Floor Statements

Mr. Speaker, for nearly 3 years, the Arab Middle East, an enormous arc stretching from the Atlantic to the Indian Ocean, has been in turmoil. Restive millions, frustrated by a lack of economic opportunity, repressive politics, and a social structure often at odds with modernity, have taken to the streets demanding change. Their revolution hangs in the balance with the entrenched interests of the former regimes on one side and the stultifying religious rule on the other.

Faced with these daunting realities, the Obama administration may be in the midst of a strategic reevaluation of our role in the region--one that is far more modest in ambition, more tempered in expectation, and certainly more reliant on the use of its diplomatic, not military, resources.

This new approach stands in stark contrast to the effort by the George W. Bush administration to deliver a ``freedom agenda''-- sometimes through the barrel of a gun--that would bring democracy to a region that has known mostly misrule. That doctrine, or its application, proved entirely unworkable, as the societies freed of their authoritarian shackles had nothing upon which to build. This is a lesson we may be bitterly learning in Libya as well.

These setbacks and the realization that democracy building is a generational undertaking must not lead us to disengage from the region. The forces freed by the Arab Spring will not be contained, and I still believe they can lead hundreds of millions of people to more representative forms of government, more economic opportunity, and, we must hope, more tranquility and peace within their borders.

The United States needs to help build institutions capable of supporting a transition in the Arab world in three dimensions: political, economic, and civil society. Unmet economic needs are the most pressing. At its heart, the Arab Spring is the expression of discontent of millions of idle, young Arabs, who have seen the economic opportunities that the outside world offers, but whose own economic realities are plagued by stagnation, mismanagement, and cronyism.

The cure is not outright assistance, which will do little to unleash or occupy long-term energies of Arab youth. It is investment that will allow this generation of Arabs to drag inefficient, antiquated, and highly statist economies in the 21st century. Since the ouster of Ben Ali and Mubarak, I have pushed for the creation of enterprise funds and other nimble vehicles that will allow us to direct resources at specific sectors that can help to drive economic growth, as well as improve the quality of life for ordinary people.

In coming years, these economies will need to produce sufficient jobs and wealth to both sustain workers and their families and to provide the economic conditions for sustainable political stability. But that cannot be an excuse to put off political reform now, because capital flows will not resume until investors have some confidence that their money is safe.

The experience of both Egypt and Tunisia serve to reinforce the inchoate nature of their political transitions. Both countries emerged from their respective revolutions with energized Islamist movements that were able to triumph over less well-organized secular parties--in large measure because the old governments had atomized their opposition and left political Islamist governments as the only viable alternative. In both countries, this experiment failed as a result of overreaching and a misreading of the people's wishes--a development that should ease the fears of those who saw a ``green wave'' sweeping across the Middle East.

The dysfunction in both Cairo and Tunis, and the Egyptian military deposing of President Mohammed Morsi in a coup, are a reminder that a democratic outcome is never assured or to be assumed. The United States must stand ready to assist Arab nations with the long-term institution- building and political spadework that are necessary preconditions for democracy.

In Tunisia, which is small, relatively prosperous, and not nearly as divided as some of its larger neighbors, prospects for a peaceful transition and

transfer of power from the current Islamist government to a technocratic government that would oversee elections are alive, if not entirely well. But while a framework for the installation of a caretaker government remains, squabbling between the Islamists and the secular opposition has slowed the process and reintroduced uncertainty into Tunisia's fragile politics.

Political institution-building and creating a culture of good governance will require targeted assistance, training programs, and a lot of patience. Egypt and Tunisia may be a mess now but 10 years from now will not be the same as they are today, and we can play a role in helping to shape that future.

Think of some of the other countries that have democratized in recent years in Eastern Europe, Asia, and Latin America. The transitions have not been quick or smooth, and many of them are still ongoing. Amid the euphoria that accompanied the collapse of the Communist bloc in Eastern Europe, we were tempted to believe we were all witnesses to the ``end of history,'' as one academic put it.

