Floor Statements

Madam Speaker, I rise today in support of H.R. 1230, the Puerto Rico Self-Determination Act of 2007. I would also like to thank the Governor of Puerto Rico, Anibal Acevedo Vila, for his leadership in developing the concepts and ideals embodied by this legislation. H.R. 1230 allows for the voice of the Puerto Rican people to be heard through a democratic and unbiased political process. This bill affords the people of Puerto Rico one of the most fundamental human rights, self-determination.

Affording the people the opportunity to decide their own future and government is fundamental to the history of the United States. As representatives of American Government, we are responsible to uphold the ideals and virtues of democracy, freedom, and choice. As such, the people of the Commonwealth of Puerto Rico are entitled to a democratic process of self-determination defined by the well considered decision of the Puerto Rican people.

The process outlined by H.R. 1230 respects the right of the people of Puerto Rico to elect delegates to a constitutional convention that will draft and submit a proposal outlining the desired self-determination option. This proposal would then be approved by the people and then sent on for congressional approval. H.R. 1230 does not bias the decision of the people by imposing unsupported definitions and skewing the debate in the direction of any option; nor does it attempt to exclude others. This bill recognizes the right of the people of Puerto Rico to hold open and democratic debate on the topic of political status and affiliation with the United States. Congress should offer their input and response only after the Puerto Rican people have reached their own consensus on a self-determination proposal.

Madam Speaker, I ask that my colleagues in this House not support any process that is imposed on Puerto Rico and its people by the Federal Government. I urge my colleagues to support H.R. 1230 and provide the Puerto Rican people the path to decide their future. The Commonwealth deserves, and is entitled to, true self-determination.

Mr. Speaker, on Tuesday, April 24th, I was unavoidably detained and was not present for two rollcall votes.

Had I been present I would have voted: ``yea'' on rollcall 248 for passage of H. Res. 327, providing for consideration of H.R. 362 to authorize science scholarships for educating mathematics and science teachers, and for other purposes; ``yea'' on rollcall 249 for passage of H. Res. 318, providing for consideration of H.R. 363 to authorize appropriations for basic research and research infrastructure in science and engineering, and for support of graduate fellowships, and for other purposes.

Mr. Chairman, I rise today in enthusiastic support of H.R. 362, the 10 Teachers, 10 Million Minds Science and Math Scholarship Act, and H.R. 363, the Sowing the Seeds Through Science and Engineering Act.

The National Academies' report, ``Rising Above the Gathering Storm,'' found that the United States ``must prepare with great urgency to preserve its strategic and economic security.'' To do this, we must compete by optimizing our knowledge-based resources, particularly in science and technology, and by sustaining the most fertile environment for new and revitalized industries and the well-paying jobs they bring.

As a Representative from Silicon Valley, I am keenly aware of how innovation is a driving force behind our Nation's economy. There is one thread that runs through both bills that I particularly support, something I call teaching innovation.

H.R. 363 authorizes the NSF to support research on the process of innovation and the teaching of inventiveness, while H.R. 362 enables the development and dissemination curriculum tools for teaching inventiveness and innovation. These provisions are derived from H.R. 1492, the Innovations for our Nation's Vital Educational Needs for Technology (INVENT) Act.

From talking to Silicon Valley CEOs, I have learned that, in especially innovative high-tech companies, the cutting-edge work has really been driven by a few highly innovative scientists and engineers who tend to have many patents, while other employees have only a few. To maximize our Nation's knowledge-based resources, I believe we need to figure out how these people do it and teach others those skills.

I am grateful to Chairman Gordon and also to the former chairman, Sherry Boehlert, with whom I worked on this during the 109th Congress.

Mr. Chairman, I rise today in support of H.R. 1361, the Relief for Entrepreneurs: Coordination of Objectives and Values for Effective Recovery (RECOVER) Act of 2007. This bill makes crucial improvements to the Small Business Administration's disaster relief programs. It will help provide greater access to, and more effective distribution of, loans and grants to those affected individuals in the aftermath of natural disasters.

One of the many lessons learned from Hurricanes Rita and Katrina is that the Federal Government must be better prepared to assist all the people of this Nation in times of greatest need. In legislating to improve disaster relief programs, Congress must keep in mind the multifaceted nature of any solution and strive to create equitable access for all affected communities.

