Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that I be allowed to speak as in morning business. Mr. President, I would like to change gears for a few moments and talk about something that is also important to this body, and that is the judicial…
Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that I be allowed to speak as in morning business.
Mr. President, I would like to change gears for a few moments and talk about something that is also important to this body, and that is the judicial compromise that 14 Senators, including myself, reached on May 23.
This agreement, or memorandum of understanding, was signed by seven Democrats and seven Republicans. I hope it has helped bring this august body back from the brink of what we have called nuclear catastrophe.
The agreement or compromise on judicial nominees helped prevent the so-called nuclear option from occurring. This agreement allowed an up- or-down vote on several of President Bush's most controversial judicial nominations while protecting minority rights in the Senate, as well as the checks and balances on which our Government was founded.
It has been about a month since the agreement was entered into. I have had a little bit of time to reflect on some of the things that happened leading up to and during that time and since that time. So if I may, I would like to take just a few moments to share some thoughts.
The first thought I wish to share is that I felt it very important to avoid the nuclear option. The reason I say that is because one of the great things about this body throughout its history is this body's emphasis on protecting the rights of the minority, the rights of those who maybe in other places might not have a chance to be heard. But in the Senate, given our sense of checks and balances and given our history and the way the Founding Fathers established the Senate, the voice of the minority can be heard.
I also think in order to avoid the nuclear winter, if you want to continue with the analogy of the nuclear option, after the nuclear trigger had been pulled would have been devastating for this body. It would have set a terrible precedent and probably what would have happened--I could be wrong about this; maybe we will never know-- probably what would have happened is that we would not have gotten anything passed in the Senate, with the exception of our appropriations bills and a few pieces of emergency legislation. It would have just been awful.
Quite frankly, I know when the people in Arkansas elected me to the Senate, they did not elect me to come up here to twiddle my thumbs and get into partisan brouhahas. They elected me to get things done for the State, the Nation, and the world. In fact, in the last few weeks we have been able to work through many issues on the Energy bill--we anticipate it will pass next week--and the Transportation bill. There are a lot of issues involved. Both those bills still have to go to conference and have final passage. Regardless, I wonder if those would have been possible had the nuclear option trigger been pulled.
I also must say that I have been a little disappointed with some of the rabid rhetoric by special interests around the country and by commentators, maybe statements I have heard on various radio and television talk shows. Quite frankly, I think the rhetoric is not helpful. I think it is unfair, it is untrue, and I think a lot of it is just plain wrong.
I have heard some people say that the Senators who entered into this agreement are sellouts or traitors or they call for retribution. If I may say about my 13 colleagues, it took great courage for them to enter into this agreement because they knew the political risk they were taking, but they also knew they were standing up to try to do the right thing.
One observation I have made about a lot of the people who are critical about this agreement is that they do not necessarily want to see the Senate get things done, that their agenda is not for productivity. Their agenda may be limited to a few narrow issues, and they just want those issues emphasized, talked about, with a sort of ``win at all costs'' mentality.
One of the great things about the Senate is that it is a place where people can come together and find common ground. That has been the history of the Senate. We learned from this compromise that good things happen when Senators talk to each other.
One of the lessons I have learned in Washington--I have been here about 2\1/2\ years now--is, quite frankly, we spend a lot more time talking about each other than we do talking to each other. Hopefully, this compromise is an example of when we talk with each other, good things can happen and positive things can flow from that.
In fact, I know a lot of people around the country--I have a few in my State of Arkansas--who think that compromise is a dirty word. I just cannot disagree more strongly. If we look at the Constitution, the fact that we have a bicameral legislature, the fact that we have a Senate and a House of Representatives, and the different structure of those two, that has always been called the Great Compromise in the Constitutional Convention. The fact
the Senate even exists today is a result of a compromise. The fact that our Government is located in Washington, DC, we all know now from history, is the result of a compromise. In fact, you can go throughout American history and see compromise after compromise where people find common ground and put the common good above their private interests or their narrow set of interests.
We have seen that just as recently as this week on the Energy bill. I think if you ask all 100 people, they would say this bill is not perfect, but it is a compromise, trying to find common ground, trying to set national energy policy for the Nation. Compromise can be very good.
