Mr. Speaker, I rise to include in the Record the following article titled Libya Has a Deal for Trump That Could Reshape Africa and Europe by Tom O'Connor of Newsweek on how important it is for Libya to return to stability: As a divided…
Mr. Speaker, I rise to include in the Record the following article titled Libya Has a Deal for Trump That Could Reshape Africa and Europe by Tom O'Connor of Newsweek on how important it is for Libya to return to stability:
As a divided Libya lies between two deepening crises in
Africa and the porous southern flank of Europe,
representatives of the
nation's internationally recognized government told Newsweek
they were looking to President Donald Trump to strike a deal
that could have profound effects across two continents.
The appeal from the Tripoli-based Government of National
Unity that controls much of Libya's northwest involves
seeking U.S. support in pressuring countries--namely Russia,
the United Arab Emirates and Egypt--accused of aiding the
rival Government of National Stability that controls much of
the rest of the nation, including Libya's second city of
Benghazi, and is backed by the military support of
influential Libyan National Army chief Field Marshall Khalifa
Haftar.
In exchange, the Government of National Unity envisions
boosting business and investment ties--particularly regarding
Libya's vast reserves of oil--with an administration known
for its deal-based transactional foreign policy. The Libyan
authorities also aim to solidify security ties that may
bolster NATO's position in the Mediterranean, curb the free
flow of fighters and arms to conflicts raging in the
neighboring Sahel region and Sudan while also easing the
large-scale migration of African refugees to Europe.
``We would like to have the involvement of United States.
And, especially with this government, they are always looking
for deals, there are a lot of deals that we can do, and we
keep mutual interests,'' Mahmoud Ahmed Alftise, economic
adviser to Government of National Unity Prime Minister Abdul-
Hamid Dbeibah, told Newsweek. ``Of course, we have our
sovereignties, but we would like to have a good friend, a
strong friend.''
``We would like to have a friend's mutual interest, so we
can go ahead and move, so people have their prosperities.''
Alftise said, ``because the Libyan people are really
suffering from this regional interference in Libya.''
Libya's Fracture
The roots of Libya's schism can be traced back to a 2011
rebellion against longtime leader Muammar al-Qaddafi.
Qaddafi, who had ruled the nation since seizing power in a
1969 coup against the monarchy and later adopted the titles
of ``brotherly leader'' and ``King of Kings'' of Africa, had
for decades molded a seemingly invincible cult of personality
bolstered by grand infrastructure projects and iron-fisted
suppression of dissent until widespread unrest swelled around
the Arab Spring movement.
As Qaddafi's forces attempted to extinguish the uprising,
NATO intervened directly with a crushing air campaign in
support of the rebels, leading to the Libyan leader's
downfall and ultimate slaying at the hands of opposition
fighters.
Libya's initial post-Qaddafi steps appeared hopeful as the
temporary National Transitional Council handed the reigns to
the elected General National Congress in 2012, marking the
nation's first-ever peaceful transfer of power. But new
elections held in 2014 produced the first major crisis as
political feuds and opposing interpretations of the nascent
constitution led to the establishment of the House of
Representatives to rival the General National Congress as
Libya's legislative body.
Haftar, a former close Qaddafi confidant and commander who
fled to the U.S. in the 1990s to begin orchestrating efforts
to oust his ex-ally, emerged as a powerful military figure in
support of the House of Representatives. As head of the
Libyan National Army, he declared a military operation
against the General National Congress, and Libya thus
devolved into a second civil war, this time with no clear
victor.
The conflict continued for six years until a 2020 ceasefire
that once again inspired cautious optimism toward a political
solution, with the establishment of the Government of
National Unity as the new Tripoli-based authority aimed at
unifying the nation. But the House of Representatives
rejected the Government of National Unity's mandate the
following year, leading to the creation of the Government of
National Stability in the east and entrenching the dual power
system that continues to divide Libya to this day.
