Floor Statements

Madam President, I ask unanimous consent that the order for the quorum call be rescinded.

Madam President, I ask unanimous consent to speak as in morning business.

Madam President, we are on the small business bill; is that correct?

Thank you, Madam President.

For the past 2 years, this country has been held in the grip of an unprecedented economic crisis. The housing market collapsed, the bottom dropped out of Wall Street, and for the first time in generations many Americans felt their hard-earned economic security begin to slip away.

Here in Washington, Members of the House and Senate were faced with a harsh reality: For decades, regulators and policymakers alike had fallen short of their responsibilities. A divisive political process drove them to duck the tough issues and kick the can down the road time and time again.

This failure of regulation and the absence of political will allowed Wall Street fat cats to let their greed get the better of them. They gambled with our economic future. They designed complicated financial products and placed high-stake bets against them. In short, they built a house of cards, and when it finally came crashing down, the American economy lay in ruins.

There can be no quick fixes after a disaster of this magnitude. But under President Obama's leadership, our elected leaders finally took the bull by the horns and did what was necessary to stop the bleeding and set our country back on the road to recovery. I was proud to join many of my colleagues in supporting the American Recovery and Reinvestment Act--a landmark stimulus bill that helped reverse the rising tide of economic misfortune. Thanks to this legislation, we have made some significant progress, though we still have a very long way to go. But this is an election year, and that means partisan bickering is in the air and it is on the rise. So I believe my colleagues and I have a decision to make: We can focus on winning the next news cycle-- pitting Republicans against Democrats, and falling into the same tired political battles that usually consume election years in Washington--or we can reach for something better. We can tune out the partisan fights, reject the failed policies that got us into this mess, and prove to the American people that we have the will to make tough decisions.

Our recovery is far from complete. I believe if we fail to continue the bold policies that pulled us back from the brink of disaster, if we shrink away from difficult decisions that will move this recovery forward, then we place our economy at grave risk of slipping back into a recession. This is a time for bold action, not pointless ideological battles. This is a time to move forward, not backward.

I call upon my colleagues to seize this opportunity. Let us keep America on the road to recovery, and restore the hard-earned security of ordinary folks who have suffered because of bad decisions on Wall Street. It won't be easy, but it is our responsibility, and it is the right thing to do.

We should start by increasing our support for small businesses, especially those disadvantaged and minority-owned businesses. These companies foster progress and innovation. They have the power to create jobs and direct investment to local communities, where it can have the greatest impact. Small businesses form the backbone of our economy, but in many ways they have suffered the most as a result of this economic crisis.

That is why I have filed an amendment that will improve and expand the Small Business Administration's 8(a) Program. This measure would increase the continued eligibility amount from the current $750,000 net worth to $2.5 million so more small businesses could benefit from this assistance.

It is no secret that minority-owned businesses, particularly those in poor or urban areas, have been hit hardest by the current economic downturn. That is why these are the areas we should target for our strongest support. By expanding the existing 8(a) program, we can increase its economic impact without having to reinvent the wheel. We can rely on a proven initiative to inject new life into disadvantaged areas.

I ask my colleagues to support my amendment when it comes up for a vote, as well as the underlying Small Business Lending Act as a whole, which we will be debating shortly on the floor. I ask them to reject the tired politics that got us into this mess and embrace the spirit of bipartisanship that can lead us out.

On behalf of small and minority-owned businesses, I call upon this body to take action in that regard. Our economic future may be uncertain, but with my proposal, the Small Business Lending Act, we have the rare opportunity to influence that future. So let's pass these measures to guarantee some degree of relief for the people who continue to suffer the most. Let's renew our investment in America's small businesses and rely on them to drive our economic recovery. Let's do it now. We need no more rhetoric, no more politics. Let's move forward and help small businesses in general, minority- and women-owned businesses in particular.

I yield the floor and suggest the absence of a quorum.

I thank the Senator from Vermont, the chairman. I thank him for the wonderful job he has done trying to move our judges along. I agree with the Senator, the fact we have to go to a vote on this distinguished nominee; it should be done by unanimous consent, and we should not have had to take up this time. But if that is the will of the body, then so be it.

Mr. President, I rise this evening in strong support of Judge Sharon Johnson Coleman, a proud resident of my home State of Illinois and of course a fellow Chicago south-sider. We are very proud of which side she comes from in Chicago, west side or south side. Few appear from the north side. We don't have a deal with the east side because that is Lake Michigan. We are proud of that.

She received her law degree from Washington University in St. Louis, and she has served as an assistant State's attorney, deputy State's attorney, and assistant U.S. attorney. She quickly proved she knew her way around the courtroom and could be very successful in the cases she tried.

