Floor Statements

Madam President, I ask unanimous consent that the order for the quorum call be rescinded.

Madam President, I ask unanimous consent to be able to speak as in morning business.

Madam President, I ask unanimous consent to be recognized for as much time as I need to consume.

Madam President, as you know, one of the first duties delegated to freshman Senators is the high honor of presiding over the Senate. I

remember the very first time I sat where you are sitting now, Madam President. Throughout my time as a Member of this august body, I have had the opportunity to spend more than 200 hours in the Presiding Officer's chair and have earned two Golden Gavels. I also had the honor of delivering our first President's--President George Washington's-- Farewell Address on his birthday of this year to this august body. From the chair, I have had the opportunity to listen to the words of my colleagues and reflect upon the great debate that unfolds each and every day--as it has always done throughout our Nation's history--in this, the greatest deliberative body in the world.

We come to this Chamber from every State in the Union--Democrats, Republicans, and Independents alike. Each of us carries the solemn responsibility of giving voice to the concerns of those we represent. Although we do not always agree, as the debate on this floor will often show, I am always struck by the passion that drives each and every Senator to stand in this singular place in the world and to speak their mind. It is this passion that will always define this Chamber for me. For all the weight of history--for all the great and eloquent sentiments that have been expressed by our forefathers--on a fundamental level this remains a very human place.

We stand today, as the Members of this body have done frequently throughout our great Republic's history, at a critical moment. Partisanship and obstructionism threaten to somewhat paralyze this great institution. But it is a testament to the inherent wisdom and durability of the Senate--of the rules and the tradition that govern this institution--that even in the face of great discord we have had the high privilege of serving in the most productive Congress in generations.

Despite our many differences, I believe the men and women who make up this Senate remain its greatest strength. It has been the honor of my lifetime to once again represent the people of Illinois and to do so in the Senate. First, as a cabinet member for our Governor, as the Illinois State comptroller, and as Illinois attorney general, the people of my State placed in me a sacred trust and one that throughout my 30 years in public service I made into my life's work: to serve the people of my State to the very best of my ability.

In my younger years, shortly after graduating from law school at Howard University, not far from where we stand today, I was turned off by a city with far too much government. I headed to Chicago, convinced that I would not return to this city unless I could be an effective and meaningful part of the solution to the many challenges we face and dreaming of a time I might come back to Washington as a Senator or as Vice President of the United States.

That dream took longer to achieve than I could have imagined that day, but in a towering testament to the vibrancy of the American dream, that day came. After decades of experience in the executive branch of Illinois government, I was sworn in as a Senator for Illinois, and this became my first introduction to serving as a legislator. It was the steepest of learning curves, but with the warm assistance of my Senate colleagues, the steady support of my loving family, and the dedication of my tireless staff, I could not be more proud of what we have been able to accomplish together.

To my family, my friends, and my staff I owe the deepest thanks. My wife Berlean has always been by my side, and I will always be grateful beyond words for her constant support. My son, Roland II and his wife Marty, and my daughter Rolanda are the pride and joy of my life. Of course, they were just here yesterday, my two grandchildren, Roland Theodore and Ian Alexander, to whom I dedicate my service and for whom I have the greatest hopes and even greater expectations.

To my friends and supporters from Chicago to Centralia, I will never forget your smiles and your kind words during even the most difficult of times. To my staff, in DC and those in Springfield, Moline and Carbondale, you have been some of the most dedicated, talented, and professional individuals with whom I ever had the privilege to serve. From the front office staff assistants and interns answering the endless ringing telephones, to my circle of senior advisers who gave me wise and thoughtful counsel throughout, my team has been indispensable to me, and they have all served the people of Illinois with distinction. I am deeply grateful for their service.

Madam President, I ask unanimous consent that the complete list of my staff be printed in the Record following my remarks.

Thank you, Madam President.

I wish to extend a special word of gratitude to my old friend who is sitting right there, the Sergeant at Arms, Terry Gainer; the Secretary of the Senate, Nancy Erickson; the secretary for the majority--where did she go--Lula Davis; for their many kindnesses, and a thank-you to the Senate Chaplain, Dr. Barry Black, for his counsel and prayers during my time here.

I also wish to acknowledge my fellow freshman Senators: Senators Begich, Bennett, Franken, Gillibrand; the Presiding Officer, the North Carolinian, Senator Hagan; as well as Senators Merkley, Shaheen, Mark Udall, Tom Udall, Mark Warner, and our just departed Senator Kaufman from Delaware. They are tremendous individuals possessing incredible talents and have been a very supportive group for me. Thank you, my freshman colleagues.

In a broader sense I wish to also thank all of those who serve under this hallowed dome with quiet and often unheralded dignity and duty. The Senate floor staff, you all do a heck of a job--the maintenance crews, the elevator operators, the Capitol Police, the Senate train drivers, the dining room servers, and the scores of others whose hard and important work ensures the smooth and constant operations of the business that takes place within our Capitol.

As I stand to address this Chamber for the last time, I cannot help but reflect on the unlikely path that led me to this point and upon the challenges we continue to face. When I first came to the Senate nearly 2 years ago, our Nation was only days away from inaugurating an African-American man from Chicago as the 44th President of the United States of America. It was a national milestone I never thought I would ever live to see, an incredible moment that speaks volumes about the progress our country has made even in my lifetime.

As a child, I knew the injustice of segregation. When I was only about 15 years old, I helped integrate the swimming pool in my hometown of Centralia, IL. Although that incident drove me to pursue a life of public service--dedicating myself to the goals of becoming both a lawyer and a statewide elected official--there was never any guarantee that such a path would be open to me. There were no people of color in elected office in those days, especially not in Illinois and not in Centralia, and there was no path to follow. So I knew from the start that I would have to blaze a trail.

Despite the lack of established role models, my parents provided nothing but support and encouragement. They nurtured my dreams and helped me develop the skills to achieve them. In the end, they and my older brother Earl, who is now deceased, and my sister Doris, God bless her, who is still living, were the only role models I needed. The values they instilled in me--of hard work, determination, and unwavering dedication to principle--have guided me throughout my life, and the same values have driven me to take an interest in the next generation.

It is that focus on the future that drives all of our legislative energy, to constantly improve the quality of life for the generations to come.

Not too many generations ago, my family roots told a different story. I stand in this Chamber as the great-grandson of a man who was born into slavery, in an era when this Senate debated whether he and others like him were worthy of freedom and equal treatment under the law. Yet today I stand among my colleagues on the Senate floor, a Member of the highest body of lawmakers in this land. In some ways, this is a remarkable testament to our Nation's ability to correct the

wrongs of generations past, to move always toward that ``more perfect Union.''

However, in other ways, it is a solemn reminder of how far we still have yet to go. In a country as progressive and diverse as any on this planet, I am today the only Black American Member of this Senate. Aside from myself, I can count the number of Blacks who have served in this body on the fingers of a single hand: Blanche K. Bruce, Hiram Revels; Edward Brooke, the last from Illinois, Carol Moseley-Braun, and our President, Barack Obama.

Throughout 220 years of Senate history and 111 Congresses, only six Black Americans have been able to serve. This is troubling in its own right. But when the 112th Congress is sworn in this coming January, there will not be a single Black American taking the oath of office in this Chamber.

