Floor Statements

Madam Speaker, I rise today to recognize the life of LGBTQ activist, community leader and friend, Charlotte Newfeld.

Since the early 1970s, Charlotte was a fierce advocate for the gay and lesbian community in Chicago. I first had the pleasure of

working with Charlotte during the No Lights at Wrigley campaign in the 1980s. In that time, I was witness to the commitment she had to working for the community. We both served on the Lakeview Citizens Council where she taught me the importance of putting the local community above all else.

Her contributions have included advocating for the appointment of a mayoral liaison and her active lobbying to secure passage of Chicago's human rights ordinance, which prohibits discrimination because of sexual orientation. She lived in Lakeview for nearly 60 years, and in that time, worked to improve education, open spaces, neighborhood protections and AIDS awareness in the area.

Charlotte was a true trailblazer and will be dearly missed, but the impact she had on Chicago and on the LGBTQ community, will be felt for generations to come. I am thinking of her family, particularly her daughter Julie, during this time.

Mr. Speaker, I indeed rise in strong support of my bill, H.R. 263, the Big Cat Public Safety Act.

In the 116th Congress, we passed this legislation overwhelmingly with a vote of 272-114. So, apparently, there are a significant number of Republicans, at least a quarter of the caucus, that think this is a good idea.

Sadly, the Senate didn't take the bill up then, but since that vote, we have been able to work with our colleagues in the House and Senate to ensure we don't forget this important legislation because law enforcement and our communities deserve better.

Today, I am grateful that this body has had an opportunity to vote on this bill once again, and I am grateful to Mr. Grijalva and the House Natural Resources Committee for their continued support and their efforts to protect our neighborhoods from the threat of wild animals being held captive in dangerous conditions.

This legislation is about public safety and the safety of our first responders. Indeed, it is inherently inhumane and dangerous to keep big cats in private residences.

In 2011, as Mr. Case detailed, more than 50 animals were released from their enclosures into the streets of Zanesville, Ohio: 18 tigers, 3 cougars, and 17 lions. This was just one horrific example of how first responders in our communities are put in danger when big cats are held captive in substandard living conditions by private, unregistered, unprepared owners.

The Big Cat Public Safety Act has been endorsed by the Fraternal Order of Police, the National Sheriffs' Association, the Small and Rural Law Enforcement Executives Association, and numerous State and local law enforcement agencies because 500-pound carnivores pose a serious and very real threat.

There have been over 740 serious safety incidents, including hundreds of maulings and 25 human deaths in the U.S. since 1990.

Lions and tigers do not belong in urban apartments or in cages in suburban backyards. Private citizens simply do not have the resources to care for dangerous animals that were meant to roam hundreds of square miles.

This bill is supported by the Association of Zoos and Aquariums, which represents over 235 accredited zoos and aquariums across the country and abroad, as well as the Humane Society of the United States, and countless other animal welfare organizations because big cats are wild animals that inherently suffer when they are kept as pets in these substandard living conditions.

This bill should be supported by every American because, right now, taxpayers shoulder the cost of monitoring and regulating private owners, and when big cats are rescued from horrific conditions or simply abandoned by overwhelmed owners, they pay for the care and feeding of these cats.

Mr. Speaker, I thank all 258 cosponsors from both sides of the aisle who support this bill, especially my friend, Representative Brian Fitzpatrick, who has been a leader on this issue for many years. I urge every Member to stand with law enforcement.

Mr. Speaker, I want to add to what my colleague, Mr. Case, said about the challenges this country faces. If we were to argue that we should only focus on the top one or two issues in our minds at that time, the hundreds of other issues that this country and our world face would be set aside. Indeed, in this case, we would tell law enforcement: Yes, we know these animals put you at risk, but we want to work on these other priorities.

We can and must be able to do many things and meet all the challenges this country faces. We have that ability, and we are showing it right now. We passed landmark infrastructure legislation, gun safety legislation, and, today, CHIPS. God willing, very soon we will be dealing with infrastructure and the ability to negotiate prescription drug prices.

It is a complicated world, but we can't say in response: Well, we are only going to deal with the top one or two.

We can do better, and we must.

Mr. Chair, as the chairman of the Financial Services and General Government Subcommittee, I rise today in strong support of the FY23 Financial Services and General Government Appropriations bill.

First, I thank the staff on both sides for their efforts in drafting this bill and preparing it to come to the House floor.

I also want to thank my colleague, the ranking member, Mr. Womack, for his hard work and collaboration on this bill. He has been thoughtful in his input and, frankly, a pleasure to work with.

The FSGG bill includes $29.8 billion in funding, an increase of $4.3 billion over last year.

For Treasury, the bill includes $15.6 billion, $1.3 billion above last year. Within that level, there is $336 million for CDFIs, an increase of $41 million. The IRS gets $13.6 billion, an increase of $1 billion over the 2022 level.

For ONDCP, $462 million, including $300 million for the High Intensity Drug Trafficking Areas program and $110 million for the Drug- Free Communities Program.

For the Judiciary, $8.6 billion, within this amount, $128 million is targeted for judiciary security, cybersecurity, and information technology modernization. For the Supreme Court, $143 million, $30 million above last year, included in this increase is funding to provide for enhanced security services.