Sporadic clashes also persist, sometimes among internal
factions of the two major governments that claim legitimate
authority in Libya, such as occurred between military and
militia units in Tripoli in May. Without a mutually agreed
framework for Libya's unification and a United Nations road
map left sidelined, both parties remain locked in their feud,
though Alftise argued the Government of National Unity
remained more open to a negotiated solution.
``Our government is more flexible, there are even some
thoughts that maybe we can merge the two governments in order
to have an election, and then we will have, of course,
parliamentary elections, and then we have a presidential
election, or maybe together,'' Alftise said.
``But what happened is the House of Representatives is
under the control of Mr. Haftar,'' he added. ``They cannot
say something that he does not like.''
Foreign Intrigue
While a return to large-scale fighting has thus far been
avoided, fears loom over such a scenario plunging the country
into another period of civil strife. Alftise suggested the
decision of peace and war may ultimately be influenced by the
whims of foreign powers, who have increasingly spread their
influence in Libya.
For the Government of National Unity, this includes Turkey,
which deployed personnel and drones among other assets to aid
the Tripoli-based administration against the Libyan National
Army's advances in 2020. Ankara's role is defended by the
Government of National Unity as a necessary bulwark against
the presence of Russia's Wagner Group private military
company--largely since rebranded and reorganized under the
Russian Defense Ministry as the Africa Corps--among the ranks
of Haftar's forces.
Ibrahim Sahad, a member of Libya's High Council of State
that succeeded the General National Congress in 2016, stated
that Russian personnel had established ``three or four air
force bases in Libya,'' including in ``very sensitive
areas,'' such as the central district of Jufra, Benghazi's
Benina International Airport and in Tobruk, where the
Government of National Stability and Libyan National Army are
headquartered. He warned such maneuvers should raise alarms
in Europe and the U.S., though warnings have thus far gone
unheeded.
``When we talk about the Russian presence and involvement,
I see there is lack of sensitivities from the American side
with that regard, as if it is something we can live with,''
Sahad told Newsweek. ``No we cannot live with that.
``And even the future, not for us, also for the West, for
NATO,'' he added. ``Libya used to be the flank of NATO.''
And elsewhere on the continent itself, he predicted that
inaction on Russia's projection of influence through the
deployment of personnel in regions like the Sahel could
precipitate a broader geopolitical shift for Africa at a time
when many nations have already abandoned ties with Europe.
``The Russian presence in Libya is not only controlling
Libya. No, they are controlling Africa,'' Sahad said. ``They
are sending troops to other African countries, and they want
to be in control of them. And if this continues, if we allow
that to continue, they will find one time that Africa will
come to the other side.''
The Kremlin's interest in Libya is deep-rooted as NATO's
intervention prompted a severe backlash from Russian
President Vladimir Putin. who went on to double down on back
for another Soviet-era ally facing an Arab Spring revolt,
Syrian President Bashar al-Assad. Assad's downfall at the
hands of an Islamist-led rebel offensive last year has
reportedly been followed by an uptick in contacts with
Haftar, who met Putin in May at Russia's 80th anniversary
World War II Victory Day parade.
It's not just Moscow or even adversaries of Washington that
the Government of National Unity suspects of seeking a
lasting piece of Libya. Sahad argued that the United Arab
Emirates had thrown its weight behind Haftar in a bid for
port access and other shares of the country.
``The UAE has this sickness of wanting to control harbors.
They came to buy New York Harbor one time,'' Sahad said.
``The control of the Libyan harbors, some of them is to be
part of the Libyan oil industry, and to be part of the
financial sector, especially the banks, and there are other
things, and I have no doubt that they have this ambition, and
I have no doubt that Haftar agrees with that.''
Egypt, too, has expressed its ambitions to stake control
over parts of eastern Libya, according to Sahad, who cited
Egyptian President Abdel Fattah el-Sisi's 2020 remarks
calling any attack by the Government of National Unity's
forces against the Government of National Stability-held
coastal city of Sirte a ``red line'' that would result in
direct Egyptian military intervention.