From 1996 to 2008, she served as a circuit court judge in Cook County. She displayed a thorough understanding of the law and a fair temperament that marked her as a model jurist.

She was assigned to the Child Protective Division for 2\1/2\ years and was a jury trial judge in the law division for almost a decade.

In 2008, Judge Coleman was elected to the Illinois Appellate Court. She has served there ever since and is doing a tremendous job in her deliberations.

I am proud to support her nomination to become a district judge for the Northern District of Illinois. We are short of judges in that district. The caseloads are heavy, and we can stand to have a few more of those nominees confirmed by this body.

Judge Coleman is an excellent jurist, and I place my full confidence in her as President Obama's nominee for this post. She has been supported by all of our bar associations. She has won numerous awards and received recognition in her career. She has been a tremendous member of the bar and of the judiciary.

I am asking my colleagues to join me in supporting her in this confirmation. I agree with my chairman. These judges should be confirmed so we can move on with some other important business of this body.

Mr. President, I yield the floor.

I thank the distinguished Senator from Connecticut, who

has certainly been an inspiration to me in this body, and an inspiration to all of us. I will be leaving with him, although I certainly did not come with him. But he has been an inspiration to all of us. He knows what my--I will not say publicly, but I thought the Senator would have made a heck of a Supreme Court Justice.

Madam President, as a public servant, I have long been a strong advocate for American small businesses--especially disadvantaged and minority-owned businesses.

And even before I sought elected office, when I was a banker, I worked hard every day to spur investment on Main Street.

I fought to make capital available to small businesses, so entrepreneurs and innovators could create jobs and bring prosperity to local communities.

But in today's harsh economic climate, many of these businesses are finding it harder than ever to stay afloat.

Credit has largely dried up, and capital investment is difficult to come by.

And even as our economy begins to inch along the road to recovery, small and disadvantaged businesses continue to lag behind.

I believe we need to do better.

I believe we need to place small businesses at the very center of our response to this economic crisis. They are uniquely positioned to create well-paying jobs and generate growth at a local level--so it is time to make them a priority again. Because, if this Congress fails to take action, if we neglect to pass the Small Business Lending Act, and fall short of our commitment to America's innovators and entrepreneurs, then I fear that our Nation will slip into a jobless recovery, and disadvantaged businesses will continue to suffer the full effects of this great recession.

I recognize that government cannot directly create jobs in the same way that the private sector can. But few can deny that government has an important role to play in setting America back on the road to recovery.

Our job is to support and encourage responsible practices, impose common sense regulations, and help to direct investment to the areas that need it most. That is why I believe we need to pay special attention to the disadvantaged and minority-owned small businesses that have borne the brunt of this crisis.

Under current law, the Small Business Administration provides key support to these entities through its 8-A program. This initiative offers technical assistance, training, and contracting opportunities to small businesses that meet specific criteria. I am a strong supporter of this program, which has helped to keep disadvantaged businesses viable, and made sure everyone has the chance to share in economic prosperity. Since its inception, 8-A has made a difference in countless communities, and eased some of the worst effects of this crisis for those who stood to suffer the most. Yet, despite its success, this program's impact has been artificially limited, because only a small number of businesses are eligible for this kind of support.

As we cast about for a solution to our economic troubles, I believe we should leave no stone unturned.

At various times since the onset of the recession, both Democrats and Republicans have come to the table with constructive ideas. Many of these have been passed into law--and I think they have made a real difference. But we must not find false security in early reports of success.

We have made progress--but the situation remains fragile. There is still much more to be done. That is why I have introduced an amendment that would improve and expand the 8-A program.

This measure would increase the continued eligibility amount, from $750,000 to $2.5 million, so more small businesses could benefit from this assistance.

It is no secret that minority-owned businesses, particularly those in poor or urban areas, have been hit hardest by the current economic downturn, so as we look to our recovery, these are the areas we should target for our strongest support.

By expanding the existing 8-A program, we can increase its economic impact, without having to reinvent the wheel. We can rely on a proven initiative to inject new life into disadvantaged areas.

I ask my colleagues to support my amendment, as well as the underlying bill as a whole.

On behalf of small and minority-owned businesses, I ask for their assistance in these troubled times.

Our economic future may be uncertain, but with my proposal and the Small Business Lending Act, we have the rare opportunity to influence that future.

Let's pass these measures, to guarantee some degree of relief for the people who continue to suffer the most. Let's renew our investments in America's small businesses, and rely on them to drive our economic recovery.