The reality has been far messier vestiges of communist oppression still remain throughout the former Soviet Union and the Warsaw Pact.

These experiences hold an important lesson for the Arab states--that persistence pays and that democracy is possible, even where it had not existed previously. The United States must support these transitions, and we must be willing to use financial inducements and other levers to steer their political development in a direction that will best serve the Arab peoples and preserve regional and global peace. The partial cutoff of military aid to Egypt and the broader conversation it has sparked about how best to configure assistance may presage a new diplomatic strategy that is less reliant on military relationships devoted to the status quo and more supportive of civil society, economic and political reform.

This leads to the third area where the United States can play an important role--in trying to support the transition of Arab civil society from one that was imposed from above to one driven primarily by the needs and interests of its people. Free expression, women's empowerment and respect for minority groups are essential to the growth of democracy. Focusing assistance to groups in these areas can help to broaden the constituency for change and also give the young and disaffected an alternative to jihad.

Today's Arab twentysomethings face even greater challenges than the Europeans of 1990s. But President George H.W. Bush and his successor, Bill Clinton, both understood that the investment in Eastern Europe was one that would pay dividends for decades. They were right and it has. I believe that we have a similar opportunity to help the Arab people. It will take longer and there will be setbacks. But the alternative is to watch a generation succumb to despair--a despair that is likely to have negative consequences for us and for our allies. I prefer to bet on hope and work for change.

Mr. Speaker, when a Tunisian fruit vendor set himself on fire nearly 3 years ago to protest his lack of economic opportunity and maltreatment at the hands of local police, his desperate act touched off a political revolution that has convulsed the Arab world from the Maghreb to the Gulf.

First in Tunisia and then in Egypt, popular protests toppled long- serving autocrats while Libyan dictator Muammar Qadhafi was ousted by NATO-backed rebels. Elsewhere, from Bahrain to Syria, regimes have proven more resilient and, in several cases, willing to use extreme levels of violence to maintain their survival.

So, in the waning months of the third year of what has been dubbed the ``Arab Spring,'' the future of a large swath of the global community remains uncertain. With Egypt under military control and Syria ablaze, it is not surprising that many here in the United States and elsewhere in the West view each new development with concern that an already volatile region could spiral completely out of control.

The situation in Syria is undoubtedly grim and Egypt faces a prolonged period of instability, but the news is not uniformly bad. In Tunisia, the Islamist government, headed by the Enhadda Party, has acceded to opposition demands that it hand over power to a caretaker government and schedule new elections.

Tiny Tunisia could again show its larger neighbors that a democratic transition--even an extended one of several intermediate steps--is possible in a region buffeted by the crosscurrents of religion, tribalism, and authoritarianism, and fueled by a huge demographic bulge of young people who are better educated and more connected to the world than their parents but who lack jobs and hope.

But even if Tunisia's next government is more reflective of the desires of the Tunisian people and is able to attack the problems that have retarded the country's progress, the pace of change will be slower than many Tunisians will desire. Entrenched interests and institutions connected to the ancien regime, what Egyptians have dubbed the ``deep state,'' will conspire to stand in the way of a brighter future for Tunisia's people and slow the pace of change throughout the region.

Around the world, but especially here in Washington, the regional developments have fostered unease as events on the ground have proven less than amenable to external ``management.'' The power of entrenched interests was more than offset by the early strength of Islamist parties in Tunisia and Egypt, giving rise to the fear of secular autocracies being supplanted by theocratically-oriented governments that would embrace the principle of ``one man, one vote, one time.''

This fear of an Islamist takeover has had two main effects in the first years of the Arab transition. The first is that it served to inhibit the American response for fear of strengthening the Islamists' hold or provoking a popular backlash. The other has been to drive a wedge between the United States and the Gulf Arab monarchs, who have been the most resistant to change and accommodation and understand fully the implications for their rule.