While this bill takes great strides in making funds available to individuals affected by natural disasters, more must be done to ensure access for the segments of the population that may not be reached through standard means, including limited English proficient communities. Among the communities severely impacted by Hurricane Katrina were the Vietnamese American and Cambodian American shrimpers of the Gulf Coast. For many, their livelihoods were destroyed as their boats were left damaged and not seaworthy. These losses were compounded by the inaccessibility of government aid as many of these shrimpers are limited English proficient and were unable to learn of government programs that could have helped them. Unfortunately, the Federal Government fell short of servicing the needs of this segment of the American population.

Mr. Chairman, it is the responsibility of the Federal Government to ensure equitable access to Federal disaster relief programs for all Americans. We do not know where the next disaster will strike, but we will be better prepared if we acknowledge that different communities have different needs; access to information in the appropriate language is vital. Congress must do its part. The RECOVER Act certainly adds necessary amendments to the Small Business Act, but I stress to my colleagues in the House, we cannot stop there. To ensure equitable access to all affected individuals and communities, Congress and the Small Business Administration must take the extra steps to ensure that information, outreach, and loan and grant disbursement are made available to communities that are difficult to serve. I trust that this House will continue to ensure proper preparation and full and equitable access to relief programs for affected individuals and communities in the next natural disaster to affect this Nation.

Madam Speaker, I rise today to announce the legislation I am introducing, the Global Warming Education Act.

Scientific concepts, whether simple or complex, can take a significant amount of time to become widely known and understood. Hundreds of years ago, Galileo and Sir Isaac Newton made remarkable discoveries about gravity and the behavior of falling objects, but to this day, most people cannot explain the Law of Gravity, what determines the speed of a falling object, or why an astronaut in orbit appears to be weightless. Many adults have difficulty explaining the cause of the seasons, the phases of the Moon, or the composition of the atmosphere.

People can go on with their everyday lives without most scientific knowledge, suffering no ill effects. You don't need to understand gravity for things to keep falling. You don't need to understand how your lungs work in order to breathe.

Global warming, however, presents a new kind of problem. The widespread understanding of global warming will play a significant role in our ability to actually address the problem. If we do nothing, carbon dioxide and other greenhouse gas emissions will continue to rise, and global warming will continue. We don't have much time.

It is well established that global warming may cause significant negative impacts, including drought, rising sea levels, retreating glaciers, changes to wildlife migration patterns, and increased storm strength. These threats are real. They are the natural consequences of a worldwide over-reliance on fossil fuels, an insatiable appetite for energy, and inefficient use of resources.

There are things that people can do, right now, to help fight global warming. People need to be armed with the knowledge that will help them in this fight. I believe that by expanding knowledge, we can maximize the impact of carbon-reducing measures.

My new legislation, the Global Warming Education Act, will create a Global Warming Education Program in the National Science Foundation, to broaden the understanding of human-induced global warming, possible long and short-term consequences, and potential solutions. This program will provide formal and informal learning opportunities to people of all ages, including those of diverse cultural and linguistic backgrounds. The program will provide actionable information to enhance the implementation of new technologies, programs, and incentives related to energy conservation, renewable energy, and greenhouse gas reduction. Maximum understanding will ensure maximum impact.

The activities in the Global Warming Education Program will include a public information campaign to help people understand global warming, and grants for innovative projects to expand climate science education. These grants can be used to develop new climate science education materials including print, electronic, and audiovisual materials.

With the increased knowledge provided by this act, people will be able to make choices in their lives and in their communities to fight global warming. People will learn about home improvements, tax incentives, and other measures that can benefit the environment. They will learn about alternative energy sources and new technologies. They will learn about transportation and consumer choices that can also benefit their pocketbooks. They will learn how their own actions and their own informed choices can make a difference.

The Global Warming Education Act is one part of the solution to global warming. In addition to improvements in climate science education, this Congress will need to pass measures to reduce carbon dioxide emissions, promote clean, renewable energy, and increase energy efficiency.

I thank the cosponsors of this bill for their support, and I urge the rest of my colleagues

in the House to support the Global Warming Education Act.

Mr. Speaker, in any endeavor, one must set achievable goals

and benchmarks. As a teacher, I found that it was critical to provide guidance to students whose reports were not proceeding on schedule.

President Bush definitely needs some help in his work in Iraq. His initial research was terribly flawed and cut corners in disturbing ways. He ignored the advice of learned experts in his stubborn pursuit of a flawed hypothesis. When he brainstormed an outline for pursuing the war, he never planned for how it would end. His incoherent strategy in Iraq rambles on and on without any movement towards a successful conclusion. I personally would have failed this student long ago.