This is simply unacceptable. We can and we will and we must do better. In this regard, and in others, our political process has proven less successful and less representative than it ought to be. Although I have never allowed my race to define me, in a sense it has meant that my constituency as a Senator has stretched far beyond the boundaries of Illinois.

Letters, e-mails, and telephone calls have poured in to my office from Black Americans from all across the country, and at times, as I have tried to bring their voices to this Chamber, I have acutely felt the absence of any other Black person to represent them.

Our government hardly resembles the diverse country it was elected to represent. Partisan bickering has driven moderates out of both parties and made principled compromise more difficult for those who remain. Too often our politics seem to have become a zero-sum game. It is easy for people to believe that the best argument or the plainest truth would not necessarily win the day anymore. In such a destructive political environment, people are often left wondering who will speak up for them. And the media certainly isn't blameless. News outlets which could play a critical role in educating the American public with facts too often bow to ratings or quick sales and, in the process, end up choosing to pursue the entertainment value of conflict over thoughtful analysis.

This is the harsh reality we face.

America just can not afford this any longer. We should check these notions at the cloakroom door.

This is a critical moment.

So I believe it's the responsibility of everyone in this chamber to take ownership of this process once again, to demonstrate leadership, and pledge a return to more responsible rhetoric, and more responsive government.

What we face is a test--not only of our willingness to meet the challenges we face, but of the democratic institutions designed to cope with these challenges.

Here in the U.S. Senate, this question is paramount.

Have our destructive politics left this great body locked in a stalemate--unable to move forward, because of the petty obstructionism that has taken root?

Or can this Chamber be made to address these problems once again? Can it be redeemed, by the good people who serve here?

I have confidence that it can.

It will require the concerted effort of all one hundred Senators to overcome the partisanship that has paralyzed this chamber, and the obstructionist tactics that have become the rule rather than the exception.

Colleagues, this is the moment to summon the strength of our convictions, and fight for what we believe in.

This is the hour for principled leadership, originating right here in the U.S. Senate.

But even as we look to the future and debate the agenda for the upcoming year, I must note with regret that my time here is nearly at an end.

Serving as a Member of this body, alongside so many fine colleagues who have become good friends, has been the honor of a lifetime.

Together we have achieved passage of the most ambitious legislative agenda since the Great Depression. And a great deal of the credit for our success is owed to Leader Harry Reid.

And I am proud of every vote I cast in the name of the people of Illinois, and proud of the more than the 60 bills I sponsored and over 300 I have cosponsored.

In the 22 months I have been a Member of the Senate, I have advocated for comprehensive health care reform designed to meet the goals of a public option, and fought to address health care disparities that separate minority communities from the population as a whole; pushed for redirection of subsidized funds that made $68 billion available for new Pell grants and extended new opportunities for minority students to attend historically Black colleges and universities, and predominantly Black Institutions; stood up for minority-owned businesses, and made sure they will have equal opportunity to share in America's renewed prosperity as our economy continues to recover; worked hard to extend unemployment insurance, improve access to COBRA benefits, and create jobs for the people of Illinois and across the country; voted for the sweeping stimulus package that brought this country back from the brink of economic disaster and started us on the road to recovery; introduced legislation that would improve transparency and accountability as stimulus dollars are spent, so the American people can keep their elected officials honest; cosponsored legislation to repeal the military's discriminatory don't ask, don't tell policy, so all of our soldiers, sailors, airmen and marines can serve openly and had a press conference on that.

I say to my colleagues, don't filibuster that issue. We need all of our individuals to have an opportunity to serve in the military service, regardless of their sexual orientation. Don't be surprised if I come back for that vote. I am from Chicago, and I will vote twice. I supported major credit card reforms, to prevent credit card companies from abusing their customers; fought for equal pay and benefits for women, to cut down on workplace discrimination; fought for additional impact aid funding, to shore up federal support for school districts that serve military communities and other Federal activities; honored the accomplishments of pioneers like Vice Admiral Samuel Gravely, the first African American to serve as a flag officer in the Navy, and the Montford Marines, the first African-American Marine division; supported the Matthew Shepard Act, which will help make sure those who target people based on sexual orientation, race, or other factors are brought to justice; raised my voice on behalf of Main Street, and all those who have been left behind in our continuing economic recovery, so that everyone can share in the benefits; introduced legislation calling for the Department of the Interior to study a historic site called New Philadelphia, IL--the first settlement founded by a freed African- American slave--for its preservation as part of the National Park system.

I hope, as a legacy to Burris, that someday that legislation will pass.

I raised awareness of youth violence, which threatens our children and tears our inner cities apart--and must be stopped; fought for veterans' benefits, including the implementation of the new GI bill, so we can honor the service of those who defend our freedom.

And now, as we ready to close the books on the one hundred and eleventh Congress and the long and significant chapter of legislative accomplishment, it is time for a new class of Senators to join this fight.

I am deeply grateful to my friends on both sides of the aisle for the passion they bring to their work every day.

I have witnessed it from the Presiding Officer's chair--and have had the privilege not only to watch the debate but to take part.

But now it is time for me to find new ways to serve.

This is the arena where great ideas are put to the test, on a national stage. This is where our identity is forged anew, every day, and where our principles are challenged.

It is the heart of our democratic process. And although there will be few easy solutions for the problems we face, I will never forget the courage and patriotism that I have seen from countless citizens of Illinois and America over the course of my time here.

This is a trying time for our Nation. But as long as the American people have the wisdom to elect leaders like the ones I have come to know in this Chamber--and as long as this Senate remains true to the people we serve--I

will never lose faith in our ability to overcome these challenges together.

These are my parting remarks from this body. I treat this as an opportunity of a lifetime, and I treat this with great respect and dignity for all of those I have worked with and have come to know in this body.

With that, I thank the Chair, I thank all my colleagues, and I yield the floor for the final time. God bless you all. Thank you.

Exhibit 1

Office of Senator Roland W. Burris Staff List

Washington DC Office

Dori Alexandre, Legislative Aide; Roosevelt Barfield,

Military Legislative Assistant; Eleanor Bastian, Legislative

Assistant; Charles Brown, Legislative Assistant; Nicholas

Catino, Legislative Aide; Nate Davern, Legislative Aide;

Cynthia Dorsey, Intern Supervisor; Amanda Fox, Legislative

Assistant; Joel Griffith, Staff Assistant/Driver; Cristen

Hall, Counsel/Legislative Assistant; Giana Hutton, Staff

Assistant; Renee Johnson, Legislative Aide; Andy Keeney,

Correspondence Manager; Brady King, Chief of Staff; Ursula

Lauriston, Deputy Press Secretary; Ken Montoya, Legislative

Director; Kyle Moore, Military Fellow; Terry Mullan,

Legislative Aide; Robin Nichols, Director of Scheduling; Jim

O'Connor, Communications Director; Ford Porter, Legislative

Aide; Aleysha Proctor, Administrative Director; Shomaila

Sharif, Deputy Administrative Assistant; Stephan Tibbs,

Special Assistant.

