Recognizing and commending the continuing dedication, selfless service, and commitment of members of the Armed Forces and their families during the Global War on Terrorism and in defense of the United States.

Mr. Speaker, we gather here for a well-deserved tribute to our troops in the Middle East. Yet just before this, we were debating the President's budget which cruelly cut $25 billion of veterans benefits, including disabled veterans. Is this how Republicans would honor those who have made great sacrifices in defense of our country? Is that how they would boost the morale of our current troops? Every major veterans organization has denounced these cuts as unconscionable, but now the pending business before us is a little bit different.

So I rise to reject these efforts to piggyback support for President Bush's dangerous policies on to a simple, but deserved, resolution supporting our troops. I trust the American people to see through this attempt to coerce endorsement of his ``preventive war'' doctrine.

I fully support our troops and offer my prayers for their safe return. I am an Army veteran myself; I care deeply about their well- being. And precisely for that reason, I cannot in good conscience vote for tonight's resolution, a carefully crafted document to force endorsement of President Bush's doctrine of preventive war, allowing him to attack countries whenever or wherever he chooses. I will not provide support for such a dangerous doctrine.

For years to come, it will unnecessarily put current and future members of our Armed Forces in harm's way, even when our national security is not really threatened.

Mr. Speaker, President Bush is about to unleash the dogs of war. He has set the clock ticking toward an unprecedented barrage of destruction dropped on a city of 6 million human beings. The barrage is oddly named the days of ``shock and awe.'' All Americans who hold human life precious should watch the clock run down, not with ``awe'' but with fear and trembling. The sad truth is that we are lurching towards an unnecessary war that President Bush seems determined to launch.

Apparently, therefore, the brave young men and women of our Armed Forces are about to head into harm's way. We all offer them our support as they try to do their duty, and we send our prayers for their safe return. But we must also be faithful to our duty, a duty entrusted exclusively to the Congress by our Founding Fathers. That is the solemn duty to decide whether the United States should go to war.

The Constitution's framers emphatically entrusted that decision to the Congress alone. They were adamant that the Executive not play a role--although once war began the Executive is the Commander-in-Chief to implement that decision. The Framers were so intent on excluding the President that they rejected an offer to share the power to declare war between the Congress and the Executive.

I know that President Bush, and many of my colleagues believe that the Congress properly authorized war against Iraq last Fall, pursuant to Article 1, Section 8 of the Constitution. I respectfully disagree. We have not performed our duty yet. Last fall Congress enacted a resolution that generally authorized the president to fight terrorism and to seek enforcement of previous U.N. Resolutions on Iraq. But in reality, that resolution bucked the duty constitutionally conferred on Congress to the President. It let the President decide to choose when and where and against whom to start a war. In short, it dodged the decision and sought to delegate an authority that may not be delegated.

The administration's supporters argue that legal precedents allow the Congress to provide an authorization of war that is functionally equivalent to the now rarely-used formal Declaration of War. That entirely misses the point. It is not the format which is at issue; it is ``who decides?''

It was clear, at that time, from the congressional debate, from Executive Branch statements, and from the resolution itself that the diplomatic route would be pursued first, by going through the U.N. Subsequently, in response to a broad national consensus, the U.S. spearheaded U.N. Security Council passage of Resolution 1441 that imposed a new inspection regime. In other words, it was clear last fall that the decision of whether to declare war was being put off for a later date.

In the months since then, it has become increasingly clear that the decision on going to war would turn on two crucial assessments. The first would be an assessment of the results of that inspection program.

The second assessment, and the ultimate judgment, would require weighing the implications of the inspection results and other information about what threat Iraq poses to the U.S. against the full costs--fiscal, diplomatic, casualties and increased terrorism--of going to war. Clearly these are not military judgments for a Commander-in- Chief. They are precisely the kind of complex national policy judgments that the Founding Fathers conferred on the Congress in matters of war and peace.

Yet in the present circumstances, the Congress has abdicated any role in that fateful decision. The entire world has been riveted on whether the American President would decide to declare war against Iraq. President Bush has brazenly told journalists and Members of Congress alike that it is his decision, and his decision alone. This is a perversion of the Constitution.

Even if one argues that Congress properly exercised its constitutional duties, and that the President thereby has all necessary authority to start a war the fundamental questions remain. ``Why war?'' ``Why now?'' And most importantly, ``Will waging war in Iraq make us more secure or less secure?''

Bush's war would have disastrous consequences for every American. War is about devastation, destruction and death. The American people are not bloodthirsty. We want war only if our country is in imminent danger. Otherwise, a war's human and economic costs are too great. The human devastation of death, injury and destruction is obvious. In addition, it will rob us of resources urgently needed by America's working families and less fortunate.

Even in terms of national security, an all-out war will rob Americans of hundreds of billions of dollars needed for the first line of defense in homeland security, on which we have made far too little progress since the tragedy of 9/11. As the President repeats his unverified mantra of ``threats to national security,'' cities across this land are laying off police, firemen, and emergency medical services teams--the so-call ``first responders'' to any new terrorist attack. They must do so because this Administration's ``first response'' to empty city treasuries across America has been one word: ``Tough.''