For the Consumer Product Safety Commission, $166.3 million, $27.3 million above last year, including $2.5 million for Pool Safety Grants.

For Election Security Grants, $400 million, an increase of $325 million above last year. These grants will help State and local governments protect our democracy through fair and secure elections.

For the GSA, $1.1 billion over last year, including $500 million for a new FBI headquarters. Also included, $100 million for both the Electric Vehicle Fund and the Technology Modernization Fund.

For SBA, $1.1 billion, $77 million above last year. This fund includes $326 million for the Entrepreneurial Development Programs.

We have solid increases for the Federal Communications Commission, Securities and Exchange Commission, OPM, the Archives, and the Federal Trade Commission.

The bill is silent on the civilian pay increase, allowing the proposed 4.6 percent increase to take effect.

We removed harmful riders to the bill, including the Hyde restrictions, three ``dark money'' riders, and the D.C. cannabis rider.

We include language making Dreamers eligible for Federal employment.

And finally, I am proud this bill was able to include 98 percent of Members' Community Project Funding requests, including from Democrats and Republicans. This funding will go directly to important projects in Members' districts connected with the SBA, GSA, and the National Archives.

I urge all Members to support the bill.

Mr. Chair, I rise in opposition to the legislation included in this amendment. These amendments would impose 5 and 22 percent cuts across the board.

These cuts are, frankly, a clumsy way to randomly hack away at funding with no thought or consideration to their impact.

The amendment would slash funding for the Small Business Administration by more than $200 million, severely undercutting much- needed support for small businesses and entrepreneurs.

The reduction to the IRS amendment would reduce staffing across the entire agency, resulting in lower customer service, reduced enforcement efforts, increasing the tax gap, and placing U.S. taxpayers at increased risk of identification theft.

A 22 percent cut to the District of Columbia public safety funding would result in layoffs and reduced service for the D.C. courts, the D.C. Public Defender's Office, and the Court Services and Offender Supervision Agency. The ability to monitor defendants pending trial and returning citizens would be severely hampered.

A cut of this magnitude would also cripple many small but important agencies. It would prevent the Federal Trade Commission from investigating privacy and cybersecurity issues or pursuing cases to block anticompetitive mergers.

It would harm the Consumer Product Safety Commission's ability to monitor and block dangerous products.

Additionally, this amendment would cripple the Office of Personnel Management's distribution of monthly annuity payments, as well as undermine other critical agencies that support millions of Federal workers across the country.

I, therefore, urge my colleagues to vote ``no'' on this ill-conceived and irresponsible amendment.

Mr. Chair, last month, as the Appropriations Committee considered the FSGG funding bill, the Supreme Court took the unprecedented step of stripping American women of a constitutional right to decide their own reproductive destiny. Extremist Justices, inventing flimsy arguments against a right that Americans have enjoyed for nearly 50 years, opened the door for radical legislators to ban abortion.

This is a crisis, and a crisis means all hands are on deck. With my friends,

Representatives Lee, DeGette, and Frankel, I am offering an amendment to ensure that the FSGG bill is in the fight. This amendment prohibits any Federal funds from my bill from being used in contravention to President Biden's executive order on protecting access to reproductive healthcare.

This is not just about the executive order itself. It is about the policies and recommendations that will result from it. The interagency policymaking effort to address barriers to abortion access must include FSGG jurisdiction, and Federal agencies must all work to swiftly and fully implement solutions to these barriers.

In addition, FSGG has jurisdiction over the District of Columbia. Anti-abortion extremists go so far as to try to tell D.C. taxpayers that they cannot make their own decisions about whether to support access to reproductive care. I am here to say that D.C. citizens shouldn't be bullied by extremists pushing an ideological agenda. The Federal Government's place must only be to improve access to care in D.C., never to tell the citizens of our Nation's Capital that members of a body to which they are not even permitted to send a voting representative say that they can't look after their own reproductive destinies.

President Biden called for a whole-of-government effort to safeguard abortion access. As the branch of government charged with the purse strings of the United States, it is our duty to join that effort.

Mr. Chair, I urge my colleagues to support this amendment.

Madam Speaker, this weekend, the world watched in horror as the retreat of Russian forces from

the town of Bucha revealed the scope of the appalling war crimes committed by Vladimir Putin's military.

Journalists and the Ukrainian military discovered mass graves, bodies left in the streets, and the evidence of a massacre of civilians. These are war crimes.

We know now, with certainty, what fate awaits Ukrainians who are subjected to Russian occupation. The United States must open its doors to welcome Ukrainians who are fleeing this invasion.

As co-chair of the Congressional Ukraine Caucus, early on in the conflict, I and others called on the Biden administration to extend temporary protected status to Ukrainians already in the United States. I was proud when the President heeded that call and when he subsequently increased the refugee cap.

We must do everything in our power to accept fleeing refugees expeditiously. This is a matter of life and death. Over 4 million refugees have already fled the violence in Ukraine. Half of those refugees are children. Millions more remain trapped in cities and villages without access to food, clean water, or medical care.

We now know that Putin's military is willing to slaughter any innocents left behind. It is absolutely critical that the U.S. do everything in its power to assist the people of Ukraine. This means military assistance, yes, but it also means providing for Ukrainians who make the difficult decision to leave their homes behind.