The question we face today, however, is on whether we should set a strategy for redeploying our troops out of Iraq or continue giving the President a blank check to continue an open-ended war in Iraq. I voted against the war and I want our troops out now.

Now that Democrats have been voted in as the majority in the House and Senate, we have responsibilities to our constituents to exercise constitutional and congressional oversight in Iraq. To fulfill that responsibility, I stand in support of the Iraq Accountability Act, which would establish a definite date to end this awful war.

Madam Speaker, I rise today in shock and disappointment at recent news from Japan, where it was reported that Prime Minister Shinzo Abe has denied the historical fact that the Japanese Imperial Army forced as many as 200,000 women into sex slavery during the Second World War, and publicly stated that Japan will not issue an apology, even if a resolution is passed in the United States House of Representatives.

On February 15, a hearing on this issue was held by the Subcommittee on Asia and the Pacific of this House's Committee on Foreign Affairs. This was truly a historic occasion, because it brought three survivors of the Comfort Women horrors to Washington to tell their very real, very personal stories. Not only did that hearing give us an opportunity to reflect on one of the darker episodes of human history, it provided us with a chance to make history by bringing that darkness and forgotten tragedy to light and justice.

Those three women, now advanced in years--Jan Ruff O'Herne, Yong Soo Lee, and Koon Ja Kim--traveled thousands of miles to bring their stories to us, stories which were for many decades kept only in their hearts for reasons best understood only by those who had to endure what these women--and some 200,000 others throughout Asia--had to endure.

Some might ask: Why, more than 60 years after the end of the Second World War, are we discussing the ordeals of the so-called Comfort Women? Shouldn't this be considered a mere footnote to history? Aren't there more important or more pressing issues at hand in the early years of the 21st century?

Those who ask such questions fail to comprehend the lasting relevance of the experience of these women during the war, and of the continuing, obstinate failure, in the face of overwhelming evidence and international scrutiny, of the Government of Japan to formally acknowledge, apologize and accept unequivocal responsibility for their suffering and torture.

The recent news from Tokyo and Prime Minister Abe's inexplicable denial adds greater resonance to our exploration of this topic. One Japanese Diet Member said, with no apparent irony, that the Comfort Women brothels were no different than a buffet lunchroom. Nariaki Nakayama said bluntly: ``Some say it is useful to compare the brothels to college cafeterias run by private companies, who recruit their own staff, procure foodstuffs and set prices.''

Madam Speaker, without objection, I wish to insert into the Congressional Record an article on this issue that appeared in the New York Times on Thursday, March 1, reporting Prime Minister Abe's remarks.

Abe Rejects Japan's Files on War Sex

(By Norimitsu Onishi)

Tokyo, March 1.--Prime Minister Shinzo Abe denied Thursday

that Japan's military had forced foreign women into sexual

slavery during World War II, contradicting the Japanese

government's longtime official position.

Mr. Abe's statement was the clearest so far that the

government was preparing to reject a 1993 government

statement that acknowledged the military's role in setting up

brothels and forcing, either directly or indirectly, women

into sexual slavery. That declaration also offered an apology

to the women, euphemistically called ``comfort women.''

``There is no evidence to prove there was coercion, nothing

to support it,'' Mr. Abe

told reporters. ``So, in respect to this declaration, you

have to keep in mind that things have changed greatly.''

The United States House of Representatives has begun

debating a resolution that would call on Tokyo to ``apologize

for and acknowledge'' the military's role in wartime sex

slavery.

But at the same time, in keeping with a recent trend to

revise Japan's wartime history, a group of conservatives in

the governing Liberal Democratic Party is stepping up calls

to rescind the 1993 declaration. Mr. Abe, whose approval

ratings have been plummeting over a series of scandals and

perceived weak leadership, seemed to side with this group. A

nationalist who has led efforts to revise wartime history,

Mr. Abe softened his tone after becoming prime minister last

fall. In fact, he first said he recognized the validity of

the declaration, angering his conservative base.

``Some say it is useful to compare the brothels to college

cafeterias run by private companies, who recruit their own

staff, procure foodstuffs and set prices,'' Nariaki Nakayama,

the leader of 120 lawmakers who want to revise the

declaration, said Thursday.

``Where there's demand, business crops up,'' Mr. Nakayama

said, according to The Associated Press. ``But to say women

were forced by the Japanese military into service is off the

mark. This issue must be reconsidered, based on truth, for

the sake of Japanese honor.''