This is not merely a partisan spat, nor a Washington insiders' policy dispute. The citizens' crusade to stop an immoral war in Iraq has been nothing less than a noble struggle for our Nation's soul. Thus far, that struggle has not succeeded. But we will not give up. We must commit ourselves to stopping hostilities and re-weaving the torn fabric of international organizations with the same dedication and urgency with which we strove to stop segregation and the Vietnam war, and finally brought our Government to its senses.

President Bush repeatedly insists that for him ``war is a last resort.'' But his actions reveal that war was really his first choice, all along. His attempts to make it politically palatable by badgering, bullying and bribing countries into a counterfeit coalition have been a mere fig leaf transparent to the entire world.

President Bush has failed to present compelling evidence that Iraq currently is a threat to our national security. One rationale after another has been disproved. The President, Vice President and Secretary of Defense have presented a kaleidoscope of ever-changing rationale as they tried to stay one jump ahead of ``truth squads'' exposing their disinformation--at the U.N., among skeptical Members of Congress and the media, and even in their own intelligence agencies.

Americans have readily borne the burden of war when attacked or actually threatened. But America cannot, in good conscience, start a war so costly in blood and treasure simply on the basis of circumstantial evidence and speculation that, sometime in the unspecified future, Iraq may present an actual threat to the U.S.

Bush's war against Iraq is:

A war that will devastate a country of 26 million and cause damage that will take years to undo;

A war that will see many American casualties, and that could fracture our fragile economy;

A war that will destabilize the Middle East;

A war that will swell the ranks of terrorist recruits;

A war that will weaken our fight against terrorism, at home and abroad, and that will cost billions of dollars desperately needed for programs in Detroit and other cities;

A war that will set a terrible precedent, in a world of growing numbers of nuclear states, for any country to launch a preventive war against opponents deemed a possible future threat; and

A war not really wanted by the American people, our military commanders or our allies.

Worst of all, it is a war that, as the CIA admits, will only make it more likely that Saddam would unleash whatever unconventional weapons he does have against our troops, Israel and our other allies. There is no evidence Saddam seeks to commit suicide. We deterred him from using weapons of mass destruction during Desert Storm. If he faces destruction, however, Saddam may well seek to play Sampson and pull down the Temple for lethal revenge.

Last weekend, several of the Nation's leading newspapers seemed to suddenly discover all of these grave costs of war in Iraq. Article after article reported with an air of sudden discovery that:

The war would drastically increase the likelihood of Saddam's using weapons of mass destruction;

That it would almost certainly escalate dramatically terrorist attacks against Americans;

That many U.S. military commanders feared it would undermine the real war against terrorism;

That their could be extensive casualties among innocent Iraqi civilians; and

That, even following a quick ``military victory'' against Saddam, we could be mired in

an Iraqi quicksand of tribal feuds and guerrilla warfare for years.

I took cold comfort from the irony of the media's belated ``discoveries.'' It would have been far more useful to their readers if the media had discovered this costly side of the war ledger months earlier. Instead, like the Administration, most media coverage focused only on whether, absent other concerns, it was desirable to prevent Saddam's pursuit of armaments and remove his regime--as if there were no competing costs on the other side of the ledger to be carefully weighed in deciding whether war would be a net plus for America.

There is still time for President Bush to avoid starting the wrong war, in the wrong place, at the wrong time. There is still time--but precious little time--for the American people to speak out against a war that few of them support. If the war commences, there is time for it to be brought to a rapid end and areversion to diplomatic efforts and enhanced inspections.

We should remember the warning of General Anthony Zinni. A distinguished Marine Commandant and head of U.S. Central Command, which guards the Middle East, Zinni reminded us that military commanders know the full horrors of war and hesitate to plunge ahead unless the national interest is clearly at stake. On the other hand, Zinni warned, those who have never worn a uniform or seen combat often are the quickest to beat the drums of war.

Those are harsh words. The administration will condemn whoever utters them as partisan and unpatriotic--just as the Johnson White House condemned King's questioning of Vietnam. The Bush team has already spread that slander, in order to stop erosion of support for the war as the public learns the truth. Are the military veterans and retired generals opposed to this war unpatriotic? Are families of those who were killed on 9/11 and who oppose this war partisan? That is outrageous.

I know many of my colleagues have in good faith been convinced that Iraq is a threat to us now. But they have been the target of a Niagara of propaganda, especially the Vice President's early insistence that Saddam was involved in 9/11 and that Saddam had nuclear weapons now-- both of which claims have long been disavowed by our intelligence community. Many other assertions and premises used by the administration to ``market their product,'' in the revealing phrase of the White House Chief of staff, have crumbled under close scrutiny.

I would ask my colleagues who support the war to reconsider their view in light of these facts:

Almost the entire world is strongly against this war; this includes the majority of the citizens of even those countries formally part of the ``coalition'';

Every major city in America has gone on record against this war;

The U.S. Conference of Catholic Bishops, almost every major Protestant denomination, the American Labor movement and the NAACP are against this war;

Leading retired U.S. military commanders such as General Zinni, and General Schwarzkopf--in his original unvarnished views--have voiced opposition to this war;

Numerous active duty generals have told reporters off the record of their concerns about a war against Iraq; and

General Scowcroft, who was also President George Herbert Walker Bush's National Security Advisory is against this war.