We must support the nations that are already taking in refugees. Allies, like Poland, have already admitted more than 2 million Ukrainian refugees into their nation, and we should ensure that Poland and other countries that have opened their doors are able to help these Ukrainians resettle safely.

This also means continuing to investigate the reports of refugees of color being turned away at border crossings. Here in the U.S., we have a long history as a safe harbor for people of the world.

It has been inspiring to see Americans offer unwavering support for Ukraine from the outset of the Russian invasion. I am confident that this support will mean Americans will rally together to support any Ukrainian refugees who arrive on our shores. As they do, Congress has an opportunity to reform our immigration system to be more welcoming to individuals around the world who are in need.

I share the outrage of my constituents who are watching what is unfolding in Ukraine. As an advocate for Ukrainians here at home and abroad, I am also reminded that there are other atrocities occurring around the world. We can, and must, extend the same outrage we have for the crimes in Bucha to the crimes in Syria, the conflict in Tigray, the famine in Yemen, and the violence in the Northern Triangle. And just as we open our doors to Ukrainian refugees, we can, and must, open our doors to refugees from around the world.

In recent weeks, I have urged the Biden administration to end title 42. This policy allowed the U.S. to use the pandemic as justification for expelling migrants without a hearing before an immigration judge. The administration just announced last week that they intend to end this policy.

One immediate effect will be that Ukrainians arriving at our borders will be able to seek asylum more easily, but, critically, it also means that migrants from the global south will no longer be stranded in the immigration process. The Federal Government should seek out other avenues in which providing recourse for Ukrainians will make our system more equitable for all immigrants.

Since the beginning of the pandemic, foreign citizens seeking entry into the U.S. have faced months-long waits for counselor appointments. That backlog now threatens to prevent fleeing Ukrainians from reaching our shores.

The lengthy immigrant visa delays have caused many Ukrainians to turn to nonimmigrant visas so they can reach temporary safety with family or friends in the U.S. Yet, as Ukrainians and other foreign citizens have been increasingly forced to utilize nonimmigrant visas, wait times have drastically increased.

Reporting last month showed that wait times in Hungary were 275 days. In Moldova, the wait was 329 days. On February 28, the wait in Warsaw, Poland, was 86 days. Two days later, the wait was 134 days for visitor visas and more than 40 days for other types.

I sincerely hope the State Department finds a way to dramatically decrease processing times for Ukrainians who have fled their homelands, but we cannot simply prioritize Ukrainian cases and leave all others behind. These wait times impact immigrants, refugees, and asylum seekers from around the world. Ukrainians are not the only ones whose lives are in danger.

The tragedy in Ukraine has shone a bright spotlight on the need for our entire immigration system to be more inclusive. Congress cannot allow this moment to pass without finally addressing the flaws in our system. Too many lives hang in the balance for us to do nothing.

Madam Speaker, as we stand here on the House floor, Ukrainians are bravely defending their country against an illegal invasion by Russian forces ordered by Vladimir Putin.

We have seen hospitals attacked and mothers and children crushed by the rubble. We have seen civilians fleeing this tragic conflict via humanitarian corridors, agreed to by the Russian Government, attacked by Russian troops. We have seen a theater-turned-shelter, with the word ``children'' clearly displayed, reduced to rubble.

The blood of all of these innocents lost in this senseless war is on the hands of one man: Vladimir Putin.

Ukrainians are standing up to this tyrant. They are fighting to stop the advance of an autocratic leader who has launched an illegal, premeditated invasion.

Yet, if you listen to certain prominent voices, you will hear some conservative leaders not condemning Vladimir Putin's war, not praising the heroism of Ukrainian President Zelenskyy, Ukrainian troops, and Ukrainian citizens. No, they are instead lauding the so-called genius of a violent, power-hungry dictator.

There is a term we use in politics for people who propagandize for a cause whose goals they don't understand and who are then used by the cause's leaders: useful idiots.

I will not purport to know if the individuals who are praising Putin and spreading misinformation genuinely believe their own words, but I do know that Putin finds them useful.

There is a concerningly long list of American conservatives who have turned themselves into Putin's useful idiots. When the invasion first began, one host claimed on his news show that Ukraine was not a democracy. This is the very same lie that Putin himself has used in the effort to justify his invasion of Ukraine. In fact, these comments were aired on Russian state television, and a member of the Russian Defense Ministry's public council said these remarks were excellent.

Another conservative voice has used her platform to criticize Zelenskyy and echo Russian propaganda, including a Kremlin talking point that Russians created Ukraine, which has been used to justify this invasion. Her social media posts have been amplified and shared by other Russian accounts.

Even our own former President has praised Putin, calling the horrific invasion of Ukraine ``genius.'' A Member of this very body called President Zelenskyy a ``thug'' and the Ukrainian Government ``incredibly evil.''

Exactly 2 weeks ago, every Member of this body had an opportunity to hear from President Zelenskyy directly as he joined us virtually from Ukraine's capital. His bravery and courage were on full display. He is a hero.