I think in this particular compromise, both parties won. It was good for the Democrats, and it was good for the Republicans. Both sides had to give up something in order to get there. The Senate won, but most important of all the American people won because the fact the Senate is back in business and we have moved through a number of nominations and we already moved through major pieces of legislation and we are starting another piece of legislation today is a win-win for the American people.
I have no doubt at all--and this is another observation--that this agreement will be tested. I have no doubt people will shake it to see how strong it is. It will be scrutinized, and it has been scrutinized. There has been a lot of ink spilled over this agreement as to what certain phrases mean or how it will be applied, how it will be interpreted.
One thing I found a little humorous, if I may say, during the course of the last 30 days, is I have heard a lot of so-called experts talk or write, and they try to apply their own definitions to this agreement. It seems particularly true for those who disagree with the agreement most. They try to define it and refine it and shape it in a way that meets with their approval.
I will run through a couple of items in the agreement. I will try to do this very quickly because I know there are other colleagues who are very patiently waiting to speak. Sections A and B in the agreement, part A states:
Future Nominations. Signatories will exercise their
responsibilities under the Advice and Consent Clause of the
United States Constitution in good faith. Nominees should
only be filibustered under extraordinary circumstances, and
each signatory must use his or her own discretion and
judgment in determining whether such circumstances exist.
Part B states:
Rule Changes. In light of the spirit and continuing
commitments made in this agreement, we commit to oppose the
rules changes in the 109th Congress, which we understand to
be any amendment to or interpretation of the Rules of the
Senate that would force a vote on a judicial nomination by
means other than unanimous consent or Rule XXII.
I will run through a few issues in those phrases, if I may. There are two basic questions I get continuously. In fact, I was talking to some of the Capitol Hill interns yesterday and the first question out of the box, they asked: What are extraordinary circumstances? That is a fair question. I get that everywhere I go now.
The other question I get is: Is the nuclear option off the table for the 109th Congress?
As to the question about extraordinary circumstances, I would say this: The 14 Senators sat down in many of our offices for days on end, hours and hours of meetings and discussions and one might say negotiations. We would look each other in the eye. We understand how important this is and we have a strong sense of where our other 13 colleagues are coming from. Extraordinary circumstances will not be defined by outside groups. With all due respect to the leaders and even the other Senators who are not part of this, it will not be defined by our leaders or by our colleagues.
Extraordinary circumstances means exactly what it says in the agreement. We will use our discretion and our judgment in making that determination. In fact, I would say all 100 Senators, when they were sent to Congress by their 50 States, the voters in those States expect their Senators to use their discretion and judgment in everything we do. This is no different. All 14 of us are very committed to doing that and using our discretion and judgment.
I think I can speak for the group that we all hope we do not have to deal with extraordinary circumstances, but in the event we do, we trust each other. I think that is the bottom line on this agreement. This agreement is one that is based on trust.
So when we are asked about extraordinary circumstances or when we are asked about is the nuclear option off the table, the bottom line we will keep coming back to is trust. We trust each other. The 14 of us have built that level of trust through this process and we are committed to doing our dead level best to try and make this agreement work.
The answer to the second question, is the nuclear option off the table for the 109th Congress, I would say, yes, it is because it is based on trust. During the negotiations and ever since the negotiations have concluded and to this very point today, we have proceeded in good faith. The Democrats have had to make some hard votes on some of these judges who had not received up-or-down votes before and we have done that. I think some of the Republican signatories will acknowledge that it was very hard for some of the Democrats to do what we have done on some of these judicial nominations.
At the same time, we trust our Republican colleagues, our Republican signatories to this agreement, to act in good faith in the future. This is based on trust. I am proud of my colleagues. I am proud I was able to be part of this agreement.
Let me talk about one more section. I know I have colleagues waiting to speak so I will try to be very brief. But after part II, sections A and B, there is another section that deals with advice and consent. As everyone now knows, this language was agreed to, but it was really hammered out by Senator Robert Byrd and Senator John Warner, two great statesmen we have in the Senate.
The language states:
We believe that, under Article II, Section 2, of the United
States Constitution, the word ``Advice'' speaks to
consultation between the Senate and the President with regard
to the use of the President's power to make nominations. We
encourage the executive branch of government to consult with
members of the Senate, both Democratic and Republican, prior
to submitting a judicial nomination to the Senate for
consideration.