Russia and the UAE have rejected allegations that they
provided direct support for the Libyan National Army during
its westward offensives, while Egypt has framed its stance as
necessary for maintaining security along its border with
Libya.
Still, Sahad argued that addressing runaway foreign
influence was key to unlocking progress on other fronts,
including reconciling the split nature of Libya's governance
and paving the way for U.S. investment in Libya's resource
industry.
``If we put an end to this interference, our situation will
be better,'' Sahad said. ``Maybe it will be easier for us to
reach an agreement and unify the institutions. A lot of
things could happen by then. But with this interference we
have, we have real big problems in that regard. The U.S. can
help a lot.''
``Another sphere is our oil industry faces a lot of
problems because of a lack of experts,'' he added. ``The
American companies started the oil industry in the 50s, now
we have a lot of fields not explored yet. I think United
States companies have a big interest there. And it's not only
oil, we have other minerals.''
To address the growing presence of foreign actors, Sahad
called on the U.S. to crack down on the nations suspected of
playing destabilizing roles in Libya. While he said he was
encouraged by moves such as the Libyan Stabilization Act that
passed the House of Representatives in 2021 but was never
signed into law, he argued he has not ``seen any real effort
from either this administration, nor the administration
before, to put some pressure on the United Arab Emirates or
Egypt to stop their interference in Libya.''
Attention to foreign influence in Libya has also sparked
some acknowledgment within the Government of National Unity
regarding Turkey's growing role, particularly after Ankara
began fostering closer dialogue with the House of
Representatives as part of what Turkish President Recep
Tayyip Erdogan referred to in August as a step in line with
his
nation's ``multidimensional diplomatic efforts.''
``Of course, the Turks always like to have some existence
in the area, because they feel they are a power in the area.
And nowadays they are,'' Alftise said. ``They were, of
course, in the Ottoman Empire, and now they are trying to
have a new history there.''
At the Crossroads of Crises
Risks posed by Libya's fractured state and the presence of
foreign actors are compounded by instability in neighboring
nations--some of which can be traced back to the initial
shock of Qaddafi's sudden downfall and the subsequent vacuum
of power.
The collapse of Libya in 2011 sparked a major influx of
arms and fighters through the Sahel, with ethnic Tuareg
fighters who once fought on both sides of the Libyan Civil
War staging a 2012 uprising in Mali. This was followed by an
explosion of Islamist insurgency, including groups linked to
Al-Qaeda and the Islamic State, that is spreading across the
region today.
To the southeast, Haftar's troops have been accused of
aiding the paramilitary Rapid Support Forces against the
Sudanese Armed Forces in the civil war that first erupted-in
Sudan in 2021. The Government of National Unity has further
alleged that Haftar supported the Rapid Support Forces with
fuel transfers backed by the United Arab Emirates, though UAE
officials have repeatedly rejected direct involvement in
Sudan's civil war.
The conflict in Sudan is considered to be the world's worst
humanitarian crisis today, driving millions of people out of
the large African nation. Many of these refugees from Sudan
and others fleeing conflicts and harsh conditions elsewhere
in Africa find their way to Libya, taking advantage of the
country's disunity and unpatrolled borders to embark on a
treacherous trip across the Mediterranean to Europe.
Nearly 60,000 people survived the journey and another 1,500
are known to have perished in 2025 alone, according to the
European Union's Frontex border security agency, which
identifies Libya as the primary departure point. The total
number of those who fled from Libya by sea since 2011 is
believed to at least be in the hundreds of thousands, with
potentially more unreported.
``Europe has a big problem with the immigrants who come
with ships,'' Sahad said. ``Why do we have these immigrants?
Because we could not control the borders, our southern
borders. We cannot control them. We need help in that regard.
We need technology.''
``We cannot control the vast borders in the south, but with
technology, you can, and Europe is not giving us that help,''
he added.
Yet there's hope Washington may be able to step in here, as
Sahad believes this is another thing the United States can
help us with,'' and do so with a promise of reciprocal
benefits.