Chicago Office

Rachelle Badem, Grant Coordinator/Special Assistant; Matt

Berry, Outreach Rep.; Jacqueline Dawkins, Constituent Service

Agent/Outreach Rep.; Scott Kagawa, Outreach Rep.; Rodney

LaBauex, Staff Assistant; Jazmine Hasty, Small Business

Outreach Rep.; Frank S. McClatchey, Small Business

Coordinator; My'Ron McGee, Constituent Service Agent/Outreach

Rep.; Kristina Michell, Constituent Service Agent; Jason

Miller, Constituent Service Agent; Richard Porter, Director

of Outreach; Chris Russo, Special Assistant; Kenneth Sawyer,

State Director; Tami Stone, State Scheduler; Audrey Till,

State Press Secretary; Zorie Valchev, Constituent Service

Agent; Erin T. Williams, Assistant to State Director;

Marianne Wolf-Astrauskas, Office Manager/Intern Coordinator.

Springfield Office

Ceceilia Haasis, Constituent Service Agent; Jamar Johnson,

Constituent Service Agent; Sally Millichamp, Constituent

Service Agent; Bradley Smith, Constituent Service Agent;

Jimmie Voss, Downstate Director.

Carbondale Office

Dina Timmons, Field Rep./Constituent Service Agent.

I suggest the absence of a quorum.

I thank the Senator from North Carolina.

Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the Committee on Armed Services be authorized to meet during the session of the Senate on November 18, 2010, at 9:30 a.m.

Mr. President I ask unanimous consent that the Committee on Finance be authorized to meet during the session of the Senate on November 18, 2010, at 1 p.m., in room 215 of the Dirksen Senate Office Building, to conduct a hearing entitled ``International Trade in the Digital Economy.''

Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the Committee on Health, Education, Labor, and Pensions be authorized to meet, during the session of the Senate, to conduct a hearing entitled ``The State of the American Child: Securing Our Children's Future'' on November 18, 2010. The hearing will commence at 10:30 a.m. in room 430 of the Dirksen Senate Office Building.

Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the Committee on Homeland Security and Governmental Affairs be authorized to meet during the session of the Senate on November 18, 2010, at 3 p.m.

Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the Committee on Indian Affairs be authorized to meet on November 18, 2010, at 9:30 a.m. in room 628 of the Dirksen Senate Office Building.

Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the Committee on the Judiciary be authorized to meet during the session of the Senate on November 18, 2010, at 10 a.m., in SD-226 of the Dirksen Senate Office Building, to conduct an executive business meeting.

Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the Committee on Small Business and Entrepreneurship be authorized to meet during the session of the Senate on November 18, 2010, at 10 a.m. to conduct a hearing entitled ``Assessing the Regulatory and Administrative Burdens on America's Small Businesses.''

Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the Committee on Veterans' Affairs be authorized to meet during the session of the Senate on November 18, 2010. The Committee will meet in room 418 of the Russell Senate Office Building beginning at 10 a.m.

Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the Ad Hoc Subcommittee on Contracting Oversight of the Committee on Homeland Security and Governmental Affairs be authorized to meet during the session of the Senate on November 18, 2010, at 3:30 p.m. to conduct a hearing entitled, ``Oversight of Reconstruction Contracts in Afghanistan and the Role of the Special Inspector General.''

Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the Committee on the Judiciary, Subcommittee on Human Rights and the Law, be authorized to meet during the session of the Senate, on November 18, 2010, at 2 p.m., in room SD-226 of the Dirksen Senate Office Building, to conduct a hearing entitled ``Women's Rights Are Human Rights: U.S. Ratification of the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW).''

Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the Select Committee on Intelligence be authorized to meet during the session of the Senate on November 18, 2010 at 2:30 p.m.

Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that my chief of staff, Brady King, and other members of my staff be granted floor privileges during my remarks.

Mr. President, are we in morning business presently?

Mr. President, every day we walk the hallowed Halls of the U.S. Capitol, a building filled with statues, busts, and paintings honoring great Americans--Lincoln, Washington, Dr. Martin Luther King Jr., names we will never forget because they are the individuals who built and altered the foundation of this country.

But we must also never forget to recognize those Americans who may not appear in our history books but whose contributions have helped write our American story, great Americans like Dr. Margaret Burroughs who became a legend in her own time.

Dr. Margaret Burroughs is a true American treasure--an artist, advocate, poet, and progressive. She celebrated her 93rd birthday this month and today, I ask my colleagues to join me in honoring her.

Born in Louisiana before women could vote, Dr. Burroughs moved to the south side of Chicago when she was five, eventually studying at both Englewood High School and Chicago State University.

Politically active from an early age, Dr. Burroughs and classmate Gwendolyn Brooks joined the NAACP Youth Council, and her ambitions only grew from there.

She taught art at DuSable High School for 23 years, and taught humanities at Kennedy King College for over a decade.

For most, a 30-year career teaching thousands of students would be enough. But for Dr. Burroughs, her life in education was just one part of her story. This extraordinary woman always opened her doors to friends and colleagues. Her coach-house flat became a social center, which many called ``little Bohemia.''

She worked tirelessly to establish the South Side Community Art Center, opening in 1940. And she nursed her growing interest in the arts by studying at the Art Institute of Chicago where she earned her master's of fine arts in 1948.

An established painter and printmaker in her own right, Dr. Burroughs began exhibitions in 1949, showing her work all over the United States and abroad.

She was generous enough to gift several of her works to my daughter, and several more adorn the walls of my Home and Senate offices in Chicago.

When she founded the DuSable Museum of African-American History in 1961, Dr. Burroughs established herself as one of the outstanding institution builders of her generation.

Once again, Dr. Burroughs created a place for people to come together. The museum that began on the ground floor of her Chicago home is now located in Washington Park and has become an internationally recognized resource for African-American art.

Dr. Burroughs served as a director of the museum she founded until her appointment as a commissioner of the Chicago Park District in 1985.

She has always been committed to the progressive cause, and she has been a prolific writer over the long course of her rich lifetime.

Dr. Burroughs contributed to ``Freedomways,'' a publication founded by W.E.B. Du Bois and Paul Robeson, both heroes of hers. She served as art director for the Negro Hall of Fame. She has illustrated a number of children's books. She is an accomplished poet, with poems that triumph African and African-American culture. And she served as an early and often lonely pioneer of black awareness, her writings provided a beacon of hope for a younger generation.

Her paintings, poems and prints alone make Dr. Margaret Burroughs an important part of American history.

But her desire to pass knowledge, hope, and inspiration to future generations means Dr. Burroughs will also be a significant part of the fabric of our nation.

Tens of thousands of African Americans have been touched by her art, taught in her classrooms, motivated by her words, and inspired by the institutions she helped create.

In her 1968 poem, ``What Shall I Tell My Children Who Are Black?,'' she writes about how we can encourage future generations of African Americans.

And as she celebrates 93 years on this Earth, I ask my colleagues to join me in thanking her for her service. We know that her life's work will long be remembered by future generations: an extraordinary life of an educator, an artist, a poet, and an inspiration.

Likewise, I would like to present a eulogy for a second great American.

Many towering figures of American history have walked these halls, leaving their legacy written across our shared history. And one American whose life and work have made a deep and indelible mark on this Nation is Bishop Arthur Brazier, who passed just last month after a lifetime of leadership.