Such a return to the early practices of our government may serve to reduce the rancor that unfortunately accompanies the advice and consent process in the Senate. Again, Senator Byrd and Senator Warner deserve a lot of credit for the phrasing of this language. I think this language is exactly right. I think when the Constitution says advice and consent, the Founding Fathers meant what they said, advice and consent.
Oftentimes we talk about consent, but the word ``advice'' gets overlooked. I would hope that every President would seek the Senate's advice on nominations. I think not only is it required in the Constitution, but it is smart and it shows good judgment by the President.
I also think if Presidents would do this, a lot of this rancor would go away and a lot of the nomination process for these folks would get much smoother. I have not been around the Senate very long, about 2\1/ 2\ years, but I did in some ways grow up around the Senate. One of the things I have seen over the years that has changed is there used to be much more bipartisan cooperation.
In fact, I think the people in my State--I cannot speak for people all over the country, but I have a clear sense from people in my State that they are sick and tired of the partisan bickering in Washington. They want us to work together. They elect us to work together. They expect us to do that. That is their hope, because we all know, they all know, that for us to get things done in Washington we have to work together.
I am hoping this agreement is an important step in doing that. That is not just true within this body--and, by the way, if I can editorialize for one moment, I would say we need to be very clear. Both parties are to blame for the partisan rancor. It is not limited to one side or the other. When it comes to judicial nominations, the Senate shares some responsibility and the President shares responsibility, not just this President but previous Presidents and previous administrations, Democrats and Republicans. We all share some of the blame, we should all own up to that responsibility, and we should all do our best to make it better.
Maybe back in the old days the President might call a few Senators over to the White House and say, hey, let's have a drink and let's talk about this. I am not going to make a recommendation on the having a drink part, but I do want to strongly encourage the President to invite Members of the Senate over to talk about upcoming judicial nominations. I hope he will not just talk to one or two. I hope he does not just talk to members of his party. I hope he will talk to a number of Senators about nominations. I think it is very important.
The last thing I wanted to say is I cannot speak for my 13 colleagues, but I think if one asks all 14 of us, we would want to be very clear on one point, and that is when we entered into the agreement, we in no way, shape, or form wanted to become a rump Judiciary Committee. We do not want to do that. We do not want that role. I am speaking for myself here, but I think one could ask my 13 colleagues. We do not see ourselves as having any veto power or any unique role now in judicial nominations. I would hope very strongly that the Senate Judiciary Committee would continue to be the place in the normal process these nominations go through. I have a ton of respect for Senators Arlen Specter and Senator Patrick Leahy. They are great leaders. They are great Americans. They do yeoman's work in the Senate Judiciary Committee. I would hope those two would be the first two the President would consult.
Quite frankly, I wish they would consult with John Warner and Robert Byrd because I think those two add a lot. Certainly I would hope the White House would talk to all members of the Judiciary Committee and the home State Senators before these nominations are made. I think that, again, is a way for us to tone down the rhetoric and to provide a smoother course for these nominations to get through.
I cannot predict the future, but I do know what it has been like around here in the past. I think things have gotten a little bit better in the last 30 days since we entered into this agreement. I am so proud of my colleagues that sensible voices have come to the floor. We have found common ground on judicial nominations. I am not sure there has been a more contentious issue since I have been in the Senate. If we can work that out, we hope that is a good sign for the American people that we can work out a lot of things.
Our compromise shows there is still a spirit of trust and bipartisanship in this body, and I hope we can foster that and move it forward.
I thank my 13 colleagues who entered into this agreement. I know many of them showed great courage when they did it. Many of them have been heavily criticized for doing it, but I am convinced it is the right thing to do. I am proud we did it and I hope it provides us a model for how we can move forward and try to find common ground in the future on a whole variety of issues. I am not saying the 14 should get back together on every single issue, but I hope it shows that Members of the Senate will continue to reach across the aisle, find that common ground. Just as we heard a few moments ago with the Senator from Oklahoma and the Senator from North Dakota, they may come out in the process at different places, but it is great to hear that dialogue where they can hash out ideas and try to get things done and try to do the right thing for this country.
I yield the floor.