``We're not saying that we are demanding or asking, but
also Libya will give the United States the energy, and we
will give their states the stability of that region,'' Sahad
said. ``If Libya is stable, then there are big advantages for
Northern Africa, for Africa.''
Alftise reiterated this point, arguing that, while the
Government of National Unity has so far been able to keep the
threat of Islamist militant resurgence in the west at bay,
the lack of control over the southern border and growing
jihadi infiltration of nations such as Mali, Burkina Faso and
Niger meant U.S. support was necessary not only for
safeguarding Libya, but far beyond as well.
``It's not only for the sake of Libya,'' Alftise said,
``it's the sake of Africa and the sake of southern Europe.''
Unity First
As the 15th anniversary of the uprising that toppled
Qaddafi nears in February, uncertainty prevails over the
nation of roughly 7.5 million people once considered one of
the richest nations in Africa that has still yet to rebound
from its pre-2011 economic performance.
Alftise said that ``there is still a big hope that things
will be okay,'' though he acknowledged a wave of nostalgia
for Qaddafi's rule, fueled largely by social media and
foreign outlets. In response, he said, ``we're trying to tell
the people that era has more bad things than good things.''
And while the cautious calm that continues to hold has
produced some positive growth in the economy and social
development in recent years, so much potential is hindered by
the stillunwavering splitAnd while the cautious calm that
continues to hold has produced some positive growth in the
economy and social development in recent years, so much
potential is hindered by the still-unwavering split between
the opposing governments.
In the east, Haftar continues to entrench his position,
promoting at least two of his sons, Saddam and Khalid, to
senior military positions and a third, Belqasim, as his top
political adviser. Critics accuse of him emulating Qaddafi in
his dynastic tendencies and strongman persona that
overshadows Government of National Stability Prime Minister
Osama Hammad.
In the west, Dbeibah faces not only the rival government in
Tobruk and its foreign backers but also a complex array of
internal factions, including Islamist forces who seek to push
their own vision of Libya in backing the Government of
National Unity. His leverage is further challenged by
incessant clashes over Libya's oil and gas infrastructure, a
backbone of the national economy that has been sapped by the
dual power rivalry and rampant fuel smuggling.
Nevertheless, Dbeibah's administration continues to enjoy
international recognition and his outreach to the White House
has not gone unnoticed. Trump's senior adviser on Africa
affairs, Massad Boulos, traveled to Tripoli in July to hold
talks with Dbeibah that reportedly included a Libyan offer to
forge a $70 billion economic partnership with the U.S.
But Libya has also caught the eye of the administration on
another matter often tied to Trump's diplomatic efforts in
the Middle East and North Africa. In April, Trump's special
envoy to theMidiile East, Steve Witkoff, named Libya as among
six nations that could potentially join the Abraham Accords,
a series of agreements through which the United Arab
Emirates, Bahrain, Sudan and Morocco established diplomatic
ties with Israel in late 2020 and early 2021.
The deals marked the first Arab-Israeli normalization pacts
since those struck by Egypt in 1979 and Jordan in 1994, save
for Mauritania's short-lived recognition offered in 1999 and
rescinded amid a war in Gaza a decade later. Like the rest of
the Arab world and many Muslim nations, Libya has never
recognized Israel and has consistently expressed support for
Palestinians, once constituting a major source of Palestinian
militia funds and arms throughout the Qaddafi era.
Even years from Qaddafi's ouster, the Israeli-Palestinian
issue remains a sensitive one for Libya. Both Alftise and
Sahad said unifying and stabilizing the nation remained the
first order of business before such decisions could be taken.
``The important thing for us at the moment is to revive
Libya as a as a country with a civil government, with
democracy, so we can have our country in a sovereign
situation, and it could take whatever decisions built on,
one, the sovereignty of the nation, and, two, the agreement
of the people, because that's democracy,'' Sahad said. ``So,
this is what we are facing.''