But change will be hard to resist. The same forces that swept aside Egypt's Mubarak and Tunisia's Ben Ali are at work throughout the region. The United States needs to craft policies that acknowledge the centrality of that fact, as well as the reality that this is a process that will play itself out over a generation and perhaps longer. We need to build mechanisms capable of supporting a transition in the Arab world in three dimensions: political, economic, and civil society.

Next week, I will discuss how the U.S. can help foster these three pillars of democratic development in a way that can be sustained without requiring an outsized share of our limited resources. In the weeks to come, I will be sharing a few more detailed thoughts

on the struggles going on in Egypt, Tunisia, Syria, Iran, and elsewhere in this critical and dangerous part of the world.

The yearning for freedom is a universal one, but getting there has never been easy. The Egyptians, Syrians, Tunisians, and others have taken the first step towards taking their societies back. We must stand ready to help, and we must be prepared for a long and uneven journey.

Mr. Speaker, I rise today to honor the United States Veterans Initiative upon its 20th anniversary.

U.S. Vets is the nation's largest nonprofit provider of comprehensive services such as housing, counseling, and career development to homeless and at-risk veterans. Since its founding, U.S. Vets has established 11 facilities across the nation dedicated to providing vital services to over 20,000 veterans and their families.

In 1992, the West Los Angeles Veteran Affairs Medical Center discovered that 25% of its veterans were being discharged into homelessness. As a result, ``The Genesis Committee'' was formed under the guidance of Ninth Circuit Court of Appeals Judge Harry Pregerson, a Marine veteran of World War II, to address the dire need for veteran housing. ``The Genesis Committee'' later became the first U.S. Vets Board of Directors.

U.S. Vets opened its inaugural site, the Westside Residence Hall in Inglewood, California, in 1993 with five veterans. Since then, U.S. Vets has risen to national prominence with locations in Houston, Texas; Las Vegas, Nevada; Phoenix, Arizona; Honolulu, Hawaii; and Washington, D.C. In 2000, U.S. Vets opened the largest transitional housing facility for homeless veterans in the nation, Villages at Cabrillo, a 26-acre project in Long Beach, California that houses over 550 veterans.

To address the continually evolving needs of veterans, U.S. Vets has expanded their efforts into specialized programming to provide services to veterans of Iraq and Afghanistan, female veterans, and the chronically mentally ill.

The time, energy and care the United States Veterans Initiative has given to our veterans in need is truly extraordinary, and the nation as a whole has greatly benefitted from their dedicated efforts. At this time, I ask all Members to join me in congratulating the United States Veterans Initiative upon its 20th anniversary.

Mr. Speaker, as we approach the end of the first week of the GOP shutdown, I want to highlight the impact it's having on just one sector of our government, the intelligence community.

As Director Clapper and Director Alexander made clear in testimony in the Senate yesterday, 70 percent of key analysts have been forced to leave their posts. This is irresponsible, tragic and, most painfully, completely avoidable.

House Republicans now say they will put up a bill funding veterans, but not the intelligence agencies. Or tomorrow, the intelligence agencies, but not the FBI, or the FBI, but not the Department of Homeland Security, or DHS and NIH, but not the Department of Justice.

This is ridiculous, senseless, and reckless.

Let's be honest about what the House leadership is really saying. We will choose, hostage by hostage, which agency of the government we will release. We will do so only to buy time until the ransom we want we get, the repeal of an unrelated health care reform.

As our intelligence analysts and other key personnel sit idle, our adversaries do not. Those who threaten the country have not been furloughed. Those devising new ways to attack our homeland, our allies, and innocent civilians around the world, are not on hiatus. They are working hard, and so must we.

End the reckless shutdown now. Put the intelligence agencies back to work. Put all Americans back to work. End the endless series of manmade, avoidable and irresponsible crises that threaten our country and our economic recovery.

Mr. Speaker, last night, the GOP followed through with their threat to shut down the government if they didn't get what they lacked the votes to obtain--the destruction of health care reform. It was staggeringly irresponsible, but the leadership was not willing to buck their Tea Party membership and meet even the most basic obligation of governance--to keep the lights on.