And all of this opposition has arisen even before the war has started--an unprecedented phenomenon in human history. In view of these facts, I ask whether it is just possible that there is something amiss with the President's premises with his logic, and with his rejection of further effort to resolve the issues peacefully.

I urge my colleague to reflect on these powerful facts and join me in pressing President Bush to find another way--to follow the path of peace. As the Bible teaches, ``Blessed are the Peacemakers.''

Mr. Speaker, pursuant to the order of the House of Tuesday, March 4, 2003, I call up the joint resolution (H.J. Res. 27) recognizing and commending the continuing dedication, selfless service, and commitment of members of the Armed Forces and their families during the Global War on Terrorism and in defense of the United States, and ask for its immediate consideration in the House.

Mr. Speaker, I ask unanimous consent that all Members may have 5 legislative days within which to revise and extend their remarks on the joint resolution under consideration.

Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.

Mr. Speaker, since the start of the global war on terrorism, a saga has unfolded marked by the dedication, selfless service, and commitment of the members of the Armed Forces and their families. Now, on the eve of a potential war with Iraq, the Nation is about to ask our Armed Forces and their families for additional sacrifices.

For these reasons, my great colleague, the gentleman from Missouri (Mr. Skelton), and I thought it was only fitting that we offer this joint resolution to send a message to our Armed Forces of our support and appreciation for their magnificent efforts.

Mr. Speaker, the U.S. Armed Forces, a total force of active National Guard and Reserve volunteers, have conducted more than 17 months of courageous and successful operations against terrorism, not only in Afghanistan, but also worldwide. Beyond that, they have secured the U.S. homeland by performing various missions, including patrolling the Nation's airports, protecting the public at special events, and flying combat air patrols in the Nation's skies.

Today, more than 200,000 active duty personnel are already deployed to the Persian Gulf, and thousands of Reservists and National Guard members are on alert for mobilization or are deploying for a possible war with Iraq.

All these missions are in addition to other regular military requirements and have significantly increased the pace of operations and the stress on our forces. There have been no permanent increases in the size of the Armed Forces to meet these new requirements. Instead, our military forces are being required to work longer, harder, and smarter.

One enduring mark of the sacrifices being made in this war on terrorism by our men and women in uniform is that 67 American servicemembers have died defending the Nation, and 212 have been wounded or injured.

Untold sacrifices are being asked of the nearly 225,000 members of the National Guard and Reserve who have been mobilized for active duty since the start of the global war on terrorism. More than 174,000 of them remain on active duty, with thousands facing a second year of active duty away from their families and civilian employment.

America is able to make a substantial commitment of its citizen soldiers to this war because many of the Nation's employers, in the spirit of patriotism, are maintaining job security for those mobilized personnel and their families. Whether the members of the Armed Forces are active, Guard, or Reserve, their ability to perform their missions requires the continuing support and sacrifice of their families.

Mr. Speaker, the Nation is engaged in a global conflict that presents many

new and dangerous challenges to the members of the Armed Forces. It is a conflict that will require the Nation's unflinching resolve and commitment to provide the Nation's soldiers, sailors, airmen, and Marines with the necessary resources required for victory.

In that context, this joint resolution commends and expresses the gratitude of our Nation to all members of the United States Armed Forces, whether on active duty, in the National Guard, or in the Reserves, who are fighting the global war on terrorism; also, Mr. Speaker, to the employers who maintain the job security of their mobilized National Guard and Reserve employees; and also, importantly, to the families of those servicemembers who have borne the burden of separation from their loved ones and who have staunchly supported them during this war.

The joint resolution also expresses our condolences to the families of the brave American servicemembers who have lost their lives defending our Nation in the global war on terrorism, and it reaffirms that the Congress stands united with the President in this ongoing effort to defeat terrorism.

Mr. Speaker, I strongly urge my colleagues to support this joint resolution.

Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. Speaker, I want to thank my colleague for the sense of history and patriotism that he brings to this resolution.

Mr. Speaker, I yield 3 minutes to the gentleman from North Carolina (Mr. Hayes), the vice-chairman of the Subcommittee on Terrorism and Unconventional Warfare of the Committee on Armed Services.

Mr. Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the gentlewoman from Virginia (Mrs. Jo Ann Davis) who represents Quantico Marine Base, Dahlgren Air Force Base, Fort Eustis, many other military installations and thousands and thousands of great service personnel.

Mr. Speaker, I yield 3 minutes to the gentleman from Illinois (Mr. Kirk) who is a veteran of the Gulf War and presently a U.S. Naval reservist.

Mr. Speaker, in Vietnam, guys on the ground used to refer to the jets overhead as fast movers, and today we always wondered about the comfortable life that they lead. So I was talking to the gentleman from California (Mr. Cunningham) and the gentleman from Nevada (Mr. Gibbons) about that very thing recently.

Mr. Speaker, I yield 3 minutes to the gentleman from Nevada (Mr. Gibbons) who piloted fast movers, that is, fighter aircraft in both Vietnam and the Gulf War, and who is a veteran of those two conflicts and a great leader in the Committee on Armed Services, and also a guy who represents Nellis Air Force Base and Also the Fallon Naval Air Station.

