I have listened carefully to the comments of Senator Feinstein earlier, and I will make a couple of important points in response to her amendment. First, as a privacy advocate, I fully appreciate the interest and concern at hand. Indeed,…
I have listened carefully to the comments of Senator Feinstein earlier, and I will make a couple of important points in response to her amendment.
First, as a privacy advocate, I fully appreciate the interest and concern at hand. Indeed, both Senator Sarbanes and I have been very sensitive and worked together a lot on privacy concerns. As we took up the Fair Credit Reporting Act, this was one of the key considerations we sought to balance, even as the law itself requires. We did this in what was a very comprehensive, transparent, and lengthy review of the law and issues at hand as we considered reauthorizing our national credit standard.
Second, the amendment of the Senator from California makes two basic assumptions which ultimately guide her amendment's approach and goal, as I understand it. No. 1, that there is something inherently nefarious about the use of affiliate structures; No. 2, that consumers have no rights or means to protect themselves with respect to the handling of their transaction and experience information.
I believe that our consideration in the Banking Committee would therefore be instructive in understanding the better approach adopted in our bill and why I intend to oppose the amendment of the Senator from California. To the first point: Why do affiliates exist? Companies establish affiliates for a variety of legal, tax, and accounting reasons--because laws require them to do it.
What do these structures mean for consumers? Some companies choose to create separate legal entities known as
separately capitalized affiliates. Other companies elect to locate all of their business lines in a single entity. Regardless of the structure that a firm employs, consumer information is generally used in the same fashion. Affiliates or the separate business line share it to service their customers, fight fraud, or develop new business. The affiliate sharing provisions contained in the Fair Credit Reporting Act exist to make it clear that companies should not suffer because they have chosen a particular corporate structure.
From the consumer's perspective, I believe there is no real difference between a company making an internal transfer of information among departments and sharing between affiliates. In fact, in many cases where affiliate sharing is occurring, most consumers would not recognize that the two parties are involved in the transfer. Rather, they would be under the impression that information is merely being moved within the single entity with whom they have chosen to do business.
Second, there are real rules and provisions governing the manner in which transaction and experience information is handled. First, we need to consider what exactly transaction and experience information is. Transaction and experience information involves checking and saving account balances, credit card balances and repayment history, mortgage balances and repayment history, and mortgage and brokerage account balances and transaction activity. In many instances, the information is the very information provided to the consumer reporting agencies where, as consumer report information, consumers are afforded significant rights under the Fair Credit Reporting Act.
More important, however, this is information that is routinely provided to consumers as required by separate laws and regulations. For example, the Truth in Lending Act, the Fair Credit Billing Act, the Truth in Savings Act, the Electronic Funds Transfer Act, provisions of the securities laws and the Uniform Commercial Code all provide consumers substantive rights with respect to transaction and experience information. These include disclosures and access rights and error resolution procedures.
I believe the bottom line is that consumers already have access to and rights concerning transaction experience information right now under the law. But at the end of the day, I believe the main concern I heard with affiliate sharing uses was the use for marketing purposes. At the end of the day, I believe that is all that is really left restricted, in some way, under California's approach after accounting for the exceptions and exemptions.
So after spending more than a year considering the law carefully in order to balance the needs of our national credit system, which we all believe is crucial to the operation and strength of our economy, with a need to protect consumers rights, the Banking Committee identified two key areas for increased Federal protection: The sharing of medical information and restricting affiliate sharing used for marketing purposes.
This bill does so in the context of the Fair Credit Reporting Act in a straightforward and narrowly tailored way and does not give preferential treatment to certain business models over others.
This brings us to a third and very important point. The Fair Credit Reporting Act deals with more than just financial institutions. The sponsors, as you know as a member of the Banking Committee, Mr. President, seek to impose a model that was tailored strictly for financial institutions to all furnishers of credit information, subject to the Fair Credit Reporting Act. This model is largely based on SB-1, the California Financial Services Law.
The amendment's sponsors have tried to graft a banking bill on to the Fair Credit Reporting Act. This effort, I believe, is misplaced, and this effort does not mesh with how the FCRA, the Fair Credit Reporting Act, works and to whom it applies. Gramm-Leach-Bliley made it permissible for California and all other States to pass legislation that regulates third party sharing activity. This bill would not affect those provisions in the California law that come because of Gramm- Leach-Bliley. With respect to the part of SB-1 that conflicts with the Fair Credit Reporting Act, the California law was preempted, making it unenforceable when it was enacted. This bill does not change or alter that fact in any way.
The irony is that, even if we were to assume these provisions were violated, California's attempt to overturn Federal law is actually weaker than the Senate bill. The California law, as I have heard here, as it is targeted at financial institutions, covers a much more limited range than the broader Fair Credit Reporting Act, which deals with information, not entities, and therefore includes retailers, auto dealers, mortgage providers--anyone who furnishes credit.
Furthermore, California's rule is eaten by its exceptions and its exemptions. Its provisions provide consumers with no real choices or meaningful protection. The Senate bill covers the areas that consumers care about--marketing and the sharing of medical information--by providing real protection. Unlike the Senate bill, the California law still exempts most of the largest financial service firms they claim the law is intended to address.
The Senate bill was carefully tailored to address key concerns in a more clear and a concise way. The Senate bill before us targets unwanted solicitations without otherwise preventing sharing activities that provide benefits to consumers. Unlike the California bill, the Senate bill is designed to protect consumer interests. The unenforceable portions of the California law were designed to promote a specific business model by hobbling others.
I yield the floor.
Mr. President, I now move to table the Feinstein-Boxer amendment and ask for the yeas and nays.