Historians believe some 200,000 women--Koreans, Chinese,

Taiwanese, Filipinos, as well as Japanese, Dutch and other

European women--served in Japanese military brothels. For

decades, Japan denied that its military had been involved,

calling the brothels private enterprises and the women

prostitutes.

But in 1992, a Japanese historian, Yoshiaki Yoshimi,

outraged by government denials, went to the Self-Defense

Agency's library and unearthed, after two days of searching,

documents revealing military involvement in establishing

brothels. One was titled ``Regarding the Recruitment of Women

for Military Brothels.'' Faced with this evidence, the

government acknowledged its role and issued the declaration.

But the response angered people across the political

spectrum. The women and their supporters said that the

government was not fully acknowledging its responsibility

because the declaration was issued by Yohei Kono, then chief

cabinet secretary, and not adopted by Parliament. It is known

inside Japan simply as the ``Kono Statement.''

What is more, supporters accused the government of evading

direct responsibility by establishing a private,

nongovernment fund to compensate the women. Many former sex

slaves have refused to accept compensation from this fund.

But conservatives said the declaration went too far in

acknowledging the military's role in recruiting the women.

While the documents showed that the military established the

facilities, Mr. Yoshimi did not find documentation that the

military had forcibly recruited the women. Conservatives have

seized on this distinction to attack the declaration.

Supporters of the women say that the Japanese authorities

famously burned incriminating documents or kept them hidden.

At the same time, many former sex slaves have stepped

forward in recent years with their stories. Three testified

in the United States Congress recently, saying that Japanese

soldiers had kidnapped them and forced them to have sex with

dozens of soldiers a day.

Given this recent news report, Madam Speaker, it becomes even clearer that the experience of the Comfort Women is not just an episode that belongs on the backburner of history. Instead, it is a vivid reminder that the human rights of women around the world are never fully secure. We know that rape, sexual abuse and sometimes murder of women and girls in war are still committed by armies and paramilitary forces in various countries. One thinks of Darfur, of Bosnia, of East Timor. I am sure that Members of this House and those listening to these proceedings can think of other examples.

Denial of the unimaginable atrocities committed by Imperial Japan's Armed Forces against the Comfort Women during World War II should not be tolerated. Neither are they to be forgotten nor swept under the rug by those who hope the subject will go away simply because the victims are growing old and will soon be gone. The fact that some political leaders in modern Japan hold onto the view that the Comfort Women issue is a ``historic fabrication'' is, in a word, appalling.

The Japan Times also recently interviewed Yasuji Kaneko, an 87 year old former foot soldier in the Japanese Imperial Army during World War II. He stated that he ``still remembers the screams of the countless women he raped in China as a foot soldier . . . They cried out, but it didn't matter to us whether the women lived or died . . . We were the Emperor's soldiers. Whether in military brothels or in the villages, we raped without reluctance.'' His statement was no historical fabrication.

It is our moral imperative to act and act courageously on this issue. I am a strong proponent of encouraging our friend and ally, the Government of Japan, to set the record straight on the Comfort Women tragedy and educate its future generations properly about what occurred. In doing so, Japan will take an important step in our collective aim to eliminate violence against women in war by making it unambiguously unacceptable.

It is unacceptable to view rape as merely endemic to war, or an incidental adjunct to armed conflict. Rape is a unique weapon focused on non-combatants and intended to instill terror in its victims and to demonstrate the power of the perpetrators. It is a truly uncivilized act, and defending Imperial Japan's widespread use of rape during its Asian conquests is beneath modern, democratic Japan's better values and aspirations.

Madam Speaker, on January 31, along with six of our colleagues, I introduced House Resolution 121, which addresses the issue of protecting the human rights of the Comfort Women. The denial by Prime Minister Abe of Japan that Comfort Women were forced into sexual slavery is unacceptable and stands to underscore why passage of H. Res. 121 is important. It is my hope that we will be able to have a full vote by the House of Representatives sooner rather than later.

I would also like to thank the Comfort Women survivors--Jan Ruff O'Herne, Yong-Soo Lee, and Koon-Ja Kim--for journeying so far last month to testify on behalf of their 200,000 sisters who suffered under Imperial Japan. Their courage and the dignity with which they have lived their lives deserve our admiration and utmost respect.

Madam Speaker, I rise today to announce the introduction of my bill, the Student Privacy Protection Act.