Those who knew the Bishop personally called him ``one of our nations great moral lights,'' ``a stalwart of the city of Chicago,'' ``father, leader, and friend.''

Bishop Brazier was born and raised on the South Side. After just 1 year at Phillips High School, he dropped out to find work and was promptly drafted into the army where he served as a staff sergeant in India and Myanmar, then known as Burma. Discharged in 1945, he returned to Chicago where he met his future wife.

At the age of 26, Brazier was baptized. He took a job as a mail carrier but felt a deep urge to preach. So he began studying at night at the Moody Bible Institute, a place at which my wife served as a professor, and in 1952 became pastor of the Universal Church of Christ.

Eight years later, he merged his congregation with that of the Apostolic Church of God in Woodlawn where he was the pastor for more than 48 years--building a congregation of over 20,000 members.

For decades, Bishop Brazier fought gangs and crime and pushed for more affordable homes and better schools.

As founding president of The Woodlawn Organization--a group aimed at shepherding his South Side community through racial unrest and neighborhood upheaval--he opposed plans by the nearby University of Chicago to expand, which would have displaced residents and use land he anticipated developing into low-income housing.

Bishop Brazier taught the people of Chicago and perhaps the people of the United States to always look forward instead of looking back, saying: ``I do not think it behooves us well to keep talking about the past. The American theme is not the America of history.''

All Americans can benefit from such a profound legacy. The life of Bishop Brazier is a story of expanding equality and opportunity, of people and institutions grappling with social change and striving to live up to the promises of equality they innately know belong to them.

Because of Bishop Brazier we are reminded to care for the poor, to focus on spiritual strength rather than material wealth, and that we too can make a difference in our communities.

Bishop Brazier's passing has no doubt left a void in the American landscape. But because of his life, his sacrifice, and his great service, we have the foundations for a better tomorrow.

My prayers are with his wife Isabelle Brazier; his son Bryon Brazier; his three daughters, Lola Hillman, Janice Dortch and Rosalyn Shepherd; and the countless family members and friends who loved and followed this great man.

Mr. President, it is a great honor and privilege that I stand on the floor of the Senate and speak on behalf of these two great Americans, these great Chicagoans and Illinoisans who have done so much for our city, our State, and our Nation. It is my hope and prayer, as my parting words to this U.S. Senate, that these individuals will be memorialized in the archives of this great body.

Mr. President, I suggest the absence of a quorum.

Mr. President, on October 10, 2010, Taiwan--ROC--our good friend and our partner in peace and economic development will celebrate ``Double Ten Day,'' its national day. I call upon my colleagues in the U.S. Senate to stand with Taiwan and to celebrate this important holiday.

The people on Taiwan have a vibrant democracy which sustains one of the region's most important and dynamic economies. Taiwan's economy has become an attractive base for international investment, and it has achieved economic growth of over 6 percent at a time when many world economies are faltering. Taiwan's economic strength has enabled it to become a major international investor, promoting economic development throughout the region. Clearly, Taiwan has much to offer on the world stage, and much to be proud of as they celebrate their Double Ten Day.

My good friend Taiwan's President Ma Ying-jeou deserves both recognition and congratulations for his leadership in negotiating and signing the Economic Cooperation Framework Agreement, ECFA, this summer which is helping to expand trade between Taiwan and mainland China, reducing regional tensions and encouraging regional prosperity

Taiwan has been a strong partner to the United States in our collective work with the World Health Organization, WHO , and I feel strongly that Taiwan should play a similarly valuable role in the work of global aviation safety and security initiated by International Civil Aviation Organization, ICAO. I hope my colleagues will join me in urging that important international body to welcome the participation of Taiwan.

I ask my colleagues to join with me today in standing to salute Taiwan, as a partner and friend on the world stage, on its Double Ten Day and to reaffirm our friendship, support, and continued progress together and for many years ahead.

Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent to speak as in morning business.

Mr. President, I take the floor today to pay tribute to a group of Americans that blazed a trail, people who helped to shape the history we share, and whose contributions deserve recognition at the highest levels.

There has been no war fought by or within the United States in which African Americans did not participate.

The war for our independence featured all-Black units in Rhode Island and Massachusetts. During the War of 1812, about one-quarter of the Navy involved in the Battle of Lake Erie was Black. Nearly 190,000 African Americans fought for their own freedom in the Civil War. In World War I, over 350,000 Black men served on the Western Front.

But prior to 1941, Black servicemen were denied the honor and glory that comes with uniformed service, and their contributions went largely unnoticed. The units were segregated. Black infantry divisions hardly saw the battlefield. They served our Nation with honor, but our Nation did not honor their service.

But on June 25, 1941, President Franklin Roosevelt changed all that. Executive Order 8802 prohibited racial discrimination in the Nation's military. It was the first Federal action to promote equal opportunity in the United States.

Immediately, people of color answered the call and joined all branches of the service. Soon, the very first Black U.S. marines began training at Camp Montford Point in North Carolina. These men would become the first Black drill instructors, the first Black combat troops, and the first Black officers the Marine Corps had ever seen.

More than 19,000 Black marines served in the Second World War. Some, like SGM Edgar Huff and SGM Louis Roundtree, served in Korea and Vietnam as well. They earned decorations such as the Bronze Star, the Silver Star, and the Purple Heart.

All of the Montford Point marines sacrificed for their country, and for that they deserve our deepest gratitude. But they also did far more than sacrifice on the battlefield. They broke down barriers. Their names may not be as familiar as Washington, Jefferson or Lincoln. But their contribution to the American story deserves more than our respect. Through their actions, they changed the face of the U.S. military.

They deserve our praise and recognition.

Last fall, I introduced S. 1695, a bill to award the Congressional Gold Medal to the Montford Point marines. I urge my colleagues to move forward and honor these fine men and women. Every American has benefited from their sacrifice, their bravery, and their leadership. And every American should learn from their fine example.

Unfortunately, time is not on our side. Every day, approximately 900 brave American souls who served in World War II pass away. We should honor our greatest generation while we have the chance to look them in the eye and thank them.

Since the day a few brave men began their training at Camp Montford Point more than half a century ago, the U.S. Marine Corps has been transformed into a stronger, more diverse fighting force. The legacy of the Montford Point marines represents what is best about this Nation's history. Theirs is a proud chapter in the continuing American story.

As I address this Chamber today, I am surrounded by the towering monuments to our Founding Fathers, and the memorials to those who have fought and died so that we might live free. It is time to make the Montford Point marines a part of that immortal history--to award them the prestigious Congressional Gold Medal.

I ask that my colleagues join with me in celebrating these American heroes.

We need to do it before it is too late, and we will not have any of them to look into the eye and tell them: Thanks for your service. Thanks for standing up against some of the toughest situations on the battlefield but even tougher situations as Blacks on the homefront.

I yield the floor.

Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the Committee on Armed Services be authorized to meet during the session of the Senate on September 28, 2010, at 10 a.m.

Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the Committee on Environment and Public Works be authorized to meet during the session of the Senate on September 28, 2010, at 10 a.m. in room 406 of the Dirksen Senate Office Building.

Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the Committee on Finance be authorized to meet during the session of the Senate on September 28, 2010, at 10 a.m., in room 215 of the Dirksen Senate Office Building, to conduct a hearing entitled ``Do Private Long-Term Disability Policies Provide the Protection They Promise?''

Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the Committee on Indian Affairs be authorized to meet during the session of the Senate on September 28, 2010, at 10 a.m. in room 628 of the Dirksen Senate Office Building.

Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the Committee on the Judiciary be authorized to meet during the session of the Senate, on September 28, 2010, at 10 a.m., in room SD-226 of the Dirksen Senate Office Building, to conduct a hearing entitled ``Restoring Key Tools to Combat Fraud and Corruption After the Supreme Court's Skilling Decision.''

Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the Select Committee on Intelligence be authorized to meet during the session of the Senate on September 28, 2010 at 2:30 p.m.

Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the Subcommittee on Consumer Protection, Product Safety, and Insurance of the Committee on Commerce, Science, and Transportation be authorized to meet during the session of the Senate on September 28, 2010, at 10:30 a.m., in room 253 of the Russell Senate Office Building.

Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the Subcommittee on Surface Transportation and Merchant Marine Infrastructure, Safety, and Security on Commerce, Science, and Transportation be authorized to meet during the session of the Senate on September 28, 2010, at 3 p.m., in room 253 of the Russell Senate Office Building.

Mr. President, I stand today to honor a great man of American music--a man whose name is largely unknown, but his music is known and loved around the world. This man is Mr. Irving Burgie.

Mr. Irving Burgie more popularly known as ``Lord Burgess'' was born in Brooklyn, NY, in 1924. He was raised in the close-knit West Indian- American community of New York City during the Great Depression.

The Second World War took him from Brooklyn to the other side of the world in the jungles of what is now Thailand. Under the guns of the Japanese army, a young Irving Burgie and other troops in the segregated Army of the time built and maintained the famous ``Burma Road.''

Following the war, Mr. Burgie studied music at Julliard, the University of Arizona, and the University of California.

While performing in New York in the mid-1950s, he met Harry Belafonte. This was the beginning of a collaboration that would lead to the 1956 release of ``Calypso,'' the first album to sell 1 million copies. The album included Irving Burgie's adaptation of ``The Banana Boat Song'' better known as ``Day-O'' and spent 99 weeks on the charts.

Irving Burgie is credited with composing and arranging over 50 songs on ASCAP. He wrote the ``National Anthem of Barbados'' his beloved mother's native land. His world-famous songs, including ``Island in the Sun'' and ``Jamaica Farewell,'' have been recorded by Harry Belafonte, Miriam Makeba, The Kingston Trio and Jimmy Buffet and featured in the hit movies ``Island in the Sun'' and ``Beetlejuice.''

In his later years, Mr. Irving Burgie helped to form the Black Men of Queens County Federation, an organization devoted to helping African- American young men find their own success, through mentoring and scholarship programs. He later established the Irving Burgie Award for Excellence in Literary and Creative Arts.

Irving Burgie is a songwriter, author, and committed citizen who has brought joy to the world through music and has contributed to the best of American culture and society.

Mr. President, we are in the process of debating the small business bill. I am so grateful to the distinguished Senator from Louisiana who has fought so hard to get this bill through the process of cloture, including an amendment attached to that piece of legislation which makes available $30 billion for the community banks to help out small businesses. I hate that it has taken so much time to get these important pieces of legislation through this body and out where it will benefit those needing it. Based on that, I am hoping we will bring this piece of legislation to a very speedy and expeditious close and that we will not continue to find political maneuverings to hamper the passage of this small business bill.

For the last 2 years, this country has been held in the grips of an unprecedented economic crisis. The housing market collapsed. The bottom dropped out of Wall Street. For the first time in generations, many Americans felt their hard-earned economic security begin to slip away. Too often, the focus of legislation has been on Wall Street rather than on Main Street. We have made some significant progress since the onset of our current crisis, but we still have a very long way to go, especially in creating new and sustainable jobs.

But this is an election year, and that means partisan bickering is on the rise.

So I believe my colleagues and I have a decision to make. We must make a decision. We can focus on winning the next news cycle, pitting Republicans against Democrats and falling into the same tired political battles that usually consume election years in Washington or we can reach for something better. We can tune out the partisan fights, reject the failed policies that got us into this mess, and prove to the American people that we have the will to make tough decisions to get our collective economy on the move again.

Our recovery is far from complete. We need to create more jobs. We need to bring American families more relief. Government can put people to work, but only the private sector--especially the small business sector--can create real and lasting employment. I believe that if we fail to continue the bold policies that pulled us back from the brink of disaster--if we shrink away from the difficult decisions that will move this recovery forward--then we place our economy at risk by slipping back into a recession.

This is a time for bold action, not pointless ideological battles. The Small Business Lending Act will move this economy forward in real and tangible ways. That is what the American people want and need, and they are asking us to get about the business of doing it.

The bill before us gives small businesses $12 billion in tax cuts. It helps small businesses create 500,000 new jobs. It incentivizes and increases small business lending. It helps small business owners access private capital to finance expansion and to hire new workers. That is where the jobs are going to be created, is with these small businesses we are now seeking to help. It rewards entrepreneurs for investing in new small businesses. It helps Main Street businesses compete with large corporations.

Just this past Friday, I hosted a small business forum in Chicago at Chicago State University and I spent the day talking with business owners from all walks of life from all over my State and from a wide range of industries. Everyone I spoke with said the same thing: We need help now. Pass the legislation. That is what they were telling me.

Tomorrow I will host a small business forum in partnership with my good friends over in the other Chamber, in the House of Representatives, including Congressman Lacy Clay of Missouri and Congresswoman Yvette Clark. Together, we hope to work directly with these small business owners to get capital flowing again.

These entrepreneurs are not asking for a handout from this government; they are asking for the tools and resources to grow themselves, to work and to build within their communities, and to create jobs for hard-working Americans. That is what they are asking for. Everyone I spoke with reminds me that there are many ways each of us can act to advance the interests of each of those small businesses in our own States. But together, by acting collectively and by supporting this bill, we can take a major step forward in strengthening our American economy.

As I have reminded this Chamber before, long before I entered public service, I was a banker. As a matter of fact, I was the vice president of the largest bank in my State. It no longer exists now, but it was Continental Illinois Bank and Trust Company. We were the seventh largest bank in America at that time. I ran a division that loaned money to small businesses. So I have firsthand knowledge and information of what it takes to finance and to run these businesses, because if I loaned you the bank's money, you were going to pay me back. It was not my money, it was the depositors' money, and I had to be the custodian of that money. Guess what. Just last Friday in Chicago, we celebrated the 40th anniversary of a company called Central City Productions--the largest black-owned production business in America--that produces TV programs and other marketing and competitive programs for the communities. They have been in business for 40 years. I loaned that young man in those days $50,000. Of course, that was 1970, and $50,000 went a long way then. It probably would take about $1 million to do what we did with $50,000 then, in today's market. So that is the knowledge I bring before this body and to this legislation we have on the floor: Knowing what small businesses take; knowing what we need to do to help those companies get the resources they need so they can get their inventory, so they can get their line of credit, so they can then put their people to work and sell their goods and services to their respective customers.