(Mr. GIBBONS asked and was given permission to revise and extend his remarks.)

Mr. Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the distinguished gentleman from Iowa (Mr. King).

Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume to, say, to the gentleman who just spoke, the gentleman from Texas (Mr. Ortiz), that I remember the time when he and I and other members of the committee went down to Honduras when the 82nd Airborne jumped into Honduras to stiffen the spine of the Honduran government, which had seen an invasion of the Sandinistas along their border.

I will never forget, in a national press conference, with lots of cameras, when the gentleman from Texas (Mr. Ortiz) was asked the question, ``Don't you feel any sympathy with the Sandinistas, based on your ethnicity?'' The gentleman told them very simply that he was an American. And I remember him being in many, many inconvenient and difficult places to ensure that our troops were in good shape.

And let me also say, before I yield to the next speaker, and I know my great friend, the gentleman from Missouri (Mr. Skelton) and the gentleman from Texas (Mr. Ortiz) would agree with this strongly, that we are all very grateful to the employers. Part of this resolution is an expression of ``thank you'' and gratitude to all the employers in America, whether they are a six-man machine shop or a large corporation, with the accommodations that they give, that America's employers are giving to our reservists, to these citizen soldiers who drop that tool that they are using or get out from behind the wheel of that truck and put on the uniform of the United States and go off, in some cases, for an extended period of time to defend this Nation.

I can just tell my colleagues that there are lots and lots of examples of companies and small businesses which have bent over backwards to take care of those folks and make sure that that job is preserved for them, and going far beyond what is called for by the law and mandated by the law. So I just want to let them know that we really appreciate what they are doing. And I know the gentleman from Texas would agree with that, because there are lots of great employers in south Texas who have done the same thing. Are there not?

I yield to the gentleman from Texas.

Mr. Speaker, I greatly appreciate everything the gentleman is saying.

We will keep working.

Mr. Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the distinguished gentleman from Florida (Mr. Foley).

Mr. Speaker, I yield 3 minutes to the gentleman from Indiana (Mr. Buyer), a Gulf War veteran and former very distinguished subcommittee chairman on the House Committee on Armed Services.

Mr. Speaker, I yield 3 minutes to the gentleman from Georgia (Mr. Gingrey).

Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.

Mr. Speaker, this story of this massive mobilization which has been undertaken is a story of people. It is a story of families and a story of close-knit communities.

We have a group of folks in Operation Home Front in San Diego, California, which is a support group, lots of businesses, lots of great folks, community leaders and lots of community servants, who have gotten together to try to build a group that will be a support group for the families and all the folks who are still at home. They have done a wonderful job.

That model was started by, I believe, Roger Hedgecock, one of our radio talk show hosts, spread throughout San Diego County. I know that idea has spread throughout the country. It is representative of this great community that does find common ground in this very important first duty and first obligation of our government, which is to ensure the security of its people.

Mr. Speaker, I think there is nothing more descriptive of the support of our uniformed personnel than a letter which was written to a Marine sergeant, Benjamin Harris, by his wife. This letter could just as easily have been written to the battlefield at Gettysburg, sent to a base camp in Vietnam, the Chosin Reservoir during Korea, or the Guadalcanal beachhead during World War II:

``My Dearest Ben, I hope this letter finds you in good spirits. As I look into our son's eyes every day, I see you. I miss you every second we're apart, but there is a reason for our separation. You've been my hero for years, now it's time for the world to see you shine.

``Finally everyone will see all that you stand for, all that you're made of: pride, honor, strength, and a faith that shames most men. Though my heart aches without, I know what my duty as a Marine's wife calls for, and so I give you to our country, to our world, `to fight for right and freedom,' as a Marine's hymn states. I give you to the families who lost in the attacks on our country, and I give you to the rest of the world. Without men like you, people wouldn't have the freedom to sit down to dinner with their families, to tuck their children into bed at night knowing that they'll be safe. I understand the pain of separation is temporary. If I must give up the sound of your laughter for the sound of my tears, so be it. The sound of my tears then will give me strength as your laughter once did. They are tears of loneliness, anger and fear, but also of pride and love. You are the air I breathe, and while I am lost without you, I know you'll be home soon to find me. God speed, and God bless. Your loving wife, Erica.''

Mr. Speaker, that is the story of mobilizations that took place in the last century, that left 619,000 Americans dead on battlefields around the world. That is the story of the American mobilizations which have given freedom to hundreds of millions of people in this world, and which shortly may give freedom to millions more; and it cannot be done without the sacrifices that are manifested in thousands of letters, hundreds of thousands of letters like the one I just read.

To all my colleagues who contributed to this resolution, I want to thank them and thank my great partner in rebuilding our national defense, the gentleman from Missouri (Mr. Skelton).

Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. Speaker, I would like to ask unanimous consent and with the consent of my great colleague the gentleman from Missouri (Mr. Skelton) that we might take one of his minutes and thereby be able to yield 2 minutes to our closing speaker, the chairman of the Subcommittee on Total Force, the gentleman from New York (Mr. McHugh).