Let's do so today. Let's do it now, for tomorrow may be too late.

I yield the floor.

Mr. President, a few months ago, my colleagues and I passed a landmark health insurance reform bill.

President Obama signed it into law, and together we ushered in a new era of transparency, accountability, and cost savings for the American people.

Now, these reforms will go a long way towards fixing our broken health care system.

They will restore responsibility to the insurance market, and impose commonsense regulations, to ensure that every American can get a fair deal.

Some of these provisions have already gone into effect. Others will take time to implement correctly.

But as we move swiftly to translate this legislation into reality, we need to be mindful of those who would take advantage of this period of transition.

Already, there are reports that some health insurance companies have drastically increased their rates, using our reform law as an excuse.

I recently heard from Charles, a small business owner from Plano, IL, who reported that his employees will see their premiums go up by an average of almost 28 percent next year.

And some folks will have to pay an arbitrary increase of 35 percent-- even though their benefits haven't changed yet.

That is because a few big insurance companies have chosen to hike up their profits before our health reform law requires them to improve their services as well.

Now, there is nothing wrong with making an honest buck.

But these abusive increases will make it harder for ordinary folks and small businesses to get coverage in the short term.

There is no question that they violate the spirit of our reform law-- so I believe we need to take action.

It is time to close this loophole, so big companies must compete with others in an open marketplace--and so they can be held accountable for unreasonable rate hikes.

That is why I am proud to support the Health Insurance Rate Authority Act.

This legislation would require insurance companies to justify major increases in their premiums--a power that already resides with regulators in a handful of States.

Our bill would merely bring similar regulatory authority to a national level, in response to numerous claims of abuse all across the country.

Mr. President, this wouldn't put insurers out of business or prevent them from making an honest profit, but it would increase transparency, restore accountability, and ensure that these corporations can remain solvent.

In my home State of Illinois, some insurers must already supply rate increase information to the State department of insurance.

But under current law, regulators are powerless to rein in obvious abuses when they occur.

And as a result, small business owners like Charles--and countless folks in the individual market--are held hostage to the same corporate agendas that led us to pass a health reform law in the first place.

This is unacceptable. We need to pass the Health Insurance Rate Authority Act, to keep insurance providers in check until the full effects of the new law have taken hold.

I would urge my colleagues to join with me in standing up to the insurance giants.

Let's give regulators the authority to approve or deny excessive rate hikes, so we can make sure every American can get a fair deal--starting today.

Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the order for the quorum call be rescinded.

Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent to speak as in morning business.

Mr. President, early this morning, our country lost an icon and a national treasure. Our friend and colleague, Senator Robert C. Byrd, became a legend in his own time. And in many ways, he came to embody the institution of the Senate.

As a leader, and as a guardian of Senate procedure and tradition, Senator Byrd was without equal. For more than half a century, he helped shape federal policy, and guided the course of a nation.

But on the day he was born, in 1917, this unique place in history was far from assured.

Raised in the coal country of West Virginia, few could have predicted that this intelligent but unassuming young man would rise to the very highest levels of our democracy. He was an avid fiddle player, and valedictorian of his high school class. But he could not afford to go to college until many years later. So as a young man, he found work as a meat cutter, a gas station attendant, and a store owner. And the store owner is very dear to me because our family were store owners, and I know how tough that business is. He welded Liberty and Victory ships during the Second World War, and several years later entered politics at the State level.

That is where Robert Byrd found his true calling: public service.

He was first elected to the House of Representatives in 1952, and has served the people of West Virginia in this Chamber since 1958. Over the course of his extraordinary career, he worked alongside 11 Presidents. He served in Congress longer than anyone in American history, cast more than 18,000 votes, and was elected to more leadership positions than any other Senator.

Most recently, he assumed the role of President pro tempore of the Senate, ranking him third in the line of Presidential succession. At every turn, he dedicated himself to the sanctity of our Constitution, and fought to uphold its principles and the weight of Senate tradition.

It is difficult to measure the vast impact he has had on the lives of every single American.

No, he was not right on every issue. His past was not without mistakes and errors in judgment. But it is a credit to Senator Byrd that, over the years, he gained the wisdom to recognize the moments when he strayed from the right path. It is the mark of greatness that he worked hard to overcome these errors and set America on course for a more prosperous, more inclusive future.

In recent years, Senator Byrd raised his voice against the unilateral invasion of Iraq.

He fought to preserve the filibuster, ensuring that the voice of the minority will always have a place in this august Chamber. He offered his support to a young Senator from Illinois named Barack Obama, as he fought to become the first African-American President of the United States.

