Madam President, I ask unanimous consent to set aside the pending amendment, and I call up my amendment No. 814. I ask unanimous consent that the reading of the amendment be dispensed with. I wish to note that as cosponsors of the…
Madam President, I ask unanimous consent to set aside the pending amendment, and I call up my amendment No. 814.
I ask unanimous consent that the reading of the amendment be dispensed with.
I wish to note that as cosponsors of the amendment, Senators Johanns, Shelby, Toomey, Moran, Vitter, and Kirk are also supportive.
The unprecedented scope and pace of agency rulemaking in the United States today is posing incredible uncertainty and threat to our economy. Americans today know that jobs are the No. 1 issue we face, and consistently across the country Americans are also recognizing that the explosion of government regulatory action is one of the huge impediments to our job creation efforts in America.
Unfortunately, under the Dodd-Frank Act, we are seeing one of the most significant rulemaking levels of activity in every part of our economy. Many of the proposed rules do not give sufficient consideration to how they will affect Main Street or our economy as a whole, how they will interact with one another or, frankly, how they will impact our global competitiveness.
Through this amendment, I focus on the CFTC to send a strong message to all regulators involved in the rulemaking process that we cannot afford regulations that unnecessarily burden our businesses, our economy, and our competitive position in the global marketplace.
This amendment does three basic things:
It prohibits funds from being used by the CFTC to promulgate any final rules until the agency substantiates that those rules are economically beneficial; secondly, it adheres to congressional intent to provide end users with a clear exemption from margin requirements; and, third, it sets clear bounds on the overseas applications of the derivatives requirements.
With regard to the process portion of the amendment, in February, when many members of the banking committee wrote to our financial regulators, we strongly urged them to employ fundamental principles of good regulation in their statutory mandate and not to sacrifice quality and fairness in exchange for speed. We had two main concerns: that the regulators are not allowing adequate time for meaningful public comment on their proposed rules; and that the regulators are not conducting rigorous quantitative analysis of the costs and benefits of their rules and the effects those rules can have on our economy and our competitive position in a global marketplace.
On April 15, 2011, the Office of Inspector General for the CFTC issued a report of an investigation entitled ``An Investigation Regarding the Cost Benefit Analyses Performed by the Commodity Futures Trading Commission in Connection with Rulemakings Undertaken Pursuant to the Dodd-Frank Act.'' Unfortunately, the IG report demonstrated that the CFTC is not using rigorous economic analysis to shape its rulemaking.
In April, Harvard Law Prof. Hal Scott testified on urgently needed fixes in the Dodd-Frank rulemaking process. We also began hearing from CFTC Commissioners Scott O'Malia and Jill Sommers about problems with the rulemaking process, specifically with economic analysis.
In August, CFTC Commissioner Scott O'Malia stated that the current process
of enacting rules under the Dodd-Frank Wall Street Reform Act is inadequate, and excoriated the regulatory body for not putting together a clear rulemaking order and implementation schedule for public comment.
Again, in August, CFTC Commissioner Jill Sommers stated:
I believe it is a mistake for us to begin the process
without a plan to logically sequence our consideration of
final rules along with a transparent implementation plan.
In July, the SEC's proxy access rule became the first Dodd-Frank rule to be successfully challenged in court for failing to adequately analyze its economic costs and benefits. In the unanimous decision to vacate the rule, U.S. Circuit Court Judge Douglas Ginsburg wrote:
The Commission inconsistently and opportunistically framed
the costs and benefits of the rule; failed adequately to
quantify the certain costs or to explain why those costs
could not be quantified; neglected to support its predictive
judgments, contradicted itself; and failed to respond to the
substantial problems raised by commenters.
In this amendment, we require the CFTC to fix its rulemaking process by prohibiting funding for any final CFTC rules until the Commission, jointly with the SEC and other prudential regulators, publishes a schedule outlining the order in which the agencies will consider and implement the final rules. Affected market participants will be able to weigh in and be heard about how rules should be adopted and implemented. Agencies will have to work together to come up with coordinated schedules for proceeding with rulemaking and implementation. The agencies will have to take into consideration economic impacts, international competitiveness, the interaction of their rules one with another, and the implications of inconsistencies in the approaches taken by different regulators.
It is more important that the CFTC and other agencies allow for meaningful public comment and economic analysis than it is to rush through these rules and risk undermining the integrity of the process and diminishing the utility of this important market.