What we might do if it is okay with the gentleman from Missouri, perhaps he can continue with his

speakers and then we will wrap up with the gentleman from New York as we get close to the end.

Mr. Speaker, with great thanks and respect for my colleague the gentleman from Missouri (Mr. Skelton), I yield the balance of my time to the gentleman from New York (Mr. McHugh) who is the chairman of the Subcommittee on Total Force on Armed Services which has jurisdiction over all those important issues with respect to pay and bonuses and housing and the melding of our Reserve forces and our Guard forces and our active forces together, the guy who cares about over a million men and women in uniform.

Mr. Speaker, on that I demand the yeas and nays.

Mr. Speaker, I offer a concurrent resolution (H. Con. Res. 104) expressing the support and appreciation of the Nation for the President and the members of the Armed Forces who are participating in Operation Iraqi Freedom, and ask unanimous consent for its immediate consideration pursuant to the following order:

Debate on the concurrent resolution shall be limited to 2 hours, equally divided and controlled by myself and the gentleman from Missouri (Mr. Skelton), and the previous question shall be considered as ordered on the concurrent resolution to final adoption, without intervening motion or demand for a division of the question.

Mr. Speaker, will the gentleman yield?

Mr. Speaker, is the gentleman asking me if I am aware that the other body passed a resolution?

Yes.

That is true.

If the gentleman will yield further, yes, we would be open to including it.

Mr. Speaker, I would retract that and tell the gentleman that I would not be open to that. Would the gentleman yield further?

If the gentleman will continue to yield, Mr. Speaker, I just want to advise the gentleman that I read not only the resolution that was offered by the other body in 1991, but

also our resolution. We had a different resolution at that point, also.

I would just say to the gentleman that I think that the Members of this body have made a very fine statement, a very heartfelt statement commending our troops. I think it says the right thing. I applaud the gentleman for other things that he would like to see in a resolution. I think reasonable minds can differ.

I would hope that the gentleman would, in the spirit of bipartisan support for people that wear the uniform of the United States, not ask us to have precisely the same words as the other body, and simply spend a few minutes and go home. I would hope the gentleman would allow us to have our own resolution to express our own heartfelt support for those people, and let this body work its will.

No.

If the gentleman will continue to yield, Mr. Speaker, let me just say to the gentleman that we have some excellent commendations in this particular resolution.

Let me finish my statement, if I might.

We commend the President as Commander in Chief. That is something we did in 1991. Under the Constitution, he leads this military force. We commend the Members of the United States Armed Forces. We commend the families. We give them our sincere gratitude and appreciation.

I would think that any Member reading this resolution, and I would ask all Members to read it since the gentleman has called it into question, would agree that this resolution is an excellent resolution, and that it does all the things that we want to do. It would lead us all to wonder why the gentleman somehow wants it to say something else or follow some other example. It does not make a lot of sense.

I will look forward to that.

Mr. Speaker, I just want to say to the gentleman and to the gentleman who just spoke, there are hundreds of thousands of Americans in uniform putting themselves in very difficult positions for our freedom tonight. If they are watching this procedure, they are probably wondering, what in the heck are those guys doing? We have a commending vehicle.

I guess what I am saying is the answer is no to the gentleman from Ohio.

If the gentleman will continue to yield, Mr. Speaker, first, that restates the President's letter.

Second, a second point I would make to the gentleman is that we have been working, Democrats and Republicans, to put this resolution together. My colleague, the ranking member of the Committee on Armed Services, has been working on it. The gentleman's leadership has been working on it. The product that we have before us is a product of both sides.

I would just say to the gentleman if he has a disagreement with it and he thinks that it does not state his position, I would urge the gentleman to take time in this debate in the next several hours and explain his position; but nonetheless, let the rest of us in this House work our will and give our commendation to the troops. Obviously, we would all write it differently.

I look forward to the gentleman's statement.

Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.

As I rise today, this country is embarked on a very noble endeavor. Last evening, military forces of the United States and our coalition allies commenced military operations to liberate the country of Iraq.

This is indeed a historic moment. Operation Iraqi Freedom marks the culmination of nearly 13 years of U.S. action in Iraq. Commencing with Iraq's invasion of Kuwait on August 2, 1990, through Operations Desert Shield and Desert Storm, through the coalition enforcement of the northern and southern no-fly zones, to Operation Desert Fox and beyond, the United States and our allies have for over a decade been required to deal with the deceit, brutality and duplicity of Saddam Hussein, both diplomatically and militarily.

Today Saddam's moment of truth has arrived. The path to his downfall began

when the Congress passed and President Clinton signed the Iraq Liberation Act of 1998, making it the policy of this Nation to support efforts to remove Saddam's regime from power and to promote a democratic government in Iraq. It continued last fall when Congress passed and President Bush signed House Joint Resolution 114 authorizing the use of military force in Iraq should it become necessary.

Since the passage of that resolution, President Bush has undertaken herculean efforts to avoid a conflict. The President aggressively pursued the unanimous passage of U.N. Security Council Resolution 1441, calling for Iraq to disarm or face grave consequences. Subsequently, the President has exhausted every diplomatic means available to make the United Nations Security Council enforce 1441 to no avail.

Today, the time for diplomacy has passed.