Senator Byrd's historic tenure spanned 11 administrations, thousands of bills, and more than half a century. Thanks to his leadership, and the leadership of others he has inspired and mentored over the years, we live in a very different world today.

The year he launched his first campaign for the House of Representatives, gas cost about 25 cents a gallon, Winston Churchill was Prime Minister of the United Kingdom, and I was only 15 years old.

Senator Byrd has left an indelible mark on this Nation, and for that we will be forever grateful.

But today, as we remember and celebrate the contributions he has made, we also offer our condolences to his friends and loved ones in this time of mourning. We offer our sympathies to the people of West Virginia, who have lost a staunch advocate. We offer our fervent hope that a new generation of Americans, liberal and conservative; Black and White; from all races and religions and backgrounds.

We hope that a new generation will take up the legacy of patriotism and service that was left to us by Senator Byrd; that today's young people will inherit his fierce loyalty to the Constitution, and recognize their responsibility to confront every challenge we face.

So I ask my colleagues to join with me in honoring the life of our dear friend, Senator Robert Byrd.

And I call upon every American to learn from the example set by this son of the West Virginia hills who overcame poverty, lack of education, and the prejudice of his times to become one of the greatest public servants in our history.

Mr. President, I yield the floor and suggest the absence of a quorum.

Madam President, very shortly, we are going to be voting on a judicial nomination. I come before this body to bring my thoughts on that action.

As a lawyer, as a former attorney general for the State of Illinois, I consider it a great privilege to evaluate and confirm nominees to the bench. The constitutional power of advise and consent is one this Senate must exercise with discretion. It determines the makeup of our judicial branch and helps preserve the principle of equal justice under law.

That is why I have come to the floor today in support of Gary Scott Feinerman, President Obama's nominee to become a judge for the Northern District Court of Illinois.

Gary is an Illinois native and a graduate of both Yale and Stanford Universities. Over the past two decades, he has worked extensively in private practice--most recently for Sidley Austin, the respected Chicago law firm. He has served in the public sector, as well as a clerk to the U.S. Supreme Court and counsel at the Department of Justice.

From 2003 to 2007, he was Solicitor General of the State of Illinois. That is the person who argues the cases on behalf of the attorney general before the highest court, whether in Illinois or in the Nation. He held that position with distinction, proving his commitment to the highest ideals of fairness and justice.

Time and again over the years, Gary Feinerman has demonstrated his competence in the legal profession. His training is without equal. His experience is second to none. That is why I am proud to support his nomination to the Northern District Court of the State of Illinois.

We must demand the very best of our public officials, especially those who are entrusted with lifetime appointments on the Federal bench.

These fine men and women are charged with interpreting a body of law that is constantly evolving. They must navigate a treacherous landscape, full of gray areas, to arrive at sound legal truth. The answers are seldom easy, but I have confidence in Gary Feinerman's ability to rise to this challenge. At every stage, he has proven his considerable intellect and his passion for the law. I am proud to join the President in calling for his swift confirmation. I ask my colleagues to join me in pledging to afford the nominee with a fair and timely vote to confirm him to the bench.

This body has a crowded legislative calendar in the months ahead, but cases have piled up in the Northern District of Illinois, and every single day more judicial nominees await as vacancies remain unfilled. Even as we consider Mr. Feinerman's confirmation today, another Illinois nominee, Judge Sharon Johnson-Coleman, awaits a similar up-or- down vote. We need to rise to our constitutional duty and vote on these nominees. We must waste no more time in allowing this fine public servant to get to work.

Let's put our judges to work. Let's confirm Mr. Feinerman now.

Madam President, I yield the floor.

Madam President, I ask unanimous consent that the order for the quorum call be rescinded.

Madam President, near the end of May, we learned that the unemployment rate in my home State of Illinois had fallen to about 10.8 percent, down from 11.2 percent in March. That is the first time the unemployment rate has gone down since 2006, when it stood at only 4.4 percent.

I am the first to celebrate the creation of even a single well-paying job. I am happy for each and every Illinoisan we can put back to work because one job will help someone put food on the table, and it will help one family stand just a little taller. It will give people the opportunity to participate in the economy again, buying the goods and services they need.

That, in turn, means more jobs. One by one, these folks will turn our economy around from the bottom up. So I do not dismiss this recent jobs report. This is a step in the right direction. It is welcome news. But it is only a drop in the bucket. For every person we have put back to work, many others are still hurting--and hurting badly.

Our landmark stimulus law, which we enacted more than a year ago, has done a great deal to stop the economy from collapsing and set Americans back on the road to recovery. The economy is growing again. Many key indicators have turned around. I am proud to say the American Recovery and Reinvestment Act has been instrumental in preventing a second Great Depression.