Mr. President, I move to reconsider the vote.
Mr. President, the managers are prepared to accept this amendment. I commend Senator Cantwell and also Senator Enzi for the work they have done in this regard.
I urge adoption of the amendment.
Mr. President, I move to reconsider the vote.
Mr. President, the managers are prepared to accept this amendment.
I urge the adoption of the amendment.
Mr. President, I move to reconsider the vote.
The managers are prepared to accept this amendment.
I urge the adoption of the amendment.
Mr. President, I move to reconsider the vote.
If the Senator will yield, we do have a copy of the letter from Sallie Mae.
I take a minute to commend Mr. Durbin, the Senator from Illinois, for his good work in this area. He has recognized this as a very important issue and has done something about it. Whether it is Sallie Mae or anybody else, what we are interested in is all the reporting we can get that would affect someone's credit. I again commend Senator Durbin for the work he has done. I am sure he will follow up and make sure this is part of the law.
If the Senator will yield, I understand the concerns. I think it is also true that debit card transactions and ATM transactions have some significant differences. Namely, the retailer owns the debit machine while the bank owns the ATM machine. This makes a ``point of sale'' disclosure--as we achieved in Gramm-Leach-Bliley--more difficult since banks cannot easily adjust the equipment and the software.
Absolutely. Senator Sarbanes and I agree with Senator Schumer and support further study of this issue. We have planned and drafted a letter to the Federal Reserve Board asking them to conduct a comprehensive review of this issue.
Madam President, the managers are prepared to accept the amendment offered by Senator Corzine. It is a good amendment and makes a lot of sense.
Madam President, I intend to oppose this amendment and all amendments that are not within the four corners of the Fair Credit Reporting Act legislation.
The committee spent a great deal of time, as the Presiding Officer knows, as a distinguished member of the Banking Committee, carefully considering the reauthorization and reform of the Fair Credit Reporting Act national standards.
The committee bill is carefully crafted, and it balances protecting consumer interests and ensuring the efficiency of our credit markets.
The committee bill was unanimously approved, as the Presiding Officer knows, by a voice vote in the committee, which is hard to get. It was unanimous.
Extraneous amendments, I believe, alter this balance and focus and threaten our ability to maintain the strong, bipartisan consensus necessary to pass this important legislation this year.
As a result, the managers of the bill--Senator Sarbanes and I--intend to oppose including this amendment and all non-Fair Credit Reporting Act-related amendments, regardless of their merit. This might have some merit, but I think it can be better served at another place on another day.
At the proper time, I will move to table the amendment. Right now, I yield to Senator Sarbanes.
Mr. FEINGOLD addressed the Chair.
Madam President, I move to table the amendment.
Madam President, I ask unanimous consent that the vote be deferred temporarily.
Madam President, I suggest the absence of a quorum.
If the Senator will yield, I believe that is a good amendment. I think it ought to be in other legislation. I am going to work with Senator Feingold. We all want to promote jobs in America. We believe the American worker can produce anything as well as, if not better than, any worker in the world. If we promote Buy America, I think we are saying something to our workers and our industry and our economy down the road, notwithstanding what others will argue.
So I commend the Senator from Wisconsin for bringing this up tonight. We are going to continue to work on this and try to put it in the proper legislation, where it is going to go somewhere.
Madam President, I suggest the absence of a quorum.
Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent the order for the quorum call be rescinded.
Mr. President, on behalf of Senator Nelson of Florida, I send an amendment to the desk and ask for its immediate consideration.
Mr. President, Senator Sarbanes and I have reviewed the amendment. We have no objection to the amendment.
I urge the adoption of the amendment.
Mr. President, I move to reconsider the vote.
Mr. President, I suggest the absence of a quorum.
I object.
I believe the Senator from Wisconsin has an amendment pending.
Mr. President, I would like to respond to the Democratic leader.
First of all, we have gotten to where we are tonight on the Fair Credit Reporting Act coming out of the Banking Committee by working together in a bipartisan way. Senator Sarbanes and the Democrats on the committee have been involved in the formulation of this legislation as so many members of the Banking Committee have. That is why we are here today. That is why we believe we have put together a far-reaching, very complex piece of legislation. We are going to continue--assuming this bill passes and goes into conference--to work together because that is the only way we are going to pass this legislation. This legislation, the Fair Credit Reporting Act, would expire at the end of this year. We know we are working on a deadline. We are working on a good piece of legislation. We want to continue that.
I yield to the Senator from Maryland.
Mr. President, if it is proper at this time, I move to table the Feingold amendment, and I ask for the yeas and nays.
Mr. President, I would like to take a few moments to thank some of the staff who did outstanding work on the Banking Committee--Kathy Casey, chief of staff of the Banking Committee; Doug Nappi, our general counsel; Mark Oesterle, one of our counsel.
I also thank some of the Democratic staff who worked with us on this: Steve Harris, who is Democratic chief of staff; Marty Gruenberg; Lynsey Graham Rea, and Dean Shahinian. They have all worked together in a bipartisan fashion. I believe that is why this legislation was brought out of the committee unanimously and we will be able to pass it, because we had a lot of input from Members and committee staff on both sides of the aisle. It makes a difference.
I move to lay that motion on the table.
The motion to lay on the table was agreed to.
Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the vote occur on passage of the bill on Wednesday--tomorrow--with no intervening action or debate, at a time determined by the majority leader, after consultation with the Democratic leader. Further, I ask unanimous consent that following that vote, the Senate insist on its amendment, request a conference with the House, and the Chair be authorized to appoint conferees on the part of the Senate, with a ratio of 4 to 3. I also ask unanimous consent that S. 1753 then be returned to the calendar.