Vladimir Putin is a thug, and the repeating of these lies by American voices is playing into his hands. Aiding Putin in this way is not just disturbing because of the role it plays in enabling his messaging of this premeditated invasion; it also speaks to a broader trend among some American conservatives toward sympathizing with autocrats that should worry us all.

Last year, I spoke before this body to condemn conservative American pundits who were praising Hungarian Prime Minister Viktor Orban. Like Putin, Orban is an autocratic leader who wields strict control of the media, restricts LGBTQ rights, and suppresses free speech. At that time, I expressed my concern at what this may indicate about the growing sympathy for autocrats in our own country. Unfortunately, this latest trend of praising Putin and condemning Zelenskyy tells me the slide toward autocracy continues.

Praise for autocratic leaders and what they represent is dangerous. At a time when political polarization has reached new heights and American vulnerability to misinformation is increasing, we cannot afford to watch anyone of influence, whether they be a

Member, or a member of the media, peddle in propaganda.

Conservatives should shake off the role of useful idiots and present Putin, this war, and all demagogic leaders as what they truly are.

Vladimir Putin has poisoned journalists and jailed his opposition. He has bombed hospitals and schools. He has slaughtered innocents in Syria. Today, he is murdering civilians in Ukraine.

If this has not been enough for these useful idiots and their ilk, I urge them to find the red line Putin would have to cross.

To the puppets that are on our screens, our social media, and in the Halls of Congress perpetrating his lies, I say: Enough. You are helping Putin in this war. You are helping him strip Ukrainians of their freedom. You are helping our own country slide further from democracy.

Lincoln reminded us that we cannot escape history, that we will be remembered in spite of ourselves. In the end, history will remember those who stood up for the truth and the cowards who did not.

Madam Speaker, I have had the privilege of representing Ukrainian Village in Chicago for over 10 years. In that time, we have become friends.

From my friends, I have learned about the beauty of Ukrainian history, culture, and the courage and strength of the Ukrainian people. In the past days, the whole world has seen that strength and courage.

Ukraine has bravely beaten back the onslaught of premeditated invasion by an evil autocratic leader. In response, there has been an outpouring of support from the entire world.

But I rise today, Madam Speaker, because our thoughts and prayers are not enough. Of course, those expressions of support matter. They hearten a resistance that is outgunned and outnumbered, and they tell the Kremlin that the world is watching. But when you are at war, you need more than just thoughts and prayers.

The people of Ukraine need us to use every tool at our disposal to help them repel Russia's invading forces. I know many Americans want our country to stay out of this conflict. We have endured 2 years of a pandemic that has taken thousands of lives and stretched pocketbooks to their breaking point. No one wants a conflict that could make our lives even more difficult.

I understand the desire to hunker down and wait for it to go away, but the message is this: You can turn off your TV and try to ignore the crisis, but that will not stop it from having an impact on you. While it may seem like the battlefields are a world away, the repercussions of this fight are on our doorstep.

The reality is that this conflict will worsen supply chain issues and increase inflationary pressures. And anyone who believes that Putin will not turn his attention to the rest of the world is badly mistaken. Indeed, he already has. He is already responsible for massive cyberattacks against the United States, and he interfered in two of our elections.

Let's remember, two generations of Americans fought for a new world order in which democracy prevailed over autocracy. For more than six decades, that victory has held. Now, it is threatened by Vladimir Putin.

We must ensure that the sacrifices of our forebears were not in vain. Surely, other autocrats with desires to carve out expanded borders at the expense of sovereign democracies are watching the extent of Western resolve.

Ukrainian President Zelensky has begged the West for military aid. The U.S. must hear these pleas.

Thankfully, the response has begun. President Biden recently authorized an additional $350 million defense aid package for Ukraine, bringing the total commitment of U.S. security assistance to $1 billion this year alone. And NATO has begun to send weapons and equipment for the first time in history.

The European Union is shipping arms to Ukraine. Germany is supplying antitank weapons and missiles. Belgium, Poland, the Netherlands, and others have joined.

While we are inspired by the Ukrainian military's ability to hold firm, they need more help to keep the Russian onslaught at bay.

As co-chair of the Congressional Ukraine Caucus, I have spent months calling for harsh sanctions against Russia, in addition to military aid for Ukraine. I am relieved to see many of these sanctions being imposed.

President Biden has led a historic response in which the West has presented a united front on behalf of Ukraine. Every wave of sanctions has come from a coalition of states: halting Nord Stream 2, imposing sanctions on Putin and his allies, and kicking a number of Russian banks out of the SWIFT system.

These are all important steps. Yet, more needs to be done.

I know some of our allies are hesitant to impose economic penalties that may harm the Russian people. Indeed, the Russian people are not the enemy. Like the Ukrainians, they have been dragged into this war through no choice of their own. Unfortunately, it is clear that Putin will not truly feel the consequences of his actions unless sanctions impact the entire nation of

Russia. It is time to impose the harshest sanctions available.

Some leaders have said that we should wait to impose more. My question to them is: If not now, when?

Ukrainians are dying in defense of their country. As we speak, their capital is surrounded by Russian forces; 500,000 Ukrainians have already fled their homes; soldiers have died; civilians have been killed; children have been murdered. The time for action is now.

