I want to thank Chairman Mollohan and Senator Shelby and Senator Mikulski for their efforts. I will not be supporting the bill for the reasons that are in my submitted statement. But I want to raise…
I want to thank Chairman Mollohan and Senator Shelby and Senator Mikulski for their efforts. I will not be supporting the bill for the reasons that are in my submitted statement.
But I want to raise another issue that somebody ought to focus on in this Congress. This bill will allow people like Khalid Sheik Mohammed to be sent from Guantanamo Bay to New York City and I believe personally it will endanger the citizens of New York City. And they're now going to come in and ask for up to $75 or $100 million to do that. That's money that you could put in food pantries or education.
Secondly, we have asked that this information be nonclassified so people can know where these people from Guantanamo Bay are going. Twenty-six of them--and it's classified and I can't say any more--are being sent to Yemen. Yemen. That's where the sheikh who had the impact on Major Hasan Nidal, who killed 13 people at Fort Hood, that's where he operates. And al Qaeda in the Arabian Peninsula is all over Yemen. So you are going to release people from Guantanamo Bay, who served with Khalid Sheik Mohammed, who was the mastermind of 9/11 that killed 3,000 people, 30 from my congressional district. Khalid Sheik Mohammed beheaded Daniel Pearl. Think of Daniel Pearl's family. Think of Debra Burlingame and the family of others; and they're going to send them to Yemen. And then they're also going to send two others to a place that no one would believe that they're really going to send them.
By not adopting the amendments that we offered in conference, one, I believe this bill will endanger people in New York City; two, it will put pressure on New York City. You will see stories in the paper. As you vote for this bill, know that you will see stories in the paper of snipers on the rooftops, and tanks moving.
Khalid Sheik Mohammed will be in New York City for 4 years, 4 years or more--Moussaoui was in northern Virginia for over 4 years--and Khalid Sheik Mohammed will say things and do things that will be unconscionable. So as you vote for this bill, you are, in essence, allowing that to take place. It's crazy, absolutely crazy, to think that you can try Khalid Sheik Mohammed in Guantanamo Bay with no cost and no danger to the American citizens, but then they're going to bring him and others into the U.S.
So Khalid Sheik Mohammed gets a civilian trial when a young 19-year- old person in the Army, man or woman, who does something wrong has to go through a military court system.
The bill spends too much. I believe that by bringing Khalid Sheik Mohammed and the others here, we may very well endanger people and bring about another attack. And secondly, to spend all that money to protect Khalid Sheik Mohammed when he could have been tried down at Guantanamo Bay just doesn't make any sense. No one believes that that makes sense. And lastly, to send people to Yemen and other places I think will endanger this country.
Mr. Speaker, I would like to speak briefly on the Commerce Justice Science division of this conference report, as I serve as the Ranking Member on that Subcommittee.
First, I want to thank Chairman Mollohan, Chairman Mikulski and Senator Shelby for their hard work on the CJS portion of the bill, and for their spirit of collaboration and cooperation on this conference agreement.
However, I believe the subcommittee was given an overly generous conference allocation. At $64.4 billion, the bill is almost a 12 percent increase above last year's level. In my view, this level of funding was well in excess of the amount necessary to produce a good bill.
The bill contains important funding to support NASA, fight terrorism and gangs, and to give our federal law enforcement critical resources.
The CJS division of this package places important limitations and reporting requirements related to the closure of Guantanamo and the movement of detainees.
However, I believe stronger language is necessary, and I regret that amendments I offered at conference to prohibit the transfer and release of detainees into the United States and to require unclassified reports were defeated on party line votes.
There were press reports just yesterday that a former Guantanamo detainee transferred to Saudi Arabia is now a kingpin for al Qaeda in the Arabian Peninsula and at large in Yemen. There are already 10 ex- Gitmo detainees on Saudi Arabia's list of most-wanted terrorists. The current transfer policies will likely result in many more similar stories.
Because my amendments were defeated, this bill will allow dangerous detainees to be transferred to the United States and to unstable countries abroad.
It will allow 26 Yemeni detainees to be returned to Yemen--the emerging al Qaeda stronghold in the Arabian Peninsula where radical cleric Anwar al Aulaqi--the advisor of Ft. Hood terrorist Maj. Hasan Nidal--operates freely. I submit for the Record an article on al Aulaqi that appeared in today's Washington Post.
It will allow 2 other detainees to be released to a country worse the Yemen. I cannot share
the location because my amendment to declassify this information for the American people was defeated on a party-line vote.
It will allow Khalid Sheik Mohammed to be transferred to New York City and provide him a platform to spread his hateful message-- endangering our country.
I am disappointed that the CJS conference report was not brought to the floor as a stand-alone bill, as we were prepared to do weeks ago. Instead we are once again faced with a bloated, half a trillion dollar omnibus.
[From the Washington Post, Dec. 10, 2009]
Cleric Linked to Fort Hood Attack Grew More Radicalized in Yemen
(By Sudarsan Raghavan)
Sanaa, Yemen.--The Yemeni American cleric at the center of
investigations into last month's massacre of 13 people at
Fort Hood, Tex., became more openly radical in Yemen,
following a path taken by other extremists in this failing
Middle East nation with a growing al-Qaeda presence,
according to relatives, friends and associates in Yemen.
In interviews, they said Anwar al-Aulaqi, 38, blamed the
United States for 18 months he spent in a Yemeni jail, a
little-known chapter in the cleric's life that some described
as a key path in his radicalization.