I can only hope that this shutdown is short-lived and we pass a basic funding bill soon. A small group of Members cannot be allowed to burn the House down when they don't get their way. We simply cannot continue to engage in these ``my way or the highway'' exercises every couple of months.

The Affordable Care Act was passed by Congress, signed by the President, and upheld by the Supreme Court. Democrats are willing to entertain improvements to this landmark law, but we are not seeking to undermine or destroy it.

The worst thing about this latest manmade crisis: our economy might have fully recovered long before now if Congress would just get out of the way. Let us take up the Senate bill--a clean bill--to keep the government running and end this latest manmade disaster.

Mr. Speaker, on rollcall No. 1961, 484--``nay''; 354, 485--``yes.''

Mr. Speaker, I rise today to recognize Westridge School for Girls, of Pasadena, California, as it celebrates its Centennial Anniversary, with the theme, Our Chosen Path: Founding Values for a New Century.

In 1913, in an era when women had not yet received the right to vote, Mrs. William Brackenridge and other parents persuaded Miss Mary Lowther Ranney, a noted architect and teacher, to open a school for girls in her home on the ``west ridge'' of town; thus, Westridge School for Girls opened with 21 students, with the motto: Surgere Tentamos, meaning, ``We Strive to Rise.'' In 1914 and 1915, the tradition of community and international service was established with Christmas dinners and gifts provided for local families in need and the adoption of war orphans in Europe. Miss Amie C. Rumney became co-principal in 1917, and in 1918 the first Inlook appeared, a literary and fundraising project where charitable contributions were sent to organizations such as the Russian Relief and the China Famine Fund. In 1919, the school honored its first graduate, Harriette Jansen, as well as the establishment of the Athletic Association.

The cornerstone for the main building, designed by Marston, Van Pelt, and Maybury, was laid on June 8, 1923 on the site of Miss Ranney's original house/school, and in October of that year, was ready for use when 135 students were welcomed to their new school. In 1924, the school strengthened its academic department and college preparatory curriculum, an ``On to College Club'' was created, Smith College admitted its first Westridge graduate, and in 1927, the Westridge Alumnae Association was formed. By 1930, enrollment in the school had grown to 185 students. In 1935, the Westridge Parents Association was formed, and in 1937, the school was purchased from Misses Ranney and Rumney and became a non-profit institution governed by a Board of Trustees. The 1940's and 1950's saw the beginning of summer school classes, the addition of other properties, and the building of new classrooms, tennis courts, and an endowment fund for scholarships. In the 1960's a program was formed to encourage minority enrollment, which now comprises half of the students. The 1970's and 1980's were a time of growth for the athletic program, and the 1990's were typified by the integration of computer technology into academic life, and physical expansion to accommodate new programs. In 2005, the Fran Norris Scoble Performing Arts Center, named after longtime Head of School Fran Scoble was opened, and in 2009, Elizabeth McGregor became the 11th Head of School.

For 100 years, Westridge School for Girls' fundamental belief is that women have the right to be fully educated in an environment that engages the intellect, heart, body and soul, and that to be rewarding and useful, knowledge must be grounded in an ethic of caring and commitment. The school's founding values remain and continue to provide the guiding principles for the next century.

I ask all Members join me in honoring Westridge School for Girls upon the celebration of its Centennial Anniversary.

Mr. Speaker, I rise today to honor Lt. Gen. Eugene L. Tattini (ret.), as he concludes 12 years as Deputy Director of the National Aeronautics and Space Administration's Jet Propulsion Laboratory. Throughout his tenure, Lt. Gen. Tattini has been a strong institutional leader, a guiding force behind planetary science and an exemplary contributor in his field.

Prior to his career at JPL, Lt. Gen. Tattini was a distinguished graduate of the Reserve Officer Training Corps program at the University of Illinois, and entered the United States Air Force as second lieutenant. He received a Master of Business Administration degree from Oklahoma City University and holds certificates from both the Air War College and Industrial College of the Armed Forces. Lt. Gen. Tattini was also selected to attend the Executive Development Program at Cornell University and the Program for Senior Managers in Government at Harvard University.