There is no greater investment we can make if we are serious about sustainable job creation and growth and to encourage investment and loaning to small businesses.

So I call upon my colleagues in this great body to seize this opportunity. Let's keep America on the road to recovery and restore the hard-earned security of ordinary folks who have suffered because of bad decisions on Wall Street. It will not be easy, but it is our responsibility, and it is the right thing to do. We have that responsibility. We have no other alternative than to, as the old saying goes, do the right thing. We must make sure this legislation is passed. We should start by increasing our support right now for this legislation for small businesses. These companies foster progress and they foster innovation. They have the power to create jobs and direct investment to local communities, where it can have the most and greatest impact and make a difference in our economic status.

Small businesses form the backbone of our economy, but in many ways they have suffered the most as a result of this economic crisis. That is why this sector should be targeted for our strongest support. There should be no debate about this. It should not be Republican or Democrat. This should be about helping America create jobs. We have outsourced all our jobs already to the foreign markets, which have shipped the manufacturing jobs out to other markets. We have to get back to manufacturing. Our small innovative companies should come back in so they can then create manufacturing jobs, so we can have value- added products and continue the workstream for people to be employed.

I ask my colleagues to reject the tired politics that got us into this mess and embrace the spirit of bipartisanship that can lead us out of this mess.

On behalf of small businesses, I call upon this body to take action. Our economic future may be uncertain, but with the Small Business Lending Act, we have the rare opportunity to influence that future. So let's pass this measure and guarantee some degree of

relief for the people who continue to suffer the most. Let's renew our investment in America's small businesses and rely on them to drive our economic recovery. Let's do it now. Let's do it today. Let's don't even do it tomorrow.

Thank you. I yield the floor and I suggest the absence of a quorum.

Madam President, I ask unanimous consent to speak as in morning business.

Madam President, even though he has left the floor, I would like to thank the distinguished Senator from Wyoming for permitting me to proceed. I want to comment on what the distinguished Senator from North Carolina spoke on because that is my topic as well. We hope to be able to bring up this issue on the Senate floor and get some justice for the Black farmers.

I come to the floor today to speak about justice and the Department of Agriculture. Let me go back a few years.

Though civil rights legislation in the 1960s was supposed to have outlawed racial discrimination, at least on the Federal level, a 1982 report issued by the Civil Rights Commission stated that the USDA was ``a catalyst in the decline of the black farmer.''

That year, African-American farmers received only 1 percent of all farm ownership loans, only 2.5 percent of all farm-operating loans, and only 1 percent of all soil and water conservation loans. That year, too, the Reagan administration closed the USDA's Civil Rights Office-- the very arm that investigated discrimination complaints.

Adding insult to injury, when African-American and other minority farmers filed complaints, the USDA did little to address them. In 1983, President Reagan pushed through budget cuts that eliminated the USDA Office of Civil Rights--and officials admitted they ``simply threw discrimination complaints in the trash without ever responding to or investigating them'' until 1996, when President Clinton ordered the office re-opened.

Even when there were legal findings of discrimination at USDA, they often went unpaid--and those that did get paid, the money often came too late, since the farm had already been foreclosed.

In 1984 and 1985, the USDA lent $1.3 billion to farmers nationwide to buy land. Of the almost 16,000 farmers who received those funds, only 209 were Black. By 1992, in North Carolina, the number of Black farms had fallen to 2,498, a 64 percent drop since 1978.

In Illinois, there are many similar stories. As a child growing up on the family farm in west central Illinois, Lloyd Johnson remembers cropland extending for miles around, all of it owned by African- Americans like himself. ``For a stretch of four miles, it was black- owned land,'' the 66-year-old farmer recalls. ``Now there's mighty few.''

Today, Johnson's farm in Alton, IL, is one of just 59 run by African Americans across the State, down from 123 in 1997, according to revised figures from a 2002 census. As farming has become a big business, it has become one of the least diverse businesses around.

It was not always. In 1920, Illinois had 892 Black farmers, and African Americans owned 14 percent of the Nation's farmland. Now they hold less than 1 percent. The same pressure to consolidate that has reduced the ranks of farmers for the past century is making any turnaround unlikely, demographers say. The number of Black farmers in Illinois, currently less than one in 1,000, appears destined to eventually hit zero. Probably there will be none very shortly.

In 1990, The Minority Farmers Rights Act, created to address the injustices noted at USDA, and passed in this body by former Senator Wyche Fowler of Georgia, who sat on the Agriculture Committee, authorized $10 million a year in technical assistance to minority farmers.

The new program was only able to garner $2 to $3 million a year under President Reagan, and was in danger of being de-funded altogether. As working capital and technical assistance was systematically denied to Black farmers across America, most rural African-American farmers did not have access to essential legal assistance and fell prey to land speculators and unscrupulous lawyers.

In 1994, the Land Loss Prevention Project filed a Freedom of Information Act lawsuit on behalf of Black farmers, turning key information over to Congress to investigate discriminatory practices by the USDA. Again, USDA released a report analyzing data from 1990 to 1995, and found that ``minorities received less than their fair share of USDA money for crop payments, disaster payments, and loans.''

In 1997, a USDA Civil Rights Team found the agency's system for handling civil rights complaints was still in shambles: the agency disorganized, the process for handling complaints about program benefits ``a failure,'' and the process for handling employment discrimination claims was ``untimely and unresponsive.''

A follow-up report by the GAO in 1999 found that 44 percent of program discrimination cases, and 64 percent of employment discrimination cases, had been backlogged for over a year.

It was against this backdrop in 1997, that a group of Black farmers led by Tim Pigford of North Carolina filed a class action lawsuit against the USDA. In all, 22,000 farmers were granted access to the lawsuit, and in 1999, the government admitted wrongdoing and agreed to a $2.3 billion settlement--the largest civil rights settlement in history.

However, African-American farmers had misgivings with the process of the Pigford settlement. Many farmers who joined the lawsuit were also denied payment. By one estimate, 9 out of 10 farmers who sought restitution under Pigford were denied. The Bush Department of Justice spent 56,000 office hours and 12 million contesting farmers' claims; and many farmers feel their cases were dismissed on technicalities.

I would like to remember what Congresswoman Eva Clayton, an African- American Democrat from North Carolina, said at a March 1999 Black farmers rally at the Federal Courthouse in Washington, DC: ``There is reason to despair . . . There are several reasons why the number of black farmers is declining so rapidly. But the one that has been documented time and time again, is the discriminatory environment present in the Department of Agriculture . . . the very agency established to accommodate the special needs of farmers . . . Once land is lost, it is very difficult to recover . . . We stand here today in despair over this history. Yet, we also stand here today in hope that justice will prevail, and that the record will be set right for those farmers who have been wronged . . . ''

Shortly after coming into office, President Obama's Secretary of Agriculture, Tom Vilsack, signaled a change in direction at USDA. The Secretary has declared ``A New Civil Rights Era at USDA,'' and stepped- up handling of civil rights claims in the agency.

This year, Secretary Vilsack responded to concerns over handling of the original Pigford case, agreeing to a historic second payment in April, known as Pigford II, that would expand the settlement to farmers who were excluded from the first case.

We are here today to help put an end to this long-standing injustice. Pigford II is before us and will help make right this history of discrimination by one of our own government agencies.