Aulaqi, who was born in the United States and spent time in
Yemen as a child, left for Britain in early 2002 after he
drew scrutiny from U.S. authorities. The United States
alleges that Aulaqi was a spiritual adviser to three of the
Sept. 11, 2001, hijackers while he was a prayer leader at the
Dar al-Hijrah mosque in Falls Church and at a mosque in San
Diego.
An examination of some of Aulaqi's sermons and lectures, as
well as interviews conducted here, shows that he increasingly
began to publicly endorse violence as a religious duty after
he returned to Yemen in early 2004, completing his
transformation from an imam who condemned the Sept. 11
attacks to an Internet preacher who views Americans as
legitimate targets.
Maj. Nidal M. Hasan, who has been charged in the Fort Hood
shootings, first contacted Aulaqi by e-mail last December.
U.S. authorities intercepted some of the e-mails, but no
threat was perceived. The FBI has declined to comment on
Aulaqi, citing an ongoing investigation.
After the Fort Hood attack, Aulaqi issued a statement
calling Hasan a ``hero.'' In an interview later with a Yemeni
journalist, Aulaqi denied that he had ordered or incited
Hasan to carry out the attack but said Hasan considered him a
confidant.
Aulaqi's path to radicalization, at first, appeared
unlikely. The Aulaqis' descendants were sultans who once
ruled what is now Yemen's southern province of Shabwa, home
to the ancestral village where Aulaqi now lives with his wife
and five children. Aulaqi's father, Nasser al-Aulaqi, is a
former president of Sanaa University and agriculture
minister.
While in Yemen during his childhood, Aulaqi studied in a
secular high school in the capital, Sanaa, along with
children from other elite families, before returning to
Colorado in 1991 to attend college, said a close relative in
an hour-long interview. The relative spoke on the condition
of anonymity to avoid harming his family's efforts to
persuade Aulaqi to become moderate.
He said Aulaqi was an avid swimmer who enjoyed deep-sea
fishing. His ambition was to become college professor,
focusing on finding ways to address water shortages in
Yemen, the relative said. Like many Arabs, the relative
said, Aulaqi was angered by the U.S. assault on Iraq in
the first Persian Gulf War but didn't show signs of
radicalization afterward.
``He was very moderate. He was always against al-Qaeda
ideology,'' said the relative, adding that Aulaqi's contact
with the hijackers was a ``coincidence.''
After Sept. 11, Aulaqi grew frustrated and felt targeted by
U.S. authorities, the relative said.
``Sept. 11 changed a lot of Muslims,'' the relative said.
``And the invasion in Iraq in 2003 made him even stronger in
his beliefs.''
U.S. authorities have alleged that Aulaqi had become
radicalized while still in the United States, before the
Sept. 11 attacks, but they never found evidence to detain
him.
Beginning in 2002, when he left the United States for
Britain, Aulaqi lauded Palestinian suicide bombers on a Web
site and in lectures attended by ultraconservative Muslims.
He spoke at fundraising events hosted by Cage Prisoners, a
rights group in Britain, but did not incite violence or
express support for al-Qaeda, said Moazzam Begg, a former
Guantanamo Bay, Cuba, detainee who heads the group. ``He
wouldn't have been so popular if his message was not moderate
and across the board,'' Begg said in a phone interview from
London.
In early 2004, Aulaqi returned to Yemen. At a lecture at
Sanaa University, he spoke eloquently about Islam's role in
the world. He railed against U.S. policies in Iraq. He
denounced Israel, according to those present at the lecture.
But he stopped short of calling for violent jihad.
``He was not inciting us to use arms,'' recalled Adil al-
Howlari, who now works as a journalist for the United
Nations. ``He was talking about how to use English to spread
Islamic values.''
Aulaqi eventually took classes and lectured at Iman
University in Sanaa. The university is led by Sheik Abdul
Majeed al-Zindani, an influential religious figure whom U.S.
officials have described as Osama bin Laden's spiritual
leader and placed on a list of global terrorists.
The university has a reputation as an incubator of
radicalism. John Walker Lindh, an American who fought with
the Taliban, is a former student. Other students allegedly
took part in numerous attacks.
Aulaqi's relative said the cleric had given four lectures
at the university about Islam's role in medieval Spain.
By 2006, Aulaqi's influence had widened into the world of
terrorism through his Web site and Facebook page, even though
most Yemenis had never heard of him. Starting that year,
investigators have found Aulaqi's sermons downloaded on the
computers of suspects in nearly a dozen terrorism cases in
Britain and Canada.
In mid-2006, Yemeni authorities arrested him. Aulaqi was
accused of inciting attacks against a man over a tribal
matter involving a woman. Aulaqi denied the allegations in an
interview with Begg last year and accused the U.S. government
of pressuring Yemen to keep him locked up.
In that interview, Aulaqi said he spent the first nine
months in solitary confinement in an underground cell. Around
September 2007, FBI agents interrogated him about the Sept.
11 attacks and other issues, Aulaqi told Begg. Although he
wasn't physically abused, Aulaqi said, a U.S. Embassy legal
attache swore at him. He was never charged and was released
in December 2007.
Yemeni officials have declined to comment.
After his release, Aulaqi's stance on using violence for
jihad grew more forceful. Last December, he penned a letter
calling for fighters and financing for al-Shabab, the Somali
Islamist movement with ties to al-Qaeda. And this January, he
published an essay titled ``44 Ways to Support Jihad.'' It
called, among other things, for Muslims to stay fit and train
in weapons to fight on the battlefield.