The Student Privacy Protection Act is legislation that will restore the privacy rights of children and families that were taken away by a little-known provision of the Elementary and Secondary Education Act, the so-called No Child Left Behind Act.

Under No Child Left Behind, high schools are required to turn over lists of student contact information to the Department of Defense, which adds this information to an extensive database of children. The Department of Defense claims to need the names, addresses, and phone numbers of high school students for recruiting purposes, because it enables recruiters to contact children directly in their homes and at school, which is often done without the knowledge or consent of their parents.

As a former high school teacher and principal, I am concerned that the fundamental right of privacy has been taken away from both parents and children. U.S. Supreme Court Justice Louis Brandeis defined privacy as ``the right to be left alone.'' Families are not being left alone, and their personal, private information is being divulged without their knowledge. Any database of personal information is subject to abuse. A government that was established for the pursuit of life, liberty, and happiness has no business collecting extensive personal data about Americans.

I have the greatest respect for Americans who choose to enter the military, as well as for those in the Armed Forces who engage in the recruiting process. Those efforts, however, should respect the privacy rights of children and their families.

No Child Left Behind requires schools to give military recruiters the names, addresses, and telephone numbers of students, unless their parents ``opt-out'' of the list. Schools are only required to provide one notice of the military recruiting list, so it can be easily overlooked by parents, or perhaps never received. Moreover, language and cultural barriers can prevent understanding of the opt-out process, especially in immigrant communities that are subject to aggressive military recruiting. If parents do not respond, and do not explicitly object to having their child's personal information released to recruiters, it is assumed that they have no objections. Under current law, they must ``opt-out'' in order to protect their rights.

The privacy rights of all Americans should be respected. One should not have to ask for these rights.

Today, I am reintroducing the Student Privacy Protection Act, which I introduced in the 109th Congress. This legislation will restore the privacy rights of parents and children. The Student Privacy Protection Act will change the military recruitment provision of No Child Left Behind from an ``opt-out'' system to ``opt-in.'' Under my bill, families may still choose to ``opt-in'' to the recruiting database, but privacy will be respected by default.

I urge my colleagues to join me in supporting the rights of students and the rights of families, by supporting the Student Privacy Protection Act.

Madam Speaker, as a former Peace Corps Volunteer, I am honored to formally recognize the agency on the 46th Anniversary of its inception and to help kick-off National Peace Corps Week. This week begins a week long celebration of Peace Corps' 46th Anniversary with celebratory and educational events taking place across the country.

During National Peace Corps Week, we salute the men and women of this nation who selflessly have served abroad as Peace Corps Volunteers, as well as those current Volunteers who continue to carry out the Peace Corps mission: Empowering people in developing countries through their grassroots development efforts.

I fondly remember my time as a volunteer in El Salvador in the 1960's where I built schools and health clinics. The experience meant much to me personally and professionally, sparking a lifelong desire to serve in the public sector. I returned with a passion for teaching, and quickly put my skills, including fluency in Spanish, to use in Santa Clara County schools. Most importantly, I returned to the United States with a deeper understanding of humanity and a personal commitment to speak on behalf of the marginalized and powerless.

I am encouraged by the growth in the number of Peace Corps Volunteers and posts over the years. 7,749 Volunteers are currently in 67 posts serving 73 countries in Africa, Asia, the Caribbean, Latin America, Eastern Europe and Central Asia, the Middle East, and the Pacific Islands. 2007 also marks the first year of a new Peace Corps program to the Kingdom of Cambodia.

I am excited by the recent announcement of the Peace Corps intention to return to the Federal Democratic Republic of Ethiopia. Following my visit to Ethiopia in 2005, as Chair of the Congressional Ethiopia and Ethiopian American Caucus, I wrote the Peace Corps Director directly to request a reinstatement of a Peace Corps post.

In addition to these programs, the Peace Corps recently sent its 1000th Crisis Corps Volunteer into service. Crisis Corps is compiled of former Peace Corps Volunteers that return to service for shorter 3 to 6 month tours in areas in need of more immediate services. Crisis Corps Volunteers have served both at home, following Hurricane Katrina, and abroad, following the tsunami in Southeast Asia, providing valuable expertise following major disasters.

As a newly appointed member of the House Appropriations Committee, I will support the Administration's FY08 request for Peace Corps at $333.5 million. Though this is a modest increase from the FY07 enacted level of $318.8 million, it will optimize the number of Volunteers and staff in existing countries, strengthen and expand recruiting efforts, and maximize safety and security training and compliance efforts. I encourage my colleagues in the Foreign Operations Subcommittee to fulfill the Administration's request.

