Floor Statements

Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the order for the quorum call be rescinded.

Mr. President, yesterday, the Pentagon announced the deployment of additional U.S. servicemembers to the Middle East. The proximate cause, of course, is the threat of war on Israel's northern border. But ongoing Iran-backed attacks against U.S. personnel from the Red Sea to Iraq and Syria offer plenty of reminders that America's enemies lack neither the resources nor motivation to target us.

Democrats and Republicans alike should recognize that America's enduring security interests in the Middle East are not served by abandoning the region to Iran, Russia, and China. But what the Biden- Harris administration is grappling with right now is a problem of its own making. It is the combination of a weak and ineffectual response to Iran-backed aggression. It is the predictable and forewarned inadequacy of a force-planning construct that rules out serious preparation for meeting multiple threats at the same time.

I have spoken repeatedly about the naivete of abandoning a multiple- war, force-planning construct, underresourcing our military, and ignoring the growing and interconnected threats our adversaries pose to our interests.

It is worth remembering how former British Prime Minister Harold Macmillan reportedly responded to a question that the greatest challenge for a statesman is ``events, dear boy, events.'' Well, events have proven particularly challenging for the Biden-Harris administration.

At the risk of repeating myself, losing resolve to meet and defeat adversaries when they threaten us only emboldens them. Retreating from difficult challenges only invites even bigger ones. And most importantly, there

is no serious accounting of the global threats to America's interests and our allies today that concludes they can be dealt with one at a time, at our leisure.

The enemy gets a vote.

The demand for a U.S. military that can meet simultaneous challenges is acute, and we ignore it at the peril of the entire American-led international order that underpins our security and our prosperity.

Today, when President Biden addresses the U.N. General Assembly, we will no doubt hear about the grave challenge these interconnected threats pose to America and the entire world. But the President's concern will carry little weight without explicit commitments to the sort of hard power necessary to address them. The President will insist that his leadership has ``produced results.'' That is true--just not good results. For years, by its neglect of the urgent requirements of the national defense, its anemic--anemic--defense budget requests, and its ongoing preference for micromanaging allies over confronting adversaries, the Biden-Harris administration has compounded the challenges that we face.

What the Commander in Chief is reckoning with this week is the product of nearly 4 years of failing to check Iran and to prepare adequately for great power competition--4 years of appeasement, hesitation, naive and desperate nuclear diplomacy, as well as outright retreat.

It is, indeed, too late to undo this administration's record of net cuts to defense investments. Likewise, it is too late to roll back the disastrous withdrawal from Afghanistan.

Here in the Senate, after weeks of partisan show votes, it is now too late for the Senate to discharge a fundamental obligation of this body--to provide for the common defense--and debate the annual Defense authorization and appropriations bills before the election.

It is not, however, too late to stop treating Israel as an escalatory regional force in need of finger-wagging micromanagement and, instead, like a sovereign democracy encircled by the forces of the world's most active sponsor of terror. It is not too late to stop responding to proxy violence with the sort of unwavering force necessary to change Iran's calculus--and, for that matter, Russia's and China's as well.

It is not too late to show our adversaries that, in their race to undermine America's global influence and threaten its global interests, they will meet determined opposition.

Madam President, I ask unanimous consent that the order for the quorum call be rescinded.

Madam President, in May 2000, Israeli forces withdrew from southern Lebanon, but while the occupation ended, Hezbollah's appetite for waging war on Israel only grew, and its further deadly attacks on Israel invited the 2006 conflict.

But the history of Israel's fight to defend its northern border and innocent civilians against Hezbollah terrorists bears eerie parallels to the stories of the brutal violence Hamas has perpetrated from Gaza. Israel withdrew there in August 2005, and by 2007, Iran-backed terrorists had bent the enclave to its all-consuming mission, which is war on Israel.

But the most glaring through-lines in Israel's north and south are not the relentless bloodlust of terrorists. They are the predictable delusion of Israel's ``friends'' and the shameful cowardice of international authorities that claim to stand for peace.

Take, for starters, how the Biden-Harris administration chose to welcome the U.N. General Assembly by signaling its openness--openness-- to resuming funding for UNRWA and how it apparently still clings to the fiction that an organization so thoroughly corrupted by Hamas that nearly a dozen of its staff directly--directly--participated in the October attacks is somehow reformable.