Mr. Speaker, the resolution before us today does three things. First, it expresses the support and appreciation of our Nation to the President for his firm leadership and decisive action in the conduct of the military operations currently underway in Iraq. It is because of his wisdom and judgment that Iraq will soon be a free Nation, a Nation without weapons of mass destruction, a Nation that will become a full and peaceful participant in the international community.

Second, this resolution expresses the support and appreciation of a Nation to our men and women in uniform. A few short weeks ago, the gentleman from Missouri (Mr. Skelton) and I brought forward H.J. Res. 27 commending the members of our Armed Forces and their families for the dedication to duty and service to country that they demonstrate each and every day around the world. Today we bring forward this resolution to show our support, admiration and thanks for the nearly 230,000 soldiers, sailors, airmen, marines and coast guardsmen who are participating in Operation Iraqi Freedom. Because of their dedication and devotion to duty, Operation Iraqi Freedom will be a success.

Finally, this resolution expresses support for the families who wait at home for their loved ones who have undertaken this mission. Without the love and support of the families, our military personnel could not focus on the serious task at hand in Iraq, and I want to express a special thanks to the families of those serving in Operation Iraqi Freedom. Their sacrifice will not be in vain.

Mr. Speaker, I urge my colleagues to show our support for our men and women in uniform by supporting this resolution.

Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. Speaker, I yield myself 2 minutes to respond to my friend from Missouri.

Mr. Speaker, I want to commend the gentleman from Missouri (Mr. Skelton) and all the members of our Committee on Armed Services, Republican and Democrat, who work every day to support the people in uniform who are protecting American freedom around the world.

Mr. Speaker, this great instrument of freedom, our Armed Forces, have saved the world and liberated hundreds of millions of people in three major conflicts, World War I, World War II and, of course, the Cold War that involved several smaller wars, smaller battles, that I call Vietnam and Korea, and we have liberated hundreds of millions of people.

The real product of our Army and our Navy and our Marine Corps and our Air Force is freedom, and shortly we are going to be liberating 23 million more people, Mr. Speaker.

Mr. Speaker, in that great book about Korea, it was called the Bridges of Toko-Ri, by James Michener, if my colleagues have read that book, watched that movie, they may recall that the hero was a carrier pilot, flew out and hit a set of bridges in Toko-Ri that they had gone after day after day and lost a lot of people, and in the end that pilot did not come back. The commander of that carrier air group stood on the deck of the carrier when it was clear he would not return and neither would those people who were sent out to rescue him, and he asked, where does America get these people who will join the U.S. Armed Forces and put themselves in a very dangerous position, in this case go off on a mission, fly into enemy territory, hit a very heavily defended target and come back and try to find that little postage stamp called an American aircraft carrier? Then he answered his own question: They come from the cities and the towns and the villages of this country, and they always have, and as long as they continue to come, we are going to be a free Nation.

Mr. Speaker, one of those people comes from Shelbina, Missouri.

Mr. Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the gentleman from California (Mr. Cunningham), who was the top gun in Vietnam, nominated for the Congressional Medal of Honor, and a guy whose heart always travels with people that wear the uniform of the United States.

Mr. Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the gentleman from Texas (Mr. DeLay), the majority leader.

Mr. Speaker, I yield 3 minutes to the gentleman from California (Mr. Lewis), chairman of the appropriations Subcommittee on Defense and a guy who works every day on behalf of folks in uniform.

Mr. Speaker, I yield 3 minutes to the gentleman from Maryland (Mr. Bartlett), who is the chairman of the Subcommittee on Projection Forces.

Mr. Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the gentleman from South Carolina (Mr. Wilson).

Mr. Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the gentleman from Tennessee (Mr. Wamp).

(Mr. WAMP asked and was given permission to revise and extend his remarks.)

Mr. Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the gentleman from Nevada (Mr. Gibbons), who was a fighter pilot in the Persian Gulf and in Vietnam.

(Mr. GIBBONS asked and was given permission to revise and extend his remarks.)

Mr. Speaker, I want to thank the gentleman from Rhode Island (Mr. Langevin) for his great service to the Committee on Armed Services.

I yield 3 minutes to the gentleman from Virginia (Mr. Schrock), another gentleman with great military expertise.

Mr. Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the gentleman from Georgia (Mr. Isakson).

Mr. Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the gentleman from Minnesota (Mr. Kline), a gentleman with great experience in the U.S. Marine Corps.

Mr. Speaker, I yield 4 minutes to the gentleman from Georgia (Mr. Collins).

Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentleman from New Jersey (Mr. Andrews) for his great work on the committee.

Mr. Speaker, I yield 3 minutes to the gentleman from Maryland (Mr. Gilchrest), who was a distinguished Marine rifleman in Vietnam.

Mr. Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the gentleman from New Mexico (Mr. Pearce).

(Mr. PEARCE asked and was given permission to revise and extend his remarks.)

Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.

Mr. Speaker, I am pleased to join the chairman of the Committee on Armed Services, my friend, my colleague, the gentleman from California (Mr. Hunter), in support of House Joint Resolution 27. This bill recognizes and commends the dedication, the selfless service, and the commitment of our Armed Forces and their families, and especially those involved with the global war on terrorism.