Today, I honor the Peace Corps and its brave Volunteers for their service to our nation and to the international community. Volunteers are providing expertise and development assistance to countries around the world, finding common ways to address global challenges, and forming bonds with people throughout the world. They make service a cultural necessity. They set a universal standard for how we are to embrace the realities of an ever-shrinking world.

The Peace Corps mission is more vital than ever, and I hope that each one of you will join me in thanking the Volunteers and the Peace Corps for their hard work in pursuit of an altruistic mission.

Madam Chairman, I rise today in support of the Employee Free Choice Act (EFCA), H.R. 800. This bipartisan bill brings forth long overdue changes to the broken National Labor Relations Board (NLRB) system. EFCA would add the option of majority sign-up for forming unions and bargaining; provide an efficient timeline for good faith mediation and arbitration, and stronger penalties for violations during the organizing and initial contract negotiations. Ultimately, EFCA would restore workers' freedom to form unions and bargain.

Responsible employers voluntarily recognize unions when a majority of workers signal their desire to unionize. Studies have shown that workers believe the sign-up method to be a fair process, free of the pressures and coercion stemming from NLRB elections. Asian-American and Pacific Islander communities share the strong work ethic and desire for advancement at the core of the American Dream and labor membership is a key component to a fair and open competition for jobs.

Our Nation is stronger when workers join together and bargain for a better life. Union membership helps to offset some of the race and gender disparities in the labor market. Activism by organized labor has given Americans better wages, paid sick leave, child labor laws, paid vacations, stronger work safety regulations, and more secure retirement. Union workers receive better benefits and higher weekly earnings than their non-union counterparts. Furthermore, workplaces unionized through majority sign-up have better employee relations and greater employee focus on the business.

Madam Chairman it is time we allow the workers to choose, not the employer. I urge my colleagues to cast a vote in favor of the American worker and in support of H.R. 800, the Employee Free Choice Act.

Mr. Chairman, on rollcall No. 106, had I been present, I would have voted ``no.''

Amendment No. 6 Offered by Mr. McCaul of Texas

Madam Speaker, I thank my colleague, the gentlewoman from Northern California (Mrs. Tauscher).

Like so many of my colleagues, I stand here today in opposition to President Bush's surge in Iraq.

We should not have attacked Iraq in the first place, and we definitely should not escalate things further. The initial evidence for the war was flimsy at best, and realizing that, I voted against the authorization for war.

The most recent evidence that the President has presented in support of this surge is even less credible, and I urge my colleagues to prevent the President from throwing more gasoline onto a fire that is already burning out of control.

When I speak to veterans of the Iraq war, I become infuriated by their tales of the destruction that this President's policies have wrought in that country. Nor can they fathom why their Commander in Chief insists on squandering the strength of the greatest fighting force in the history of the world.

While Iraq under Saddam Hussein's rule was a rogue state and an affront to American values, today Iraqi citizens are forced to endure even more severe and deadlier situations.

There is no indication that Iraq was a center for international terrorism prior to President Bush's adventure there. Now, as a result of his irresponsible actions, it undeniably is.

Over 3,000 brave American service men and women have lost their lives in Iraq in addition to the 100,000 or more Iraqis who have been killed; 25,000 American soldiers have been injured.

For what, Mr. President? For what? You have yet to answer this simple question, and I suspect this is because you do not have an answer. There is not, nor can there be, a credible answer to this utter folly.

Each Member of this House has tales of constituents whose lives will never be the same because of the Iraq war.

In the aftermath of 9/11, one of my constituents joined the Army out of a deep sense of patriotism. One day while on patrol in Iraq, his tank drove over an explosive device, sending the vehicle 10 feet in the air. He survived but suffered severe brain and spinal injuries. For his bravery, he was awarded the Purple Heart, multiple commendations and other medals.

After completing a service to his country, he returned home to resume his life with his wife and newly born triplets.

Upon returning to work, however, he found that he had difficulty concentrating as a result of his head injury. He was diagnosed with traumatic brain injury and post-traumatic stress disorder.

As a result of the strain that the President's policies are placing on the Veterans Administration, he, like so many of my constituents, was unable to receive a change in his benefit allowance in a timely manner. So that he could continue to live in dignity, local officials and media had to put out a call for donations to pick up where his government failed him.