Madam Speaker, I have visited Ukraine many times. I have seen the beauty of their fields, the blue of their sky. I have shaken hands with their people, heard their praise of democracy, and stood next to their leaders. The Ukrainian spirit I saw this weekend in rallies in Chicago is the same Ukrainian spirit I saw in Kyiv when I visited shortly after the Maidan.

Just 2 years ago, I met with the mayor of Kyiv right here in this building. We shared stories about the cities we represent, Chicago and Kyiv, sister cities. I promised during that meeting that the U.S. would always stand with Ukraine. We must live up to that promise.

Until we do, ``Glory to Ukraine,'' ``Slava Ukraini.''

Mr. Speaker, 2 days ago our country took time to celebrate the life of Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr., and reflect on our ongoing effort to ensure racial equality in America. It is fitting then that today this body considers legislation to honor the life of Willie O'Ree who, like Dr. King, was on the frontlines of racial integration in America and has dedicated his life to the ideals of diversity and inclusion.

In 1958, Willie O'Ree integrated the sport of hockey by becoming the first Black player in the National Hockey League. Well, known are the stories of barrier-breaking athletes like Jackie Robinson in baseball and Bill Russell in basketball; Mr. O'Ree's story is lesser known.

He was born in Canada, the youngest of 13 children. His grandfather, Paris O'Ree, escaped slavery in South Carolina and fled to Canada. Growing up in Canada, O'Ree quickly developed a love and talent for hockey. During his early years playing hockey, he was blinded in one eye by a stray puck. However, this setback did not deter him from his dream of playing professional hockey. A few years later, Willie finally got the call to play in the NHL with the Boston Bruins, becoming the first Black player to do so.

But the road ahead was not an easy one. During his time playing for the Bruins, Willie endured racist slurs by fans and opposing teams. He suffered illegal hits and rough treatment constantly. But that was not enough to deter him. He remained committed to playing hockey and would do so for 22 years in the NHL and the minor leagues. Think about that, Mr. Speaker, he played 22 years of professional hockey while enduring racism and bigotry; oh, and only having vision in one eye.

Willie never intended to stop the fight for inclusion in the league once he left playing hockey. After hanging up his skates, he became the NHL's diversity ambassador, a role he continues to this day.

In the 1990s, he established the Hockey is for Everyone initiative to offer marginalized and underrepresented children an opportunity to play hockey and develop important life skills. Since its inception, more than 120,000 children have participated in the program.

After his remarkable career on and off the ice, Willie has begun to receive the recognition he has long deserved. In 2018, he was inducted into the Hockey Hall of Fame, and just last night, his jersey was retired by the Boston Bruins.

It has been my honor to know Willie over the past decade and help lead this bill to award him a Congressional Gold Medal. I am thankful to my colleagues, Representatives Higgins, Pressley, Emmer, and Katko, who led this legislation in the House with me, and Senators Stabenow and Scott who led this bill in the Senate.

When I was young, my heroes were hockey players. They were talented, strong, and skilled. They taught me many things. At the time they were all White. Willie fought his entire life to change that during and after his career. Hockey, the sports world, and our country are better off because of his efforts.

I had no idea that the year I was born Willie O'Ree broke the color barrier in hockey. And it wasn't until many years later when I had the honor of meeting him that I learned that my own heroes from the Chicago Blackhawks and their fans gave him some of the harshest treatment during his time in the NHL.

But his life has been a true testament to those values I learned as a young hockey fan: strength, courage, and perseverance even in the face of tremendous odds. He is a true gift to our country and to a sport that I and so many others love. Awarding him the Congressional Gold Medal will serve as a small but important token of our country's gratitude.

Madam Speaker, I thank the chairwoman for yielding.

The reforms in this bill have been needed for a long time. It is just that the previous administration only brought out those needs in sharp relief. This legislation will bolster accountability, ensure that elected officials use their offices to serve the American people, not for personal gain.

James Madison wrote, ``If angels were to govern men, neither external nor internal controls on government would be necessary.'' If we haven't noticed, we are down a few angels.

``You must first enable the government to control the governed,'' he wrote, ``and in the next place oblige it to control itself.'' How he knew.

Madam Speaker, this bill is not about looking back, it is about learning from our mistakes of the past to prevent future abuses of power. I urge support for this bill.

Mr. Speaker, everything is impossible; until it isn't. Nothing has a cure; until it does. Today, people diagnosed with ALS are expected to live between 2 to 5 years. During that time, they progressively lose their ability to use their limbs, to speak, to swallow, and ultimately to breathe. Being diagnosed with ALS is a death sentence; for now.

After my friend Brian Wallach was diagnosed with ALS an odds-defying 4 years ago, he made ending the disease the fight of his life. Not today, ALS, he frequently says, not today.

Mr. Speaker, ALS is not incurable; it is just that we have not fully committed to finding a cure yet. Not like Brian has, not like Brian's wife Sandra has, or the organization they founded, I AM ALS has.

ACT for ALS will give people living with ALS access to promising treatments and improve the research infrastructure we need to one day find the cure. Cruelly, up to 90 percent of people living with ALS are ineligible for clinical trials.

For people with such an aggressive disease to have neither an effective FDA-approached treatment nor access to promising drugs is a tragedy. ACT for ALS will correct this.