But job creation continues to lag behind. We have made progress in some areas, but we still have a long way to go. That is why I urge my colleagues to come together and support job creation measures so we can keep putting people back to work.

At the same time, I urge them to support further extensions of unemployment and COBRA benefits so we can help people keep their heads above water until the recovery is complete.

These are difficult times. Through no fault of their own, millions of people have suddenly found themselves without a job. These folks are the victims of reckless behavior on Wall Street, but they, rather than Wall Street, have been forced to pay the price.

More Americans are classified as ``long-term unemployed'' and ``disadvantaged workers'' than ever before. Many have exhausted their unemployment benefits or they are dangerously close to doing so.

I believe we must pass this extenders package and restore stability by helping States cover the rising cost of unemployment insurance.

We need to increase access to COBRA so that people can remain on their old health insurance for a period of time after they lose their jobs.

We need to extend these benefits to more hard-working Americans who are struggling to find work during this time of uncertainty.

Just last month, after a long partisan battle, we passed a temporary extension of these programs. But that extension expired on June 2, almost a month ago. So it is time to take up a new measure that will carry unemployment benefits and COBRA through at least another 6 months--I would love to see more time--as our friends in the House of Representatives have discussed. This proposal would make more Americans eligible for existing benefits. It would not increase the current 99- week limit on these programs, but it would offer a helping hand to those who have lost their jobs recently and make sure they have access to the same resources.

This extension would not be a comprehensive fix, but it would help ease the situation and the strain on the victims of this financial crisis until the full effects of our stimulus law have taken hold and the unemployment rate begins to decline at a steady rate.

This extenders package will provide needed relief to those who need it most. That is why I am deeply disappointed that some of my colleagues have proposed cuts to this legislation. Some say we should cut $25 a week in extra unemployment compensation.

Relative to the overall legislation, these cuts would be minimal. But to a family who has been hit hard by this crisis, $25 a week could make a tremendous difference. Some will say we cannot afford to provide these benefits in light of our continued recovery. But what do I say? I say we cannot afford not to.

We cannot afford to nickel and dime these people who are barely scraping by as it is. We need to give them the support they deserve. Let's dispense with this hollow rhetoric about fiscal responsibility from those who have lost their credibility on this issue.

Over the last decade, Republicans squandered our surplus by spending wildly on massive tax breaks for the wealthy and the special interests, a war not paid for, and a medical program not paid for. During the years when they were in control, Senate Republicans voted seven times to increase the debt limit. They refused to pay for major initiatives, they cut revenue, and they increased spending.

It doesn't take a financial expert to recognize that this is just plain irresponsible. It is easy to say their record simply does not match their rhetoric.

Let's be honest with the American people. Let's work together to solve this problem rather than hiding behind the same irresponsible policies that got us here in the first place.

I recognize that job creation must remain our top priority, and I am confident that Democrats and Republicans can agree we need to help people get back to work. In the meantime, let's pass this extension so that folks can get food on the table and get access to the medical care they need. Let's stand up for those who have been hit hardest by this crisis and send them a message loud and clear: We haven't forgotten you and, hopefully, help is on the way.

I yield the floor.

Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the order for the quorum call be rescinded.

Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent to speak as in morning business.

Mr. President, I recognize this is Republican time, and should a Republican come, I will then yield the floor to that colleague of mine.

(The remarks of Mr. Burris pertaining to the submission of S. Res. 559 are printed in today's Record under ``Morning Business.'')

Gulf Oilspill

Mr. President, very briefly, in terms of President Obama's speech last night on the crisis in the gulf, I just want to let it be known for the record that I support our President in that speech and every effort he has made in trying to get direction and a solution to the problems we are experiencing down on our gulf coast.

I find it disheartening and disappointing all these commentators who want to attack our President, want him to be angry, want him to act. I have no idea what they want this man to do. But I know this man is doing all he can for the people of America. I ask those commentators to get off of his back, stop attacking the President, who had nothing to do with that problem and is putting everything he has with the resources America has to solve this problem.

This has never happened before in our history. It is a problem beyond comprehension. Yet, still, these Monday morning quarterbacks sit back and criticize and bring out their undocumented types of statements about our President that I just feel emotionally disturbed about.

So I say to all Americans, this President is doing all he can to support this issue we are facing, and you have to deal with BP, you have to deal with Transocean, and you have to deal with Halliburton. Those are the ones who are responsible for this problem. Let's go after them. Make them pay. Make them deal with this and get the solution and, therefore, Americans can move forward.