I want to thank Leader Reid for his unceasing efforts in bringing the Pigford II and Cobell settlements before us, and I thank others who came before me and those of us here today, on both sides of the aisle, who have advanced the force of justice on this issue.

I urge my colleagues to consider carefully this important question today.

Mr. President, every so often, in the pantheon of scientific achievement, there comes an individual with both the intellect and the drive to further the course of scientific thought, an individual of extraordinary abilities, a truly original mind, which not only contributes to the work of modern science, but steps to the forefront and blazes a trail for others to follow.

I wish to recognize and honor the contributions of one such person, one of the select fine minds who possesses the drive, determination, and the extraordinary ability to continually explore and challenge the limits of scientific knowledge.

Today I am proud to recognize the important work and achievements of Dr. Robert A. Cartlidge.

Dr. Cartlidge is a leader in the fields of biology, biochemistry, and genetics. He is a brilliant scholar, laboratory researcher, and educator.

But most important, he has dedicated himself to the advancement and education of others in his field, and he continues to pave the way for future innovators in biological science to carry the torch even further.

Dr. Cartlidge was educated at one of the most prestigious and well- respected institutions in the world, the University of Cambridge. Following his undergraduate work, which was marked by academic achievement, he was invited by the university's academic administration to receive an honorary master's degree in Natural Sciences, joining ranks with some of the greatest minds in science.

Robert Cartlidge was then singled out by the Wellcome Trust, a global charity dedicated to supporting the brightest minds in biomedical research and the medical humanities, to receive a significant and nationally recognized academic award in Scotland: the prestigious Wellcome Trust PhD Programme.

From there, he embarked on a career dedicated to cancer research to focus on unlocking the complexities of this deadly and indiscriminate disease.

Dr. Cartlidge's innovative findings have been published in leading international scientific and academic journals and have been the basis for scientists who have come after him, learning from his publications, building upon his work, and advancing the causes of science ever further.

The scientific research tools Dr. Cartlidge has created have since been developed into commercial products, and his novel cell system continues to find use in laboratories and universities across the United States and Canada.

By themselves, any of these accomplishments would be worthy of recognition. But Dr. Cartlidge, for all of his extraordinary ability, was not content merely to shut himself in the laboratory and seek advances on his own. Instead, he devoted himself to education and collaboration, working with students and institutions all over the world to broaden his field of his expertise.

Across the reaches of three continents, he has taught, judged, lectured, assessed performance, or designed courses for innumerable fellow scientists, peers, educators, and medical students.

And in so doing, Dr. Cartlidge has broadened America's scientific influence, encouraged ingenuity across the globe, and reaffirmed the innovative spirit that will lead our country to a prosperous future.

Dr. Cartlidge seized upon the opportunity to join his natural intellect with a world-class education and quickly distinguished himself as a singular figure in modern science.

His is an extraordinary ability, the likes of which are rarely seen in this or any other field. We are all grateful that he has dedicated himself to such a selfless career in this, most dynamic and innovative of nations.

I commend Dr. Cartlidge for his extraordinary contributions to science. I celebrate his role in expanding scientific knowledge across the globe. And I thank him for his selfless commitment to the education of other professionals in his field, both in the United States and across the world.

Mr. President, as a longtime public servant, I have always had the utmost regard for individuals who dedicate themselves to a greater cause.

Among these, educators stand out in my mind as especially worthy of thanks and recognition.

I often say that educators have an eternal impact on our country's youth.

From primary school through graduate school, these dedicated men and women are charged with shaping the next generation of Americans.

They provide our Nation's young people with the inspiration to achieve, and the tools to succeed in a global marketplace.

So today, I honor one such educator, Professor Thomas L. Charlton--a brilliant scholar, a remarkable advocate for the values of higher learning, and an avid student of history in his own right.

Professor Charlton began his career in 1962, at San Antonio College, where he taught as many as five classes at one time.

He developed a passion for teaching that would guide him for the rest of his career. After he earned his Ph.D. in 1969 at the University of Texas at Austin, he became a professor of history at Baylor University.

At Baylor, he founded the Institute for Oral History. And over the next quarter century, he presided over its ascension as one of the top oral history research centers in the country.

He pushed for excellence at every turn, and he dedicated himself to the preservation of our rich past.

In 1981, Dr. Charlton authored a landmark academic text on the oral history of Texas, entitled ``Oral History for Texans.''

The following year, he became founding president of the Texas Oral History Association and saw his national reputation grow by leaps and bounds.

But for all the acclaim and success that he enjoyed, those who know Professor Charlton will be quick to point out that he is never happier than when he is out in the field with a group of his graduate students.

He has never lost the passion for teaching that he discovered in the early days of his career--a passion which has guided him to this day.

In the last two decades, Professor Charlton served the Baylor community as vice provost for research, and later as director of the Texas Collection library.

And after nearly half a century of dedicated service at the college level, he announced his retirement earlier this year.

Mr. President, today I honor the tremendous contributions Thomas Charlton has made during his remarkable career.

I celebrate the achievements that have marked his tenure and the lives he touched at every step along the way.

But even as we wish him a happy retirement and recognize the indelible mark he has left on Baylor University, I cannot help but reflect that, among his students, his peers, and all who share his dedication, he will be sorely missed.

I yield the floor.

Mr. President, I am impressed by the distinguished Senator from Delaware. Not only has he outlined the information in the small business legislation which we are in the process of debating, but he so eloquently expounded on what we have done in health care to respond to the second opinion of our distinguished colleague from Wyoming. The Senator from Delaware did a tremendous job of covering the health care issue and what is actually in the bill. It has to be on the record. I thank the Senator for being eloquent in that regard.

I am here to speak about the small business legislation. I must also commend the Senator from Delaware, as he covered some key points. Being a former banker myself, an individual who actually financed companies-- when I was in the banking business, I financed small businesses, even startup businesses--I have a great knowledge of what it takes to make sure those businesses have the necessary capital and resources in order to survive and provide jobs across the respective communities they serve. The legislation before us is crucial to the recovery of our respective communities with this recession.

As a public servant, I have been a strong advocate for American small businesses, especially disadvantaged and minority-owned businesses, because they are the engine of the economy. Before I was a public official, I was a banker. I worked hard every day to spur investments on Main Street. I worked to make capital available for small businesses so entrepreneurs and innovators could create jobs and bring prosperity to local communities. Today, as a result of the harsh economic reality in which we are existing, many of these businesses are finding it tougher than ever to survive. Credit is largely dried up. Capital investment is difficult to come by. Even as our economy begins to move forward toward recovery, small and disadvantaged businesses continue to lag behind. I believe we need to place small businesses at the heart of our response to this crisis. More needs to be done. Passing the Small Business Lending Act would be a step in the right direction. This incentive will create jobs for struggling Americans by providing increased lending to small businesses so they can support and expand their operations.

Small businesses are in a position to create well-paying jobs and produce growth at the local level. It is time to make them a priority again. If we fail to act today, if we fail to pass the Small Business Lending Act and fall short of our commitment to America's innovators and entrepreneurs, I fear our Nation will fall into a jobless recovery, and small businesses across the country will continue to suffer the detrimental effects of this recession.