But while the civilized world gathers in one place, the General Assembly might productively spend its time contemplating other pressing questions, for example: Why hasn't the U.N. Security Council managed to enforce resolutions 1559 and 1701 in Lebanon? These resolutions were passed to end and prevent further conflict between Israel and Lebanon by removing the threat Hezbollah posed on Israel's border and to end the threat Hezbollah posed to the State of Lebanon itself.

And why has the U.N. peacekeeping force in Lebanon allowed Hezbollah to build up massive stockpiles on Israel's border, in clear--clear-- preparation for war?

Why has the U.N. looked the other way as Hezbollah has expanded its corrosive influence over the institutions of Lebanon's Government?

But setting aside the failures of the so-called international community, this past weekend once again cast a spotlight on America's known naivete toward the glaring facts of Iran-backed war on our friend Israel.

In an interview that might rightly attract scrutiny for its host's obfuscation of the facts on Israel's responses to Hezbollah terrorism, the White House National Security Communications Advisor said out loud what the Biden-Harris administration has been saying by its actual actions for nearly a year:

We've been working since the beginning of the conflict,

October 8 . . . to try to prevent an escalation.

So think about that. The only way to claim credit for working to ``prevent an escalation'' is by pretending like Hezbollah's October 8 attacks--or Hamas's October 7 massacre--weren't actually escalations themselves.

Unfortunately, the administration official also seemed to suggest a moral equivalence--a moral equivalence--between Israel and Hezbollah. He suggested that ``military action, by either side'' would not be ``in either side's best interest'' and implied that an Israeli response would itself be escalation--once again, second-guessing Israel's interests, micromanaging their defensive efforts. Blaming Israel for escalation when it is clear--absolutely clear--Hamas and Hezbollah have been the instigators of this conflict. It is a tired playbook.

The administration is telling the world that what America wants is a return to October 6, as if the status quo was either sustainable or peaceful. This, of course, is pure fantasy. Hamas broke a cease-fire on October 7.

Or consider Hezbollah's history as the centerpiece of Iran's ``ring of fire'' around Israel: Just since the 2006 conflict, Hezbollah terrorists have imported tens of thousands of rockets to target Israel, deployed forces directly to Israel's border, and constructed tunnels that would allow them to emulate Hamas's October 7 invasion.

Recent estimates suggest the terrorists possess up to 200,000 rockets, missiles, drones, and precision-guided munitions, along with 25,000 active-duty militants--all of it pointed south at Israel, and all of it, as Hezbollah's leader has boasted, is from Iran.

Or consider Lebanon itself. Hezbollah is a cancer on the Lebanese State. It wields its power as a sectarian terror squad and leads a long trail of blood through its highest ranks of civilian government and civil society. Sunnis, Christians, Druze, and fellow Shiites--none are immune from Hezbollah's wrath.

Then, again, National Public Radio refers to Hezbollah as a ``political'' group. Perhaps the administration's officials' confusion is a symbol of their media diet or more likely the foundations of their foreign policy are fundamentally flawed.

Remember the declaration by the President's National Security Advisor early last fall that the Middle East was ``quieter than it had been in decades.'' The absurdity of that boast in light of October 7 is striking enough, but even when it was written, it betrayed the administration's naivete toward glaring and abiding threats to Israel and America's national security interests in the region.

Iran's agents in Syria and Iraq had already fired hundreds of rockets at American forces on this administration's watch. Since last October, these attacks have only metastasized, including into the Red Sea. So was this an acceptable status quo? Was Hezbollah's steady preparation for war? Was Hamas's expropriation of humanitarian assistance in order to build terror tunnels?

The United States ought to stand with our friend Israel as it faces these terrorists down. The goal should not be simply to avoid escalating or to return to the status quo ante but to help Israel defend itself against terrorists bent--bent--on Israel's destruction.

We have a stake in ensuring Israel emerges from this conflict stronger and these terrorist organizations and their Iranian patron weaker. These same terrorists want to expel the United States from the region. We are the Great Satan, in their own parlance. Instead, by their misplaced obsession with escalation, the administration and Washington Democrats are actually making Israel's job harder.

If the President and Vice President want to see an end to the war in Gaza and prevent greater hostilities in Lebanon, then it is time to switch the focus of their diplomatic pressure.