This brave man expected that his sacrifices would be repaid with the generosity that America promises to our veterans. Instead, he encountered a system that is overextended and ill equipped to help him when he needed it. Other constituents have told me that when they try to call the Veterans Administration they have to wait on hold for over 2 hours before they can talk to a human being.

Is this how we should treat those who put their lives on the line for our country? The Veterans Administration recently testified that it needs a 13 percent increase in funding to address rising costs and increased demand, but the President's budget proposes less than half of that.

And now the President wants to further escalate the strain on our already over-extended system by sending more soldiers off to Iraq? I am outraged and I cannot mince my words. This is a national shame. This is not how America repays its valiant heroes.

Madam Speaker, we must stop this madness. This surge, this escalation will fail just as past surges have.

This conflict requires the diplomatic and political solution, not just simply sending more troops into the fight. We cannot allow this President to shatter the lives of more of our best and brightest. It is time to bring our troops home.

Announcement by the Speaker Pro Tempore

Madam Speaker, I rise today in tribute to 81-year-old Koon-Ja Kim, a survivor of the Japanese Imperial Army's ``comfort women'' system of the World War II era.

Koon-Ja Kim was born in Pyung-Chang, in Korea's Kangwon Province. She was orphaned at the age of 14 and, to support herself and her siblings, she worked as a maid. At the age of 17, she was forcibly drafted by the Japanese Government to serve as a sex slave, or what is now euphemistically termed a ``comfort woman,'' in China. After 3 years of being physically abused and raped on a daily basis, the war ended. With no money and physically defeated bodies, she and a small group of other women summoned their strength of spirit to walk hundreds of miles over several weeks back into Korea.

Since 1998 she has been living with nine former comfort women at the House of Sharing. All she wants in her remaining life is to receive an official apology and fair compensation from the Japanese Government. She plans to donate the money to the public if she receives the compensation. Until now, Kim had collected compensation she had received from the Korean Government--$43,000--and her life savings, and donated $100,000 to the Beautiful Foundation, which provides financial aid for orphans to continue their studies, $10,000 to the House of Sharing, and $5,000 to a Catholic organization.

At the Beautiful Foundation, the ``Kim Koon-Ja Fund'' was established in 2000, where the proceeds go to college students who grew up at orphanages so that they can continue with their education. Kim dedicates her life to helping disadvantaged children to attain education because she herself grew up as an orphan, and the only education she had received was 8 months at a night school.

The House of Sharing Establishment Committee was founded in June 1992 and is supported by Buddhist organizations and other donors. Koon-Ja Kim, along with other women at the House of Sharing and around the world, has engaged in a daily battle since 1992 to educate the public about the Japanese military's brutal abuse of women, and to put pressure on the Japanese Government to apologize for their past atrocities. Koon-Ja Kim meets with community organizations, students, and activists from South Korea, the United States, and other countries around the world to inspire others to know and advocate for the comfort women's cause.

Madam Speaker, on February 15, the Subcommittee on Asia, the Pacific, and the Global Environment of the Committee on Foreign Affairs will convene a hearing entitled ``Protecting the Human Rights of Comfort Women.'' Koon-Ja Kim has been invited to share her story with members of the subcommittee along with other surviving comfort women who want to see justice prevail.

On January 31, I introduced H. Res. 121, which expresses ``the sense of the House of Representatives that the Government of Japan should formally acknowledge, apologize, and accept historical responsibility in a clear and unequivocal manner for its Imperial Armed Force's coercion of young women into sexual slavery, known to the world as `comfort women,' during its colonial and wartime occupation of Asia and the Pacific Islands from the 1930s through the duration of World War

Madam Speaker, I rise today in tribute to Yong-Soo Lee, a South Korean woman who, decades after enduring torture and abuse by the Japanese Imperial Army, has taken it upon herself to stand up for human rights and the dignity of all by telling her personal story and demanding that the Government of Japan acknowledge and apologize for its role in the ``comfort women'' system of World War II.

Yong-Soo Lee is one of over 200,000 ``comfort women'' in Asia who suffered unimaginable dehumanization by the Japanese Imperial Army during Japan's colonial and wartime occupation of Asia and the Pacific Islands from the 1930s through the duration of World War II.

These women--who came from China, Indonesia, Korea, the Philippines, and elsewhere--suffered experiences which were unprecedented in cruelty and were officially commissioned by the Government of Japan. They endured gang rape, forced abortions, humiliation, and sexual violence resulting in mutilation, death, or eventual suicide--and to this date, they have still not received justice from this tragedy.

