at all costs--even if it means doing so on the backs of the most vulnerable among us.

The CBC substitute budget takes a different approach by offering a plan that reduces the deficit and alleviates the harm inflicted by sequestration in a responsible and fiscally sound way.

The CBC substitute is focused on making our government work smarter and our programs operate more efficiently. It provides a plan to turn our country's economy around and to open the door of opportunity for future generations.

The CBC substitute includes initiatives that would provide immediate assistance to all Americans, like extending emergency unemployment insurance and raising the Federal minimum wage while also mapping out a long-term agenda for future economic growth.

It reinforces support for critical safety net programs, provides resources to address persistent poverty, rebuilds our transportation infrastructure, and promotes domestic manufacturing.

The CBC substitute proposes reforms to make our Tax Code more fair. Our budget eliminates a number of special tax breaks that benefit the wealthiest Americans, and it closes the international tax loopholes that move American jobs overseas. The CBC proposed tax reforms would save $2 trillion over a 10-year period and would create jobs.

By passing the CBC substitute, Congress can stimulate the economy while expanding the middle class. To my colleagues in the House, we have a blueprint. Let's build a better America together and move closer to giving everyone a budget and a country of which we can be proud.

I thank the gentleman for yielding. I want to thank Congressman Jeffries and Horsford for organizing this Special Order hour to celebrate Women's History Month.

Throughout the month of March, we highlight the important role women

have played--and continue to play--in our Nation's history, a role too often overlooked.

My home State of Ohio has had a dynamic group of women who have changed the face of the State and of this country. There are countless areas influenced by women, including access to education and participation in our country's democracy.

Ohio women have made great strides in breaking down barriers. In fact, the first woman to run for President of the United States was from Ohio. Ms. Victoria C. Woodhull was a writer and women's rights activist. She ran for President in 1872, with the abolitionist Frederick Douglass as her running mate.

While there has yet to be a woman elected President, the number of women in elected offices has grown over the years. However, the rate of growth has been at a less than desirable pace.

Despite the fact that women make up more than 50 percent of the Nation's populous, we are less than 20 percent of the U.S. House of Representatives, where, until 1917, women were not represented at all.

African American women often face compounded discrimination because of our race and gender. As a result, many of our firsts are more recent.

In 1971, Ellen Walker Craig-Jones was the first African American woman elected mayor, by popular vote, for an American municipality, leading Urbancrest, Ohio.

The first African American congresswoman to represent Ohio was my friend and predecessor, Stephanie Tubbs Jones, who was elected in 1998.

While I could go on to detail the important firsts of more women from Ohio and what they have accomplished, there is a better way, and it is legislation.

I am a cosponsor of H.R. 863, the Commission to Study the Potential Creation of a National Women's History Museum Act of 2013. The National Women's History Museum would be the first museum to place a national spotlight on the many contributions women have made over the course of our country's history.

More accurately, it is an opportunity to have a permanent place to acknowledge and to celebrate women who have shaped our history and will shape our future.

Women continue to lead national dialogues on critical issues and advance policies and politics in ways that move this Nation forward, including groundbreaking legislation like the Lilly Ledbetter Fair Pay Act.

When we are at the decisionmaking table, we make the discussions more representative of our population, while bringing a unique perspective which expands the conversation.

That is why I will continue to support legislation that will amplify our voices and improve the quality of life for women across our Nation by increasing the minimum wage, investing in quality early childhood education, protecting reproductive rights, and increasing access to high-quality STEM Education.

As we celebrate Women's History Month, let's be mindful of the progress we have made and the work that still needs to be done because when women succeed, America succeeds.

Mr. Speaker, as our economy continues to experience high levels of unemployment and a flat labor participation rate, now is not the time to further decimate vital assistance to those who have lost their jobs through no fault of their own. I will not abandon 2 million Americans, including 200,000 veterans. We must give them a hand up.

Yesterday, I signed a discharge petition to force action on extending unemployment insurance benefits, a move supported by more than three- fourths of the American people.

Additionally, nationally, there are three unemployed people for each job created. For the long-term unemployed, there is just a 12 percent chance of finding a new job in any given month.

Congress must extend unemployment benefits to help keep American families out of poverty as they seek jobs. Each week we fail to act, another 72,000 people lose their benefits. We must act now.

Mr. Speaker, under rule IX, I hereby give notice of my intention to offer a question of the privileges of the House.

The form of the resolution is as follows:

Whereas on March 5, 2014, during a hearing before the House

Committee on Oversight and Government Reform, Committee

Chairman Darrell E. Issa gave a statement and then posed ten

questions to former Internal Revenue Service official Lois

Lerner, who stated that she was invoking her Fifth Amendment

right not to testify;

Whereas the Committee's Ranking Member, Rep. Elijah E.

Cummings, clearly sought recognition to take his turn for

questions under Committee and House Rules;

Whereas, Chairman Issa then quickly adjourned the hearing

and refused to allow him to make any statement or ask any

questions;

Whereas Ranking Member Cummings protested immediately,

stating: ``Mr. Chairman, you cannot run a Committee like

this. You just cannot do this. This is, we are better than

that as a country, we are better than that as a Committee.''

Whereas, Chairman Issa then returned and allowed Ranking

Member Cummings to begin his statement, but when it became

clear that Chairman Issa did not want to hear what Ranking

Member Cummings was saying, turned off Ranking Member

Cummings' microphone, ordered Republican staff to ``close it

down,'' and repeatedly signaled to end the hearing with his

hand across his neck;

Whereas Ranking Member Cummings objected again, stating:

``You cannot have a one-sided investigation. There is

absolutely something wrong with that'';

Whereas Chairman Issa made a statement of his own and posed

questions during the hearing, but refused to allow other

members of the Committee, and in particular the Ranking

Member who had sought recognition, to make statements under

the five-minute rule in violation of House Rule XI;

Whereas Chairman Issa instructed the microphones to be

turned off and adjourned the hearing without a vote or a

unanimous consent agreement in violation of Rule XVI because

he did not want to permit Ranking Member Cummings to speak;

Whereas Chairman Issa's abusive behavior on March 5 is part

of a continuing pattern in which he has routinely excluded

members of the Committee from investigative meetings, and has

routinely provided information to the press before sharing it

with Committee members;

Whereas Chairman Issa has violated Clause 1 of Rule XXIII

of the Code of Official Conduct which states that ``A Member,

Delegate, Resident Commissioner, officer or employee of the

House shall behave at all times in a manner that shall

reflect creditably on the House'': Now, therefore, be it

Resolved, That the House of Representatives strongly

condemns the offensive and disrespectful manner in which

Chairman Darrell E. Issa conducted the hearing of the House

Committee on Oversight and Government Reform on March 5,

2014, during which he turned off the microphones of the

Ranking Member while he was speaking and adjourned the

hearing without a vote or a unanimous consent agreement.