Every time the administration officials try to tie Israel's hand in public comments and every time a U.S. Senator threatens to hold critical security assistance hostage, Hamas, Hezbollah, and their patrons in Tehran are emboldened.

If our colleagues want peace, it is time to show support for a nation founded on peace and resolve toward terrorists whose reason for existence is chaos and violence.

Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the order for the quorum call be rescinded.

Mr. President, since October 7, the Israeli military has achieved remarkable success in destroying Hamas's capacity to wage war and in targeting Hezbollah terrorists, but Israel's operations against the Iran-backed terrorists surrounding it have also succeeded in exposing some of the most malignant and persistent biases of Western media against the Jewish State of Israel.

We need to look no further than the astonishing willingness of the most prominent outlets in America to parrot the terrorists' preferred casualty figures, produced by Hamas's own health ministry, or the haste of even the nation's so-called paper of record to attribute to Israel a devastating rocket strike on a hospital that careful observation showed to be the work of the terrorists themselves.

To deny the role of careless coverage and outright bias in the groundswell of anti-Israel and anti-Semitic hate across the West is willful ignorance.

Consider just this morning's example, courtesy of taxpayer-funded National Public Radio. In its coverage of an apparent Israeli operation to target Hezbollah terrorists via their specialized communications networks, NPR described Hezbollah as a ``Lebanese militant and political group,'' but the most accurate descriptor of Hezbollah--a terrorist organization--was conspicuously absent; but NPR editors did manage to include a quote from a man on the street accusing Israel of terrorism.

Well, as intrepid journalists so often remind us, context matters, and it matters especially in the work of an organization that takes Federal Government funding and whose CEO has declared that ``reverence for the truth might be a distraction.'' So let's establish some context.

Hezbollah is arguably the world's most dangerous terrorist group. The U.S. Government and more than 60 other countries recognize this essential characteristic. Hezbollah is funded, trained, and equipped by Iran, and with Iran's help, Hezbollah has conducted terror attacks all around the world--from bombings in Argentina and Greece to backing the ghoulish Assad regime in the Syrian civil war.

Until 9/11, Hezbollah was responsible for the deadliest terror attacks against the United States, killing 321 Americans in bombings of the U.S. Embassy, marine barracks, and annex in Beirut back in 1983 and 1984. They also coordinated with the IRGC and its master terrorist, Qasem Soleimani, to kill hundreds of U.S. servicemembers in Iraq; and, of course, Hezbollah continues to threaten U.S. personnel in Iraq and Syria today.

But, of course, one of Hezbollah's primary reasons for existence is the murder of Jews and the destruction of the Jewish State.

To the extent that it is a political entity, it has corrupted and strangled Lebanon's fragile democracy; and it is Hezbollah's efforts to threaten Israel with tens of thousands of rockets and missiles and its terror tunnels to facilitate the infiltration of Israel that has put Lebanon in the spotlight.

So it may be worth mentioning that, perhaps, the most carefully targeted series of simultaneous attacks against terrorist operatives in human history comes in response to this all-consuming campaign, which has turned Lebanon into the staging area for war on Israel's existence.

So how is that for context?

It is my understanding that the senior Senator from Vermont has said he will introduce joint resolutions of the disapproving of U.S. security assistance to Israel. Such a signal would only empower and embolden terrorists like Hamas and Hezbollah. Each of our colleagues deserves a chance to go on the record right away to reject this extremism.

Harris Policy

Now, Mr. President, on a different matter, I spoke yesterday about how working Americans are having a tough time figuring out where Vice President Harris stands on leftwing climate policy. She has played both sides of issues that carry real consequences for the livelihoods and family budgets. Unfortunately, it doesn't stop at the Green New Deal. Voters consistently report that border security is among their top concerns--and with good reason.

In the last 4 years, humanitarian chaos and a security crisis at the southern border has set all the wrong records. Since the Biden-Harris administration took office, the CBP has recorded more than 9.9 million encounters with illegal aliens, and this doesn't include the nearly 2 million known ``got-aways.'' In the past fiscal year alone, the CBP has encountered 2.3 million people attempting to illegally enter our country.

The Democratic nominee for President also happens to be the current administration's point person responsible for this exact issue. You might expect the border czar to have taken command and left a clear idea of where she stands on the issue. Ah, but think again.