Thank you, Mr. President.

I yield the floor, and I suggest the absence of a quorum.

Mr. President, on a hot day in the summer of 1776, delegates from across the American Colonies gathered in Philadelphia to cast off the yoke of tyranny and assert the fundamental right of self- government.

At that moment, when our Republic was born, our Founders ratified a document unique in human history which contained the landmark words:

We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are

created equal.

This simple creed became the justification of a great Revolutionary War, which gave rise to the thriving democracy we inhabit today. That is why we celebrate every Fourth of July as Independence Day--because of the principles laid out in that remarkable Declaration.

But, tragically, for almost a century after that document was ratified, the equality of all men remained an unfulfilled promise. It began to seem that the Declaration of Independence defined our aspirations rather than our core beliefs.

Slavery, brutal and unjust, remained legal throughout the majority of the 19th century and helped set the stage for the bloodiest war we have ever known. But, as President Lincoln had dearly hoped, out of that terrible violence was born a new and more complete freedom--a freedom that wiped out the scourge of slavery once and for all and realized the promise our Founding Fathers documented for all Americans.

That is why, on Saturday, many in this country observe another independence day known as Juneteenth. Slavery ended in the Confederate States of America when President Lincoln signed the Emancipation Proclamation on January 1, 1863. But many slaves did not learn of their freedom until much later.

Finally, on June 19, 1865--more than 2 years after the Emancipation Proclamation--Union soldiers led by Major General Gordon Granger arrived in Galveston, TX. They brought news that must have been almost unbelievable to all who heard it. The Civil War was over, they announced, and all slaves were free.

From that day on, former slaves in the Southwest celebrated June 19 as the anniversary of their emancipation. That is why I have submitted this resolution observing the historical significance of this date-- Juneteenth Independence Day.

Over the past 145 years, Juneteenth celebrations have been held to honor African-American freedom. But this date has come to hold even greater significance. Throughout the world, Juneteenth celebrations lift the spirit of freedom and rail against the forces of oppression. At long last, this day is beginning to be recognized as both a national event and a global celebration.

But just as the Fourth of July marks the beginning of a journey that continues even today, we must not forget that the long march to freedom that started on June 19, 1865, is far from over.

Our country has made great strides in the century and a half since slavery was abolished, but deep wounds are slow to heal. We will never be able to rewrite this terrible history. But we can, and we must, do everything we can to rise above it--to seek constructive solutions to the problems that time alone cannot wash away, problems that still affect the African-American community on a daily basis, from discrimination, to crime, to health care disparities, to unemployment, to substance abuse, and so on.

So let's pay tribute to the suffering of our forefathers by seeking justice for our children. Let's remember our past by looking to our future and confronting these problems with bold, new solutions.

This is a day for all of us to stand together and lift up the liberties we hold so dear--a day to look forward, to look ahead to tomorrow, and continue the fight for freedom and equality.

So I ask my colleagues to stand with me. I ask them to support my resolution observing the historical significance of Juneteenth Independence Day. I invite them to share the joy of those who greeted Union soldiers in Galveston more than 140 years ago.

Last night, and well into this morning, the sounds of celebration rang through the streets of Chicago.

Throughout the city, a proud anthem was sung, an anthem which begins:

Here come the Hawks--the mighty Blackhawks.

Many consider the Stanley Cup to be the most difficult trophy to win in all of professional sports.

But last night, thanks to an extraordinary Blackhawks team, the historic Stanley Cup has returned to Chicago for the first time in nearly half a century.

This incredible season caps an impressive renaissance for one of the National Hockey League's oldest and most storied franchises.

When Rocky Wirtz took the helm of this organization following the loss of his father, longtime Blackhawks owner Bill Wirtz, he moved aggressively to restore his team to excellence.

He reached out to the Chicago community, which comprises some of the greatest sports fans in the world.

He brought fresh talent to the team's roster and coaching staff, and partnered with Chicago institutions like WGN-TV to bring hockey to a wider audience.

As a result, he was able to catch lightning in a bottle, and set his team on the path to a truly historic season.

From the very beginning of this year, every Hawks fan could tell that this team showed some real promise.

Time and again, they battled adversity and overcame it.

Time and again they were tested, but in each successive game, they laced up their skates and took to the ice with growing confidence and a fiery will to win.

Finally, after a dominant regular season and an outstanding showing against playoff opponents, only the Philadelphia Flyers stood between them and their first national title in 49 years.

There is no question that both of these teams deserved to be in contention for the Stanley Cup.

There is little doubt that these fine athletes, from Philadelphia and Chicago, are among the very best in the sport of hockey.