The hope of Yong-Soo Lee and her sisters is a modest one: Simply stated, that the government of Japan acknowledges, apologizes for, and accepts full historical responsibility for these atrocities.

Yong-Soo Lee has a poignant story to tell. At 16, she was taken far from her home in Korea to an outpost on Taiwan, where she and her schoolmates, among others, were forced to provide sexual services to Japanese soldiers and airmen in the waning days of World War II. She suffered seasickness, sleeplessness, hunger, venereal disease, and bodily harm.

When she was able to return home after the war, the pain and shame were so much that she was never able to marry, which caused conflict and ostracization within her family.

Still, she went on with her life, and in 1992 began to unburden herself of her memories. Working with the Korean Council for the Women Drafted for Military Sexual Slavery by Japan, she came forward with her story--which she had kept secret from her family for almost five decades--in order that other women will not have to endure the same sort of suffering.

Madam Speaker, on February 15, the Subcommittee on Asia, the Pacific, and the Global Environment of the Committee on Foreign Affairs will convene a hearing entitled ``Protecting the Human Rights of Comfort Women.'' Yong-Soo Lee has been invited to share her story with members of the subcommittee along with other surviving comfort women who want to see justice prevail.

On January 31, I, along with several of my colleagues, introduced H. Res. 121, which expresses ``the sense of the House of Representatives that the Government of Japan should formally acknowledge, apologize, and accept historical responsibility in a clear and unequivocal manner for its Imperial Armed Force's coercion of young women into sexual slavery, known to the world as ``comfort women'' during its colonial and wartime occupation of Asia and the Pacific Islands from the 1930s through the duration of World War II.''

We appreciate the dedication of women like Yong-Soo Lee, who are traveling thousands of miles to be with us in Washington, to help us better understand their personal experiences and to help us formulate appropriate policy responses to both historical events and their modem equivalents. They stand as beacons of inspiration to us as we combat human rights violations and seek to extirpate war crimes wherever they might occur. By telling their stories, Yong-Soo Lee and her fellow comfort women provide the foundation for the protection of the rights of women throughout the world.

Madam Speaker, I ask my colleagues to join me in tribute to Yong-Soo Lee and the thousands of surviving comfort women.

Madam Speaker, I rise to recognize and honor an extraordinary woman of courage and integrity who is visiting Washington this week.

During World War II, Jan Ruff-O'Herne was a young Dutch national, born and raised in what is now Indonesia. She was kidnapped by Japanese Imperial forces and forced to serve as what is euphemistically known as a ``comfort woman'' in a brothel for the entertainment of Japanese soldiers.

For nearly 50 years, Mrs. Ruff-O'Herne kept her tortures to herself, too ashamed to admit her horrid experiences even to the people closest to her. In 1992, however, after seeing reports of other comfort women who were speaking out about the atrocities they endured, she decided to make her memories public.

Her 1994 autobiography, 50 Years of Silence, which was later adapted into a widely-praised and award-winning documentary film, explains in excruciating detail her life in the so-called ``comfort station.'' That she survived this ordeal speaks volumes about her strength, courage, and spiritual convictions.

In the years since she brought her story to public attention, Jan Ruff-O'Herne has been granted honors by Queen Beatrix of the Netherlands, Queen Elizabeth, and Pope John Paul II, in recognition of her efforts to support the human rights of women around the globe.

On February 15, the Subcommittee on Asia, the Pacific, and the Global Environment of the Committee on Foreign Affairs will convene a hearing entitled ``Protecting the Human Rights of Comfort Women.'' Jan Ruff- O'Herne has been invited to share her story with members of the subcommittee.

Thousands of the comfort women of World War II survive today. They are seeking a formal apology from the government of Japan, which has been unwilling to accept responsibility for violating the human rights of these women.

Madam Speaker, last month I introduced a resolution, H. Res. 121, which calls on Japan to formally and unambiguously apologize and acknowledge the tragedy that the comfort women endured under its Imperial Army during World War II. Not only should Japan's Prime Minister issue a public apology, Japan must take responsibility unequivocally.

The Japanese government owes such an apology to brave women like Jan Ruff-O'Herne.

Madam Speaker, I ask my colleagues to join me in tribute to Jan Ruff- O'Herne and the hundreds of thousands of comfort women who endured unspeakable tortures during World War II and who continue to fight for the human rights of all people more than 60 years later.