Back in 2020, she described President Trump's border wall as a ``complete waste of taxpayer money'' that ``won't make us any safer''; but, recently, she said that she would sign Senator Lankford's border bill into law if it landed on her desk. Remember, this is the bill that would have unlocked hundreds of millions of dollars to fund the construction of that wall.

In 2019, when she first ran for President, our former colleague expressed support for decriminalizing illegal border crossing. Apparently, this was a longstanding view. In her maiden speech in the Senate, she proclaimed:

I know what a crime looks like, and I will tell you: An

undocumented immigrant is not a criminal.

But, according to her campaign, she no longer believes that.

On other aspects of border policy, her campaign has declined to say whether her earlier commitments still hold true.

Vice President Harris has bragged that she was ``one of the first Senators, after President Trump was elected, to advocate for a decrease in funding to ICE.'' Is she still proud of that stand? The Harris campaign won't say. This is especially puzzling given her stated support for the Lankford border bill, which increases the funding for ICE. Does she not know what is in the legislation she says she now endorses?

In this body, she introduced legislation to decrease detention by at least 50 percent and end funding for new detention facilities. Would she sign a bill like that today? Her campaign is mum on the issue. And they are similarly tight-lipped on the Vice President's 2019 statement of support for taxpayer-funded gender transition treatment for persons in immigration detention facilities.

Now, this isn't to say that the American people are at a total loss for clues on where the Vice President stands. She has repeated often on the campaign trail that ``my values have not changed,'' and it is useful to note who has taken her word for it. The executive director of a progressive immigration group recently put it this way:

We all know and trust Harris to make the right decisions

when she's in office.

When it comes to campaign strategy, some of our Democratic colleagues are even saying the quiet part out loud. The senior Senator from Vermont, self-described Democratic Socialist, said:

I don't think she's abandoning her ideals. I think she's

tried to be pragmatic and doing what she thinks is right in

order to win the election.

The senior Senator from Hawaii reiterated this point. He has said:

I certainly don't think we should be demanding that she

take unpopular positions in key States.

Sitting Democratic Senators are calling it like it is: Our former colleague is saying what needs to be said to appeal to independent voters, but when it comes to her progressive agenda, she is dyed in the wool. She just needs to wait until the election to let the mask come off.

So for voters who are trying to make sense of where the Vice President stands, it really comes down to this: If Washington Democrats' leftwing base

isn't afraid of her flip-flops, then it is safe to say that working Americans should be.

I suggest the absence of a quorum.

Mr. President, one of my predecessors in the Senate from Kentucky was a guy named Happy Chandler. He had a legendary career that continued back in the Commonwealth as a two-time Governor, and he was actually the baseball commissioner for a while. He was known for what I found to be a wise observation: You can start too late but never too soon.

That sums up how I feel about the task I began this time last week: publicly thanking the talented people who serve with me in the Republican leader's office. It is not because I am going anywhere anytime soon. It is not because there is any shortage of important work still to be done. I have just had the great, good fortune of leaning on an outstanding staff, and it is never too soon to thank them for their devoted service over many years.

The group I would like to single out for particular praise this afternoon includes some of the longest serving members of my team and some of its newest arrivals, some of the most familiar faces around the Capitol and some of the behind-the-scenes heroes who actually keep us going. Every one of them is essential to the work that we do for Kentucky and for the Nation.

I will begin with someone whose first stint on my team predates my time as Republican leader.

Today, the former Secretary of the Senate, Julie Adams, is a senior leader with administrative responsibilities that touch every corner of this institution, but I will claim credit for first bringing this proud Iowan to the Senate as my deputy communications director.

When Julie left my team the first time, she wisely picked an opportunity I would have a rough time objecting to, and that was working for First Lady Laura Bush at the White House. Well, ever since she got back, I have done everything I could to keep Julie's numerous talents right here in the Senate. From complex personnel policy to ancient institutional protocol, Julie hasn't met a Senate challenge she couldn't handle with tact and grace. Appointing Julie as Secretary under the last Republican majority was literally a no-brainer. From this desk, I had a front row seat to Julie's professional excellence, but I wasn't the only one.

As I understand it, Julie's daily appearances on the Senate floor were appointment viewing for her parents Harold and Leah. They tuned in from back home, and they have good reason to be proud of their truly exceptional public servant.

So, Julie, thank you so much.