I would like to thank the 331 colleagues who have cosponsored this bill, Chairman Pallone, Subcommittee Chairwoman Eshoo, and their staffs, for standing with the ALS community. I also want to extend a special thank you to Congressman Fortenberry, the colead on this bill, who has pursued our shared goal with relentless dedication. I thank my staff, Allison Jarus and David Steury, who have gone above and beyond in pursuit of this legislation.

This indeed is not a congressional achievement, it is an achievement of a community of advocates all around the country who are fighting for their lives, the lives of their loved ones, and the lives of everyone affected by ALS.

In addition to Brian and I AM ALS, I want to thank the Muscular Dystrophy Association and the ALS Association for their dedication. ALS may rob people of their physical ability to speak, but make no mistake, this community has made themselves heard. It is their will that has brought this vote to us today; it is their will, and with that will there is a way.

Where there is consensus, there can be progress. Where there is funding, a cure will follow. Today belongs to the tireless advocates, to the families of people with ALS, and to every American living with the disease.

Mr. Speaker, I urge a ``yes'' vote.

Madam Speaker, I rise today to recognize the LGBT Chamber of Commerce of Illinois on their 25th Anniversary.

In 1995, Tracy Baim of Lambda Publications and Kevin Boyer of Communications Management, Inc. saw a need for a local chamber of commerce dedicated to gay- and lesbian-owned businesses. Joined by three other business owners, they launched the Chicago Area Gay and Lesbian Chamber of Commerce. Their goal was to have 30 members by the first organizational meeting in March 1996. By the time the meeting was called to order, the Chamber had grown to include more than 80 businesses.

Today, the Chamber serves a roster of over 300 members, and is still growing quickly. These members are lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender (LGBT) business owners, as well as ally-run businesses. Together, member businesses employ over 2,000 people in the Chicago area, with gross revenues that exceed $200 million. The Chamber fulfills its mission by promoting economic opportunities for LGBTQ+ individuals in the state of Illinois by serving as an advocate and resource for businesses that are committed to equality.

On December 7, the LGBT Chamber of Commerce of Illinois will come together with sponsors, corporate partners, members, and friends to celebrate its 25th Anniversary.

Madam Speaker, I ask my colleagues to join me in celebrating the 25th Anniversary of the LGBT Chamber of Commerce of Illinois. I am honored to have such an exceptional organization in my district.

Madam Speaker, I rise today in disappointed support of a second continuing resolution, but let's remember, every continuing resolution reflects a failure to govern.

House Democrats did our job and passed government funding bills, all of them, to create good-paying jobs to support the hardworking middle class and protect our national security.

In September, we voted on a bipartisan basis to extend government funding through December 3 to allow negotiations to finalize legislation. Since then, my colleagues across the aisle have refused to seriously negotiate with us on funding.

That leads us to where we are now, considering another new short-term CR right before the holiday break, when we should have already completed our work.

The definition of insanity is doing the same thing over and over again and expecting a different result. Sure enough, here we are again, having to pass another short-term CR because we can't pass funding bills in a regular manner.

There is more than enough time in a year to come to an agreement and pass funding bills. America's friends and enemies around the world are watching us to see if our country can continue to function in a changing world. We must show them we can, but this effort requires compromise, as it always has.

I ask them to join us for a bipartisan, bicameral negotiation to resolve our differences and keep government working for the people.

Madam Speaker, I rise today to join the Lincoln Park Zoo colleagues in honoring Mr. Kevin J. Bell. Kevin recently retired as the zoo's President and CEO after 26 years of dedicated service. Kevin's retirement marks the end of a long career as a leader in the wildlife Conservation and Zoo world. Since he was a young boy, Kevin growing up on the grounds of the Bronx Zoo, where his father worked, had a passion for animals.

Kevin has been with Lincoln Park Zoo for 45 years, starting as a volunteer at the age of 10, he became a part-time animal caretaker at 17, and a keeper at 20. After earning his degrees, he was hired in 1976 as the curator of birds at Lincoln Park Zoo, promoted in 1992 to assistant director, and appointed in 1993 to director. After the zoo privatized in 1995, Kevin was named president and CEO of the Lincoln Park Zoological Society, which manages and operates Lincoln Park Zoo.

Kevin joined the American Zoo and Aquarium Association in 1976, and 20 years later would become the chair of the Privatization Task Force. A well-respected expert, he has published numerous articles in zoo- related publications. In 2011, he was selected as one of the three U.S. delegates to serve on the board of the World Association of Zoos and Aquariums (WAZA). Madam Speaker, please join me and all our colleagues in the House of Representatives in recognizing Mr. Bell's years of service and congratulating him on his retirement.

Mr. Speaker, author and historian Timothy Snyder said in his book, ``On Tyranny: Twenty Lessons from the Twentieth Century,'' that ``history does not repeat, but it does instruct.''

Indeed, we must constantly work to preserve our democratic institutions from those who wish to threaten them because one of the most powerful instructions or lessons from the last century is that democracy is deeply fragile, and more importantly, it can trend and fall into authoritarianism.

There are those in this country who are ignoring the lessons of the past, or worse. Some of the most popular news programs, Facebook groups, and social media networks are those that spread deliberate or negligent misinformation for partisan gain, sure, but for financial gain especially.