Our Nation is at war with terrorists who would destroy our freedoms and liberties that are the foundation of America. Those who serve on the front lines of this war on terrorism are our men and women in uniform. When our Nation calls, it is her service men and women who volunteer to be the point of the spear, protecting the Nation's interests both here in America and abroad.

Afghanistan, Bosnia, Kosovo, the Philippines, Yemen, Georgia, these are just several of the regions in which our Armed Forces are serving today. They are in over 200 countries around the world protecting the peace and training militaries in counterterrorism operations, and in searching and hunting the al Qaeda terrorists in Afghanistan. These are just a few of the important missions that our soldiers and sailors, our airmen and Marines are called upon to do each day.

The Armed Forces have always been called upon to assist those protecting us here in the homeland. From patrolling the skies above our major cities and guarding important infrastructure and facilities, like bridges and water treatment facilities, to providing assistance to Border Patrol agents, our military is there to defend us.

Many called to service are citizen soldiers, National Guardsmen and Reservists, part-time volunteers who serve when they are called. A growing number of these citizen soldiers have been called to serve on multiple deployments over the past decade. Nearly 85,000 members of the National Guard and Reserve components have been mobilized for active duty since the start of the global war on terrorism. Last Friday, there were over 120,000 Reservists and National Guardsmen who were mobilized, many on their second year of active duty; and the number continues to rise.

As a matter of fact, Mr. Speaker, Company C, the 110th Engineers of the Missouri National Guard from my hometown of Lexington, has been mobilized to guard Whiteman Air Force Base in Missouri.

Our Reserve forces cannot fulfill their service obligations without the support of their families and employers. Employers have provided support in a number of ways, such as continuing to pay the difference between civilian pay and military pay, and providing health care coverage for the families left behind.

The support of these military families, active and Reserves, is also vital to deployed troops. Military families often face months of separation from their loved ones. Stories of a child being born while a parent is deployed and precious moments like birthdays and graduations and holidays being separated from families and friends are quite common. Yet these military families endure such hardships and sacrifices so these servicemembers can continue to proudly serve our Nation.

More than 65 servicemembers have died since the global war on terrorism began, and over 200 have been wounded or injured. These 65 individuals and their families made the ultimate sacrifice for freedom. Our thoughts and our prayers are with them.

While there are no words I can find to adequately express the Nation's appreciation for their sacrifices, our sympathies and our consolation go out to these families. The Nation will not forget the price these servicemembers paid to defend our country and to defend the freedoms that we all enjoy here in the United States of America.

Mr. Speaker, it is fitting that the citizens of America recognize the dedication and commitment of those who serve in the uniformed services and their families, and I thank the gentleman for offering this resolution.

Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. Speaker, I yield 1\1/2\ minutes to the gentleman from Texas (Mr. Frost).

Mr. Speaker, I yield 1\1/2\ minutes to the gentleman from Texas (Mr. Doggett).

Mr. Speaker, I yield 1\1/2\ minutes to the gentlewoman from Texas (Ms. Jackson-Lee).

(Ms. JACKSON-LEE of Texas asked and was given permission to revise and extend her remarks.)

Mr. Speaker, I yield 1\1/2\ minutes to the gentlewoman from California (Ms. Pelosi), the minority leader.

Mr. Speaker, I yield 1\1/2\ minutes to the gentleman from Texas (Mr. Ortiz).

(Mr. ORTIZ asked and was given permission to revise and extend his remarks.)

Mr. Speaker, it is my honor to yield 1\1/2\ minutes to the gentleman from Georgia (Mr. Marshall), who is a member of the Committee on Armed Services and also a veteran, a Ranger, from the Vietnam War.

Mr. Speaker, I yield 1\1/2\ minutes to the gentlewoman from California (Mrs. Davis), a member of the Committee on Armed Services.

Mr. Speaker, I yield 1\1/2\ minutes to the gentleman from New York (Mr. Israel), a member of the Committee on Armed Services.

Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.

Mr. Speaker, it is a distinct honor to serve with the chairman, a veteran himself, who knows so well what we are honoring here today; and I thank the gentleman for his efforts and for his dedication and leadership.

Mr. Speaker, I yield 1\1/2\ minutes to the gentleman from American Samoa (Mr. Faleomavaega).

Mr. Speaker, that is quite all right. We do yield such minute.

Mr. Speaker, I yield 1\1/2\ minutes to the gentleman from New Jersey (Mr. Pascrell).

Mr. Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the gentlewoman from Guam (Mr. Bordallo).

Mr. Speaker, I yield 30 seconds to the gentleman from Illinois (Mr. Evans).

Mr. Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the gentleman from Illinois (Mr. Emanuel).

Mr. Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the gentleman from Texas (Mr. Green).

Mr. Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the gentleman from North Carolina (Mr. Etheridge).

Mr. Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the gentleman from Texas (Mr. Edwards).

Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.

A number of years ago, I had the opportunity to go down to Norfolk Naval Base and watch the USS Theodore Roosevelt deploy for its 6-month deployment. There I saw the greatness of America aboard ship as the sailors would wave and also on the dock as the families, the husbands, the wives and the children, they also were and are part of the greatness of America.