Mr. President, while Julie has been out amongst the tapestry of the broader Senate, the next pair I would like to thank have been holding down the fort just inside the doors of my Capitol office.

The first person anybody sees when they stop by my office is Grace Harrison, and that is by design. Grace has both the warmth and the poise of a royal and the authoritative confidence of a bouncer. She knows how to make guests feel welcome whether they are Kentuckians stopping by on a family vacation or dignitaries arriving for important meetings. At the same time, she knows how to keep a firm hold on what comes in and out of the office. It is a rare combination of skills and easily takes years to hone, but Grace had it mastered on day one.

As I understand it, it wasn't long after she arrived that Grace also had the names and faces of each of our colleagues committed to memory, and she has wasted no time in taking on extra projects above and beyond the duties of the front office. This isn't at all surprising for someone who, I am told, found time back in high school, amid the demands of academics and extracurriculars, to start up her own business on the side. Well, I am grateful that Grace continues to make it her business to support my entire team so well.

So, Grace, thank you.

Now, Mr. President, if you make it past Grace, you may find yourself striking up a conversation with the other half of my all- star front office, Gaden James.

It usually begins with a detailed account of the incredible history of the room--the very first home of the Library of Congress--but where the conversation goes next is anybody's guess. Gaden is as comfortable discussing the finer points of sport fishing as he is the nuances of Richard Nixon's foreign policy. No matter the topic, you are sure to come away with some new walking-around knowledge. Perhaps that is par for the course with an alumnus of one of our most erudite former colleagues, Rob Portman.

Gaden has struck a sort of balance few young Capitol Hill staffers manage to achieve. He is both 100 percent present for the tasks at hand and 100 percent committed to honing the skills he hopes to use in his future. In other words, he is not above keeping track of my favorite coffee mug, but he never misses an opportunity to attend a briefing on an interesting topic either. And when the Senate works odd hours, so does my front office team. I am grateful that Gaden has been so willing to burn the midnight oil.

So, Gaden, thanks a lot.

Now, Mr. President, if the front office sounds like an energetic place to work, just ask our special assistant, Katie Karam, what it is like helping my senior staff in the back office.

Katie came aboard last year at a particularly busy time for my team. Depending on who you ask, she was either stolen or rescued from the wild world of House campaigns. Regardless, Katie dove headfirst into a tough job: keeping tabs on a chief of staff who is known to come and go from the office via a secret side door, tracking down a national security advisor who is frequently unreachable via phone or email, and taking on extensive other duties as assigned--all with a calm but eager willingness beyond her years.

Katie is a sponge for new knowledge and skills, and my entire staff has come to count on her as a utility player in all kinds of clutch situations.

Katie's contributions in my office follow in a distinguished family tradition of public service, and her loyal commitment to this team is second only to her devotion to her family, whom I know she makes very proud.

So, Katie, thank you.

Of course, Mr. President, I can't talk about how my office runs with calm efficiency and professionalism without mentioning the great work of my scheduling director, Sarah Steinberg.

Around the Senate, it is considered poor form to recruit all-star staffers away from our colleagues, but when my dear friend Lamar Alexander announced his retirement, I concluded it was fair play for the Kentucky delegation to borrow Sarah's talents from her native Tennessee.

At any given moment over the past 5 years, there isn't anyone who has had a better idea of where I am--or, more importantly, where I am supposed to be--than Sarah. Discretion and attention to detail are her calling cards. Sarah closely guards my confidence and vigilantly protects my time. She spots sensitive situations from a mile away and

steers us through them with the ease of a pro who has seen it all.

Indeed, Sarah has seen it all. From her days at the business end of Senate casework back in Tennessee to her tenure managing some of the most demanding schedules here in Washington, to the job of which I am sure she is most proud: raising two young sons, Connor and Graham, with her husband Shane.

I have been so grateful for Sarah's willingness to juggle it all with such excellence.

So, thank you, Sarah.

Mr. President, I am proud of the way my team thrives under pressure, but when technical difficulties throw a wrench in a busy day, even the coolest heads require a bit of grace. In those moments, there is nobody my team is happier to see than my longtime information administrator of information technology, Moon Sulfab.

Of course, with Moon's capable hands on the wheel, moments of technological crises are few and far between. He plugged in the entire Republican leader's office. He will be the only one to unplug it as well, and every day in between, I have relied on Moon's trust, loyalty, discretion, and skill to keep our entire operation secure. Moon's relentless pursuit of professional development makes him not only an asset for my team but for the entire Senate.