In 2018, the American Institutional Confidence Poll found that only 69 percent of Americans believed democracy is always preferable to any other kind of government. The remaining 31 percent either reported that they were open to authoritarianism under some circumstances or they were so disillusioned with politics that the type of government didn't matter.

While 69 percent may not seem alarming, it is nearly the same number of Hungarians who reported that democratic values, such as multiparty elections, were ``very important'' the same year that autocratic Hungarian Prime Minister Viktor Orban began his ascent to power.

Alarmingly, American conservative pundits have been praising Orban for his brand of strongman authoritar ianism for months, while Orban's rule has been marked by state control of the media; restrictions on LGBTQ and immigrant communities; and suppression of free speech, a free media, and political opposition.

Despite Orban's assault on global democratic values, conservative commentators here at home have endorsed his policies and have held him up as an example of what Americans should look for in a leader. These pundits have praised him for rejecting immigrants and refugees and have embraced his brand of ethnoreligious nationalism.

This praise for autocratic leaders and authoritarianism is dangerous.

Perhaps many believe that what happened in Hungary, the swift consolidation of political power and manipulation of political institutions, could not happen here. But one of the important lessons of the Trump Presidency is that we cannot afford to be complacent.

Over the past 4 years, we watched media and leaders on the right excuse or even support former President Trump as he leaned into authoritar ianism and incited violence. During his time in office, the former President's actions often echoed those of strongmen like Orban.

The former President used his office to target political rivals, including the efforts in Ukraine that ultimately led to his impeachment, treated the Department of Justice as his own personal police force, violently put down protests against him, used the Presidency to enrich himself, embraced political strongmen across the globe, and intentionally inflamed political tensions to his own benefit.

I believe history can and should continue to inform us, but we don't have to look back very far. The trends developing around the world and in our own country are warning about the threat of authoritarianism.

At a time when political polarization has led to violent attacks on democratic institutions across the country and in this very room, it is reckless to be feeding into these divisions.

They are preying on deep ideological divides in this country and on their followers' fears. They exploit economic anxieties and concerns over immigration and globalization. They advocate for a society where the voices of those who offer different opinions are threatened or silenced.

A poll just released by the Public Religion Research Institute found that 40 percent of those who subscribe to the farthest right media agree with the statement that ``true American patriots may have to resort to violence in order to save this country.''

These statistics should be alarming to all of us. But those who peddle incendiary and harmful rhetoric are using the trends toward authoritar ianism to their cynical advantage.

Authoritarianism thrives on polarization and uncertainty. Those who exploit, not repair, these cracks in our democracy do so for the explicit purpose of increasing their own power.

We must recognize their true intentions and work to preserve the democracy they seek to threaten.

All media outlets have an obligation to present Orban and others like him as they are, repressive demagogues who threaten liberty and the rule of law.

We must continue to recognize our common interests and those that have made our country the envy of the world: our freedoms of expression, economic mobility, and our deep cultural richness.

Orban's rule is a warning to all of us.

Madam Speaker, I rise to honor the World War II, Korean War, and Vietnam War Veterans who traveled to Washington, D.C. on October 27, 2021 with Honor Flight Chicago, a program that provides World War II, Korean War, and Vietnam War veterans the opportunity to visit their memorials on The National Mall in Washington, D.C. These memorials were built to honor their courage and service to their country.

The American Veteran is one of our greatest treasures. The Soldiers, Airmen, Sailors, Marines, and Coast Guardsmen who traveled here on October 27th answered our nation's call to service during one of its greatest times of need. From the European Campaign to the Pacific Asian Theatre to the African Theater, these brave Americans risked life and limb, gave service and sacrificed much, all while embodying what it is to be a hero. We owe them more gratitude than can ever be expressed.

I welcome these brave veterans to Washington and to their memorials. I am proud to include in the Record the names of these men and women for all to see, hear, and recognize, and I call on my colleagues to rise and join me in expressing gratitude.

Franklin Adams, Joseph Addante, George Andel, Charles

Battaglia, Martin Behn, Margaret Bernal, Willie Berry, James

Frederick Bolender, Charles Balwin, Steven Bravo, Roger R.

Brinker, Robert Brown, Frank S. Buday, Jimmy D. Cagle, Ramon

N. Calderon, Andrew P. Chengary, Terrance L. Chenore, Daniel

Ciszek, Glenn Allen Clausel, Jacque William Coakley, James

Conaway, Wade Cooper Jr., Joseph Corrigan, Kenneth E. Cramer,

Randall Cromwell, Charles F. Cusumano, Marco Dabetic, James

Daly, Clement J. Davis, Irving Frank Dewald, Frank Dudek, Sel

W. Dunlap Jr., William C. Ouray, John Francis Dwyer Jr.,

Ansel Howard Edidin, Robert L. Falkenberg, Gordon S. Farrant,

Raymond Franco, Raymond Lee Frerichs, Howard A. Fry, David

Grauer, Theodore P. Gray, William D. Greenwald, Robert J.

Grega, Melvin Hampton, Brent L. Harris, Ralph O.