So it was no surprise that this year's Stanley Cup Finals proved to be an exciting and hard-fought series of games.

I congratulate the Flyers and their fans on an outstanding season, and I applaud their sportsmanship throughout the year. They played with grit and determination, right up to the very last moment.

But in the end, there can be only one champion.

And last night, in a thrilling overtime performance that brought the city of Philadelphia to a standstill and the City of Chicago to its feet, the

Blackhawks indisputably won the Stanley Cup.

That is why I am proud to join my good friend Senator Durbin to introduce a Senate Resolution in honor of this team.

And I ask my colleagues to join with us in celebrating this remarkable achievement.

I congratulate the owners, the entire coaching staff, and every member of the Blackhawks organization.

And I applaud each and every athlete who took part in this incredible victory.

Their names are etched forever into Chicago sports history, just as they will soon be etched into the Stanley Cup Trophy itself.

Finally, I would like to congratulate the people of Chicago, and Blackhawks fans all over the country, who have kept the faith for 49 years, never doubting that greatness would one day return to their hockey team.

I got married in 1961. That is the last time they won the Stanley cup.

Their day has finally come, and this championship belongs to them.

I am proud to join them in celebration, and I am eager to see the Stanley Cup on display back home in Chicago, right where it belongs.

Madam President, I ask unanimous consent to speak as in morning business.

I thank the Chair.

Madam President, this past Monday evening, as dusk fell on my hometown of Chicago, a handful of young people took to the streets with violent intentions.

By the time the sun came up on Tuesday, no fewer than seven people had been shot, in a series of unrelated incidents.

This wave of violent crime continued into Tuesday afternoon, when three more Chicagoans were shot and killed in broad daylight.

These incidents came right on the heels of another shocking murder. Last week, a police officer and Iraq War veteran named Thomas Wortham IV was shot to death only a few blocks from my home.

These events do not occur in a vacuum. They are part of a clear and consistent pattern, a pandemic of gun violence that holds communities in a vice grip. Every year, with the advent of the long, hot summer, gang activity spikes. The line between good and bad neighborhoods evaporates. In essence, our streets become a war zone. This is not a passing concern; it is an emergency. This kind of violence should be shocking. It should spark outrage and indignation. Yet too many of us turn a blind eye. We are paralyzed by the destructive political process and numb to the consequences of our failure to take action.

This problem can't simply be passed on to someone else. This violence is happening in our cities and towns, where we live and where we work, where we send our children to school. It is happening in our backyards. So it

is up to us to raise the alarm. It is our responsibility to stem this rising tide and take back our communities, our homes, our schools, and our places of worship. We have seen that this is a pattern. We have witnessed the terrible outcomes and measured the tragic human cost. Now it is time to take action.

Certainly, we can make progress by increasing gun control and making it more difficult for weapons to fall into the hands of criminals. This effort must be a part of any comprehensive solution, and it is an issue I have fought for throughout my career. But the reality is, a debate about gun control will quickly turn into a pitched partisan battle. It will consume time and political will, and in the end, we may not get very far.

I believe we need to take a more practical, more immediate approach. It is time to give our young people an alternative to destructive behavior so they can spend their summers working to get ahead instead of getting involved in criminal activities. Today, more than half of Black men between the ages of 16 and 19 are unemployed. This number is growing rapidly. In fact, the New York Times predicts that this summer will be one of the bleakest on record. So if we would like to cut down on violent crime, this is exactly where we need to start.

It is no accident that last year's landmark American Recovery and Reinvestment Act included a major summer jobs component. It created more than 300,000 summer jobs for youth across the country, including some 17,000 in Illinois alone.

This year, we need to do even more. That is why I am proud to cosponsor S. 2923, the Youth Jobs Act of 2010, introduced by the distinguished Senator from Washington, Mrs. Murray. This legislation would build on the success of the Recovery Act, setting aside $1.5 billion for youth employment opportunities through the Workforce Investment Act. It would infuse money directly into the local economy and give young people the chance to gain paid work experience, what Senator Reid spoke about the other day, the gentleman who set up a work opportunity and found out that the youth don't even have the work experience or they don't even know how to work. We have to get them some paid work experience. This will keep them off the streets in the short term and give them better employment options down the road. It would create half a million summer jobs from coast to coast and put a serious dent in the youth unemployment rate. It will spur young people to invest in their future and help foster a better community.

I urge my colleagues to pass this bill without delay. We can do this right now. It will cut down on violent crime and have a real effect on people's lives across America. There is no reason to wait another day or another moment. That is why I am so frustrated by the obstructionism that has afflicted this legislation for the past 6 months.