Secondly, we protect end users from the burdensome margin requirements of the statute. When the Dodd-Frank conference was reopened to deal with the scoring issue, Senators Dodd and Lincoln acknowledged that the language for end users was not perfect, and tried to clarify the intent of the language with a joint letter, stating:
The legislation does not authorize the regulators to impose
margins on end users, those exempt entities that use swaps to
hedge or mitigate commercial risk.
However, regulators have interpreted the actual Dodd-Frank legislative language as providing authority to require end users to post margin. This amendment provides certainty for Main Street businesses that played no role in the financial crisis by establishing a clear exemption from excessive margin requirements.
End users have emphasized the critical importance of addressing this problem. In its letter, the Coalition for Derivatives End-Users highlighted the stakes of getting this issue right. They said:
While the Dodd-Frank Act and implementing regulations do
much to increase transparency and reduce systemic risk in the
derivatives market, they include provisions that, if
implemented as proposed or otherwise expected, would impose
unnecessary burdens on end-user companies. While we believe
it is important to reduce risk within our financial markets,
transactions with end users have not been found to pose
systemic risk. Our companies and our economy cannot afford to
unnecessarily tie up capital that would otherwise be used to
promote growth and create jobs.
MillerCoors echoed these sentiments when it said:
This amendment protects our ability to efficiently buy
malting barley, hops and other ingredients used to brew our
beers.
FMC and the National Association of Corporate Treasurers noted:
This legislation addresses concerns that are of critical
importance to end-users--companies using derivatives to
reduce business and financial risk and not to speculate. FMC
and the other members of the NACT support legislation
enabling end-users to continue their cost-effective use of
derivatives to manage the commercial risks that they face
when they make investments to expand plant and equipment,
conduct research and development, build inventories to
support higher sales, and to sustain and ultimately grow
jobs.
The third thing the amendment does is to limit the extraterritorial reach of Dodd-Frank--of the CFTC rulemaking to streamline regulation and protect American competitiveness. Chairman Johnson and Congressman Frank recently sent a letter to the regulators that brought up the concern that the extraterritorial imposition of margin requirements raises questions about the consistency with Congressional intent regarding title VII.
They pointed out that Congress generally limited the territorial scope of title VII activities to within the United States. Extraterritorial application of one nation's laws to another nation's markets and firms is especially problematic in a global market such as derivatives, where it is common for counterparties based in different parts of the world to engage in transactions with each other.
The historical practice of U.S. regulators is to recognize and defer to foreign regulators when registered entities engaged in activities outside the United States are subject to comparable foreign regulation.
Given recent statements and actions by U.S. regulatory agencies, there is concern that proposals could create uncertainty as to how additional regulations could apply across borders and alter regulatory precedent. While there is bipartisan support from Members of Congress to encourage our regulators to work with their international counterparts to seek broad harmonization, there is a growing list of noteworthy and critical items that we are seeing related to the lack of progress on international harmonization.
The CFTC and the SEC are taking divergent approaches on some derivatives rules, raising questions about whether we can harmonize even within our own borders, let alone with foreign regulators. Foreign jurisdictions in Europe, not to mention Asia and Latin America, have outright rejected many reforms--such as the section 716 swap pushout provisions. It remains unclear as to what foreign jurisdictions will impose a margin requirement such as proposed by our prudential regulators. Simply put, the rest of the world is not following us in a number of critical areas.
Third parties, including market analysts and economists and academics, have also indicated that these rules will negatively impact U.S. competitiveness and growth. Our Fed Chairman Bernanke recently warned that the extraterritorial application of margin rules could create a significant competitive disadvantage for U.S. companies. We can't force Europe or Asia or Latin America to follow, and if our rules are finalized in the United States before other jurisdictions' rules, we risk substantially harming U.S. competitiveness, growth, and financial stability. That is why this amendment sets clear bounds on the overseas applications of the derivatives requirements, while allowing regulators to stop systemically dangerous transactions intended to evade U.S. requirements.
In conclusion, there can be no doubt about our resolve to address the root causes of the financial crisis. But equally, there can be no doubt about our resolve to ensure that we do this with great care. Failing to do so will threaten our businesses, our economy, and our competitiveness globally. I urge my colleagues to support this amendment as an important step to ensuring that while working together for the former, we do not neglect the latter.
I yield the floor.
Amendment No. 879 to Amendment No. 738