Today we see the same scene, of all services, different colored uniforms, those who leave, the men and women being deployed, and of the families waving and saying good-bye, to the children who will not have their mother or their father who are in uniform with them for their birthday, for their graduation. This, of course, is a sacrifice of the military families.

We should remember that the young men and young women in uniform, their families, children, spouses, really form a backbone of greatness in our country. The gentleman from California (Mr. Hunter), my friend, the chairman of our committee, a veteran himself, we thank him for his leadership on this resolution as well as his leadership on the Committee on Armed Services. To all the Americans who are sharing in this worldwide global battle against terrorism, we wish them well.

Mr. Speaker, I yield back the balance of my time.

Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentleman from California (Mr. Hunter) and the gentleman from Missouri (Mr. Skelton) for bringing this resolution to the floor.

Even though the hour is late, Members are willing to stay here because it is so important for the House of Representatives to express our support for our men and women in uniform, our troops in harm's way now, and as the minority leader said, those troops anywhere in the world and at home. And also to support their families for the sacrifices that they are making. It is tough on the families, probably tougher on the families than any other people. We are also here to commend the President for his strong leadership in bringing us to where we are today.

Our men and women in uniform need to understand why they are fighting and why they are risking their lives, and understand that this House supports them in that because in order to risk their lives, they have to understand that they are doing it for the right reasons.

Last night began a challenging time for our country as our Armed Forces went on the march against tyranny. It also signaled the time for our country to come together with singleness of purpose and speak with a single voice.

Under our Constitution, America speaks through the United States Congress, and last year we spoke out boldly and strongly from both political parties. We let the world know that the defenders of freedom are not going to allow the world's leading purveyor and practitioner of terror continue to spread his grip of fear.

Today, Congress is set to speak again for the American people. We want to honor the men and women of our Armed Forces who are conducting their mission with the utmost honor and courage as they defend our democracy.

We salute every person taking risks to confront terrorism and tyranny to expand the frontiers of freedom, and we salute the President for showing the world the power of strong, moral leadership.

We know that Saddam Hussein is seeking the means to murder millions in just a single moment, and he is consumed with hatred for America. We know that the war on terrorism will be fought here at home unless we summon the will to confront evil before it attacks. Free democratic nations must be willing to stop his evil aspirations. He is not a man with whom we can confer, consult, or convince. He is not a man we can trust. He has violated 17 United Nations resolutions. He is in material breach of multiple U.N. resolutions, and he has ignored the final ultimatum by the President of the United States.

Saddam Hussein once agreed to end his missile program. He agreed to stop building chemical weapons. He agreed to stop developing biological weapons. He agreed to end his nuclear weapons program. He agreed to stop brutalizing and oppressing his people. He agreed to do many, many other things; but every promise he made was a lie. Every agreement was a devious swindle. Every commitment was an expedient falsehood.

It was all a devilish strategy designed to escape accountability for past crimes and to buy the time to develop weapons for even greater crimes against humanity.

He turned the regime's resources to the awful purpose of developing terror weapons to spread the cruelty and oppression beyond his own borders. He welcomes terrorists to sanctuary and support within his own borders.

During the years that Saddam Hussein slow-walked the United Nations through his series of deceptions, his regime systematically brutalized the Iraqi people. He tortures children to punish their parents. He executes members of his government to enforce obedience. We can never know how many faceless victims have screamed out their last words to the uncaring ears of Saddam Hussein's torturers.

As a member of England's Labour Party recently laid out in chilling detail earlier this week, Saddam Hussein is a diabolical prodigy in the craft of evil. This member spoke of Iraqi citizens who witnessed men being forced into a machine intended to shred plastic. The men who went in head first were, in a tragic sense, the fortunate ones. The men who were sent to their death feet first, their final words were anguished screams for mercy. She told of women raped as Saddam Hussein's torturers made their husbands watch.

This is wickedness that by the grace of God the people of America will never know. We have not cornered the market on morality, but our policy of intervention to force an end to this evil is clearly a just cause, a worthy war and a principled stand.

Fortunately, President Bush is proceeding with courage and boldness. He is leading with moral clarity. He is fighting principled battles, and he is not backing down. We have to give President Bush our full support as he confronts this evil, and our men and women in uniform as they confront this evil.

This vote to support our Commander in Chief and our courageous troops in battle sends the right message that we are denying Saddam Hussein the power to take additional lives. We believe that in the teeth of terrorism, America must continue exporting the values, democratic institutions, and patterns of conduct that have built the strongest and fairest system of government and the most free society the world has ever seen.

We feel very deeply for all of the people trapped within autocratic regimes and born with repressive governments. And as defenders of freedom, we also owe the besieged people of Iraq the same hope we supplied to the people of Germany nearly 6 decades ago.

In the battle between freedom and terrorist tyranny, there is no middle ground. We look to the day, far off though it may be, when every person comes into this world with the full promise of their God-given rights upheld by the government of their birthplace. This is a bold vision and a noble goal, but the potential of the American people is not constrained by the timid boundaries of conventional thinking. We are called to far more than that. And due to the excellence and patriotism and bravery of our soldiers and their families, and the courage of the President with moral purpose, the liberation of Iraq has begun.

May God bless our President, may God bless our troops, may God bless our Nation.