It is time to make a commitment to the next generation, give them the opportunity to start down the right path because if we don't, then every summer, when the school year ends and children seek new ways to occupy their time, more and more of them will find fellowship with the criminal element. This cycle of violence will continue.

I urge colleagues to pass the Youth Jobs Act before we adjourn for the Memorial Day recess. Let's provide our young people with the opportunity to turn away from violence. Let's give them a chance to build a constructive future. Let's take back our communities. Let's do it now. Let's do it today.

I ask unanimous consent that the Senate stand in recess until 2 p.m. and that the postcloture time continue to run during the recess period.

Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent to speak as in morning business for up to 10 minutes.

Mr. President, I come before this august body with a very heavy heart this afternoon. Last Friday night, just a few blocks from my home in Chicago, a terrible act of violence claimed the life of a young police officer. Thomas Wortham IV was a distinguished Chicago police officer. He was off duty on Wednesday night, so he went to visit his parents in a nice neighborhood called Chatham--in which I live only 2\1/2\ blocks away--to show them his new motorcycle.

Officer Wortham was used to putting his life on the line. In addition to being one of Chicago's finest, he recently served two tours in Iraq. He devoted himself to his community and to his country. He exhibited the same courage, valor, and selfless dedication wherever he went.

Thomas Wortham was a true American hero. He was the kind of person who keeps us safe and makes it possible for the rest of us to go about our lives free from fear; the kind of person who serves as an example to those around him and inspires others to give back.

But last Wednesday night, as he sat on his brandnew motorcycle outside of his parents' home, this remarkable young man was violently taken from us. After two tours in Iraq and endless hours patrolling the mean streets, Officer Wortham was struck down practically in his own backyard. Several young men tried to rob him, and he was shot in the struggle. His father, who is also a military veteran and retired police sergeant, heroically rushed to his defense and returned fire on those who attacked his son. But it was too late. Gun violence had already claimed Officer Wortham's life.

For all his heroism, for all the good he did for his community and his country, in the end Thomas Wortham IV was tragically killed where he should have been perfectly safe. There is no justice in this; there is no silver lining. This is just major outrage. It was a despicable, senseless act committed by dangerous people, all of whom must suffer the full consequences of the law.

Today, I ask my colleagues to join me in mourning Thomas Wortham IV, who was taken from us far before his time. Let us remember his selfless devotion to his community and to his country. Let us celebrate his heroism and honor his memory by living out his values in our daily lives.

I extend my deepest condolences to his family, whose pain far exceeds even the deep sense of loss felt by others in the Chicago community. This Nation stands with them today, just as their son stood with us in the sands of Iraq and the streets of Chicago.

As we lay this fallen hero to rest, let us do more than remember. Let us take action. This tragic murder reminds us of the gun violence pandemic that holds cities and towns across America in a vice grip. It can strike anywhere at any time, and it is tearing apart families, communities, and our own sense of security.

It is time to reclaim our future. It is time to stop the shooting and start to invest in education, violence prevention, and afterschool programs so we can keep guns out of the hands of criminals and keep kids from turning down the wrong path in the first place. This means creating jobs and cracking down on those who should not be able to buy guns. It means challenging our young people to aspire to a better life and giving them the tools to make the right choices so they do not end up on the road to violence.

This is not a political issue or a matter of dollars and cents. This is about the place where we live, work, and go to church, the places where our children play and go to school. Officer Wortham lived and died for these folks, for his friends and his neighbors and his countrymen. Even in a moment of tragedy, as we grieve this devastating loss, I believe we must summon the courage to walk in this young man's footsteps, to take up his cause as our own and lift up his noble example.

As I advised the parents when I met with them, let us take back our streets, our schools, our churches, and our children's future. Where Thomas Wortham IV fell, let us all rise in his place to confront this challenge and end the scourge of gun violence once and for all. Let us do that.

His family is also in mourning because retired Sergeant Wortham killed one of the offenders and shot the second one, who is now in critical condition in the hospital. Thank goodness for the Chicago Police Department and good detective work because the other two offenders are now in custody.

What we must do is stand and be counted when it comes to guns and

young people with guns in their hands and no jobs and no future and no hope. That is what we experience. In this legislation that is before this body, there is money that has to be provided for summer jobs for our youth.

Patrolman Wortham would not be the last person to expire through gun violence on our streets. I ask my colleagues to look at what we are doing and what we have to do and make sure we do our part to provide the resources and opportunity for our youth in these urban areas to have some hope, some direction, something on which to rely.

Mr. President, I yield the floor.