Heatherington, Gerald A. Holcomb, John R. Horner, Richard

Kalamir, Ronald Kamykowski. Thomas J. Kelly, Alex Koplinski,

Robert Koscik. Frank Kusbel, Herbert Landy, Jon Lapo, Ronald

E. Lefman, David Lindberg, Louis Mack, Michael John Mahoney,

William E. Martin, Joseph Mata Jr, Fred V. McClintock,

Richard J. Melford, William A. Meloy, Lucian M. Michicich,

Joseph F. Milcarek, Francis Raymond Misischia, Norman Moret,

Neal E. Morgan, Gary A. Nielsen, Nicholas L. Pappalas, Louis

J. Pauly, Juan Pena, Robert G. Peterson, William Francis

Pietrowicz, Thaddeus J. Piwowar, Joseph L. Raftery Jr.,

Robert Reczek, Robert Reger, Joseph Michael Rogers, Steven D.

Rogers, Bernard Rosenblum, Robert Wayne Roswold, Harry

Sandberg, Robert Sansone, Joseph M. Shone, John Sintich,

Michael Siorek, Marvin D. Skidmore, Richard Smerz, Dennis J.

Sroka, Robert Elliott Sussman, Ken Swierczek, Gerald M.

Taylor, Thomas Testolin, Daniel Jerome Tomasik, Joseph

Vazzana, George Venetis, Roy Joseph Veverka, Terrence Raymond

Verderer, Bernard Lee Walat, William Wall, Lawrence Waska,

James W. Weinstein, Larry D. Welsh, Edward F. Wicherek, Paul

Wilczenski, Johnny L. Williams, DeNorris Williams, William W.

Wilson, Gerald M. Wilstein, Thomas Wysocki, Richard E.

Zabelski, Thomas S. Zaczkiewic, Thomas Anthony Zeman, and

John Zero.

Madam Speaker, I rise to honor the World War II, Korean War, and Vietnam War Veterans who traveled to Washington, D.C. on October 6, 2021 with HerStory Honor Flight, a program that provides women World War II, Korean War, and Vietnam War veterans the opportunity to visit their memorials on The National Mall in Washington, D.C. These memorials were built to honor their courage and service to their country.

The American Veteran is one of our greatest treasures. The Soldiers, Airwomen, Sailors, Marines, and Coast Guardswomen who traveled here on October 6th answered our nation's call to service during one of its greatest times of need. From the European Campaign to the Pacific Asian Theatre to the African Theater, these brave Americans risked life and limb, gave service and sacrificed much, all while embodying what it is to be a hero. We owe them more gratitude than can ever be expressed.

I welcome these brave veterans to Washington and to their memorials. I am proud to include in the Record the names of these women for all to see, hear, and recognize, and I call on my colleagues to rise and join me in expressing gratitude.

Maria Acevedo, Celeste F. Ackermann, Jeannie L. Adams, Miljan E. Akin, Kay Ann Akins, Romaine Albrecht, Paula L. Annino, Priscilla Elaine Artz, Mary J. Arvidson, Mary Claire Baker, Vida C. Barber, Josephine Bogdanich, Nancy Bernice Boyer, Mary L. Brady, Martha L. Bray, Melody Brocato, Geraldine S. Butts, Dorothy M. Calvin, Joyce A. Campbell-Terry, Denise E. Carson, Norma J. Cella, Ervine Clay, Victoria L. Cobbett, Teresa W. Cole, Cynthia D. Collins, Marva Crandall, Emeline M. Croucher, Rochelle Crump, Amelia E. Cunningham, Rosemary Tamborello Danaher, Elizabeth Day, Gwen M. Diehl, Leasha A. Dixson, Judith A. Doran, Constance L. Edwards, Patricia L. Eidam, Debra L. Emery, Beverly A. England, Sandra L. Forsberg, Diana Gibson, Donna Ann Glielmi, Rita Lynn Gorman, Diana P. Hackbarth, Katherine O. Haile, Eileen Hands, Valorie J. Harris, Catherine A. Harvey, Margaret Mary Hayes, Kathleen Hegg, Charlotte A. Hodder, Rita G. Holmes, Connie R. Holt, Bette C. Horstman, Lane E. Knox, Jeanne M. Kowalski, Melinda C. Larson, Beverly C. Lencioni, Patti L. Lindley, Elizabeth C. Ludwig, Carol Ann Macola, Lisa A. Mattingly, Bernadette McCraven, Edith P. McDonald, Charlotte E. McGrath, Mary McLean, Karen T. Meter, Molly Miller-Bartrom, Wilverlyn Joye Morris, Dana C. Morrison, Jane Moyers, Edwina C. Mroz, Virginia Narsete, Peggy M. Nuelle, Betty Lou Paps, Rochelle B. Perkins, Loretta M. Peters, Mary Roberson, Annie H. Robinson. Katie S. Ross, Kathryn J. Rutledge, Claudia Lynn Ryczkowski, Mary K. Santine, Diane M. Spurgeon, Carol Jean Stegall, Ellen F. Stevenson, Nancy L. Sumner, Barbara Thompson, Patricia A. Tiner, Alexandria Welty, Sandra White-Shelley, Barbara J. Whitman, Lorraine Williams, Thereseann Taggart Sankey.