I recognize government cannot directly create jobs in the same way the private sector can but few can deny that government has an integral role in getting America back on track. Our job as public officials is to support and

promote responsible practices, implement sensible regulations, and help direct investments to the areas that need it most. Under current law, the Small Business Administration provides key support to small businesses through its 8(a) program. This program offers technical assistance, training, and contract opportunities to small businesses that meet specific criteria. I am a strong advocate of this initiative which has helped to keep small and disadvantaged businesses viable and make sure everyone has a chance to share in the economic prosperity.

Mr. President, 8(a) has made a difference in numerous communities. It has eased some of the worst effects of the crisis for those entities that are most vulnerable. Yet despite its success, this program's impact and reach has been restricted because only a small number of businesses are eligible for this kind of support. That is why I introduced an amendment during the debate that would expand the 8(a) program.

My measure would have increased the continued eligibility amount from $750,000 to $2.5 million, so more small businesses could benefit from this assistance. But, unfortunately, my amendment was not included in the final package.

While it did not make the cut this time, I hope my colleagues will join me in giving further consideration and attention to the 8(a) program in the near future. What this will do is allow those individuals who may have reached a net worth of $1.1 million or $1.2 million or $1.5 million or even $2 million to say they are still small. In this economy, if you have $2 million, people say you are rich. Well, that is not the case if you are a small businessperson. That is the reason why I am saying in order to still be able to qualify for the 8(a) program, we should increase the eligibility amount to $2.5 million, and thereby they can continue to compete and continue to have a chance to be in the small and disadvantaged minority category.

Expansion of this program would afford our small businesses the assistance they need and create jobs for Americans amid this rough economic climate.

With the Small Business Lending Act before us today, we have an opportunity to renew our investment in America's small businesses. I urge my colleagues to vote in favor of this legislation so we can foster economic growth on the local level and generate much needed jobs.

I wish to reiterate what the distinguished Senator from Delaware said in terms of how we can expand these businesses by giving tax incentives to these companies, by eliminating the capital gains tax that would come about for any transaction they would make, by allowing them to write off the depreciation for their capital purchases.

We have this legislation before us now, which we must pass before we adjourn for our summer recess, and get this legislation over to the House so the House can pass it before they adjourn, a week before we adjourn. We need to make sure we get this legislation passed.

We saw the Senator from Louisiana fight gallantly to pass the amendment to allow the banks to have $30 billion which they could put out for small businesses. That amendment had been stricken, and the Senator did not yield to that deduction from that piece of this package. She fought to get that amendment into this legislation. Now what we must do is get the 60 votes needed to pass the Small Business Lending Act so we can get about the business of saying, yes, we are concerned about Main Street as much as we are about Wall Street. When we do that, we can go back to our constituents and say we have done something that is beneficial to our communities which will help us to get this economy moving again to help those people who need it the most.

Mr. President, I see the distinguished Senator from New Hampshire on the floor. I yield the floor.

I want to echo the sentiments of the distinguished Senator from Oregon. His comments are very well taken.

I also rise to support the distinguished Senator from the great State of Louisiana in her efforts to deal with this amendment to add to the small business legislation, of getting this $30 billion out to the community banks so they can put those dollars in the communities.

For the past 2 years, this country has been held in the grips of an unprecedented economic crisis.

The housing market collapsed. The bottom dropped out of Wall Street. And for the first time in generations, many Americans felt their hard- earned economic security begin to slip away.

Here in Washington, Members of the House and Senate were faced with a harsh reality: For decades, regulators and policymakers alike had fallen short of their responsibilities. A divisive political process drove them to duck the tough issues, and kick the can down the road, time and time again.

This failure of regulation, and the absence of political will, allowed Wall Street fat cats to let their greed get the better of them. They gambled with our economic future. They designed complicated financial products and placed high-stakes bets against them. In short, they built a house of cards, and when it finally came crashing down, the American economy lay in ruins.

There can be no quick fixes after a disaster of this magnitude. But under President Obama's leadership, our elected leaders finally took the bull by the horns and did what was necessary to stop the bleeding, and set our country back on the road to recovery.

I was proud to join many of my colleagues in supporting the American Recovery and Reinvestment Act--a landmark stimulus bill that helped reverse the rising tide of economic misfortune. Thanks to this legislation, and to the landmark legislation that was signed into law just yesterday, that created the most sweeping reform of Wall Street since the Great Depression, we are on the road to recovery. But as anyone in this chamber can tell you, the real key to a full recovery is jobs. And no sector of this economy creates jobs more effectively than small businesses.

Long before I ever entered public service, I was a banker. I know firsthand what it takes to support our small business community because I have done it.

This is a time for bold action. Not pointless ideological battles. This is a time to move forward, not back. So I call upon my colleagues to seize this opportunity. Let's keep America on the road to recovery and restore the hard-earned security of ordinary folks and small business owners who are in desperate need of help.

We should start by increasing our support for small businesses, especially those owned by disadvantaged and minority individuals. These companies foster progress and innovation. They have the power to create jobs, and direct investment to local communities, where it can have the greatest impact.

Small businesses form the backbone of our economy, but in many ways, they have suffered the most as a result of this economic crisis. It is no secret that minority-owned businesses, particularly those in poor or urban areas, have been hit hardest by the current economic downturn. That is why these are the areas we should target for our strongest support.

We can rely on a proven initiative to inject new life into disadvantaged areas. So I would ask my colleagues to support the Small Business Lending Act. I would ask them to reject the tired politics that got us into this mess, and embrace the spirit of bipartisanship that can lead us out.

On behalf of small and minority-owned businesses, I call upon this body to take action. Our economic future may be uncertain, but with the Small Business Lending Act, we have the rare opportunity to influence that future.

So let's pass this measure, to guarantee some degree of relief for the people who continue to suffer the most.

Let's renew our investments in America's small businesses, and rely on them to drive our economic recovery.

And let's do so today.

I have financed them from scratch. They would walk in to me and say, look, I got an idea. I love to do this. Let's get a business plan together. Where do they get the capital from to create the jobs that are needed? They get it from the bank giving them credit, taking some equity from them, getting some investment from them. That is what I have done.

I stand on this floor, with successful lending from banks to small companies. It created jobs. Some of them are still in business today, some 40 years later. Some of them have been sold off and bought off by big Fortune 500 companies. They were able to start from scratch.

I know what it takes in a small community to lend to small businesses. Now we are up here talking about, we are not going to put in resources. This is not going to cost us any money. The

taxpayers are due to support these types of efforts. That is what we are here for. The purpose of government is to do for those which they cannot do for themselves.

Now we are debating on this floor whether we are going to put the money into helping small businesses, give it to the banks to lend to the small businesses, so they can then go out and hire people. This ought to be a no-nonsense vote. It makes no sense what we are doing on this floor, debating this issue at this time, when this economy is in this condition.

So having lent money to small businesses, having been a banker, where your stripes depended on many good loans you made, I have been there, and I support this legislation 100 percent. If we can put those resources into those banks, that will then put them into the community, the banks are not going to be out there giving this money away. This is not charity. It is going make money for us. So let us wise up. Let us make sure we support this amendment, pass it now, and get on to the business of helping small businesses.

I yield the floor.