But for every memory of Moon bailing us out of a wonky technological problem, my team recalls countless more times when he was just the friendliest colleague they could ask for. Moon asks after their parents and their favorite sports teams. He wants to know about their latest travels and regale them with stories and gifts from his own. And his reputation is hardly limited to my office. Around the Capitol, it is well-known that Moon hasn't ever met a stranger.

By his own admission, he is living an American dream, and by his joy for his work, his lifelong love of learning, and his devotion to this institution, Moon reminds those around him that we are as well.

So, Moon, thank you so much.

Mr. President, my late friend and former chair of the Ethics Committee, Johnny Isakson, liked to warn folks not to drown in shallow water. What he meant, of course, was that while you are focused on the big picture, you can't forget to dot your i's and cross your t's.

Well, my entire team is fortunate that my office manager, Alexandra Jenkins, took that advice as words to live by.

Alex, of course, is a proud Kentuckian. And as I was reminded during my travels during a State work period, Kentucky is quite proud of her as well.

So is our shared alma mater. It is not uncommon for McConnell Scholars in Louisville to come up to me eager to let me know that they know Alex. I suspect they see in her what my staff saw in her years ago, when she joined the team--a passion for public service and a wisdom beyond her years.

It didn't take long before the selfless initiative that prompted Alex to quietly come into work on Sundays to help Kentuckians secure coveted tickets for White House tours invited even greater responsibilities.

As office manager, Alex is constantly immersed in the minutiae of Senate policy and personnel. Well before an issue arises, she makes it her business to become an expert. When my senior-most staff need honest assessments to make sensitive decisions, Alex doesn't pull any punches. Her competence and composure prevent headaches and quite literally keep our team out of harm's way.

I can't help but recall how, on January 6, while working from home, Alex provided such timely instructions and updates to members of my staff literally locked down in the Capitol that many of them assumed she was there as well.

I know my entire team is grateful for Alex's patience, her friendship, and the biting wit that keeps officemates on their toes.

And behind only her proud mom Debra, I count myself among her biggest fans.

So, Alex, thank you.

For a second week in a row, I close by saying that there are still many more incredibly talented and dedicated public servants that I need to thank publicly in the days ahead. In the meantime, my entire team will continue to do what they do best on behalf of Kentucky and the entire Nation.

Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the order for the quorum call be rescinded.

Mr. President, in the weeks since Washington Democrats made Vice President Harris their nominee, the American people have had their hands full in trying to figure out where her campaign stands on the issues on the top of their minds.

They have got serious questions about her role in everything from the runaway spending that gave them the worst inflation in 40 years to the open borders policies that have invited the worst humanitarian and security crisis the southern border has ever seen. Thus far, they haven't received many answers.

The problem is that the Vice President doesn't have a record. She has

campaigned for President once before and worked hand in hand with President Biden for 4 years since. Instead, the problem is that, on issue after issue, Vice President Harris has, at one time or another, played both sides. Well, working families want to know, this time, what side she is on.

Take energy policy. Back in 2019, then-Senator Harris went on record, saying:

There's no question I'm in favor of banning fracking.

Fast-forward, after 4 years of undermining exploration of abundant American energy, the Harris campaign says her policies as President would be different.

During her time in the Senate, our former colleague cosponsored the Zero-Emission Vehicles Act, a bill that would require car manufacturers to sell only zero-emission vehicles after 2040. These days, her campaign avoids getting pinned down about whether she would seek an electric vehicle mandate.

Then-Senator Harris also went on the record in support of the Green New Deal, including its make-work programs and job guarantees. These days, as the Biden-Harris war on American energy rages on, the Harris campaign conveniently reveals that she no longer supports this resolution, and, apparently, there is no policy too small for the campaign to walk back, not even the Vice President's stated support for--get this--a Federal ban on plastic straws. According to the campaign, that has been reversed as well.

Well, micromanaging fountain drinks is one thing, but as millions of Americans contend with the business end of the Biden-Harris climate and economic agenda, they ought to know precisely where the Democratic Party's nominee stands. Policies matter. They can quite literally be the difference between affording gas and groceries and going without. Voters are fed up with flip-flops, and the Vice President ought to come clean.

Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the order for the quorum call be rescinded.