During Gene's 36-year military career, he served in 20 separate assignments ranging from a Minuteman II missile combat crew member at Grand Forks Base to an air staff acquisition policy staff officer at the Pentagon. As commander of the Space and Missile Systems Center at the Los Angeles Air Force Base, Lt. Gen. Tattini managed the research, design, development and acquisition of launch systems and satellites. He was also a member of the development team that launched the first U.S. anti-satellite weapon against a cooperating space target. Lt. Gen. Tattini's decorated and storied military career includes awards such as the Distinguished Service Medal, the Legion of Merit with Oak leaf cluster and the Meritorious Service Medal with Three oak leaf clusters, to name a few.

As the Deputy Director at NASA's Jet Propulsion Laboratory, he was responsible for the daily management of JPL resources and activities, and oversaw management of programs such as projects related to Mars and interplanetary network programs. JPL's highly successful Mars rover program has pushed the boundaries of robotic exploration and has inspired a new generation of scientists. Other JPL missions will help us understand Earth's climate and explore distant planets and galaxies. These programs and activities have created job opportunities for thousands locally and nationally, and have continued JPL's distinction and prominence in space exploration.

It is with great appreciation and respect that I congratulate Lt. Gen. Eugene L. Tattini today upon 48 years of public service. The time and energy Lt. Gen. Tattini put in to his work is extraordinary and people nationwide have benefited greatly from his dedicated service. Applauding his commitment and dedication to NASA's JPL and its work, I now proudly ask you all to join me in commending Lt. Gen. Eugene L. Tattini for his lifetime of service to our country.

Mr. Speaker, I rise today to celebrate the 90th anniversary of a true California icon--the Hollywood Sign in the hills of Hollywood, California.

First erected in 1923, the Hollywood Sign originally read ``Hollywoodland'' to advertise the new housing developments that surrounded the Hollywood Hills. In 1949, the sign was changed to simply ``Hollywood,'' and since then has become a symbol of the vibrant Hollywood movie industry, a beacon attracting talent and tourists to come to Los Angeles from all over the world, and a national treasure.

In 1973, the Hollywood sign was declared a historical and cultural monument of Los Angeles. Thus, the Hollywood Sign Trust was established to protect the icon. Throughout the years, the Hollywood Sign Trust has become an avid supporter of cultural events in and around Hollywood. The Trust's current mission is to repair, maintain, refurbish, and provide improvements to the Hollywood Sign.

Over the years, the Hollywood Sign has attracted not only those who dream of a career in film and television, but also visitors from every corner of the world. As a symbol of hope, adventure and a bit of glamour, the Hollywood Sign stretches vibrantly across Mount Lee, visible throughout Los Angeles.

I am proud to recognize the Hollywood Sign upon its 90th Anniversary, and I ask all Members to join me today in honoring this historic monument.

Mr. Speaker, I rise today to honor Burbank, California resident and hometown hero Jack O'Neill.

Mr. O'Neill started his career at the National Broadcasting Company (NBC) in New York in January of 1967. He rose through the ranks starting as an entry-level cost coordinator and in 2005 retired as NBC's Vice President of Facilities and Corporate Sourcing. His tireless work ethic, charisma, and commitment to the community led him to become the face of NBC in Burbank.

In 1977, Mr. O'Neill transferred from NBC's New York office to KNBC's facility in Burbank, California. In the late 1980's when the City of Burbank initiated its Media District Specific Plan and NBC proposed the NBC Plaza, Mr. O'Neill attended countless meetings with residents, the City Council, and Planning Board answering the difficult questions and creating positive dialogue in the city. Mr. O'Neill was instrumental in keeping NBC in Burbank and saved countless jobs in the Los Angeles region.

After Mr. O'Neill's retirement from NBC, he became Chief Operating Officer of the Bob Hope Family Estate in 2006, where he supervised the family's expansive real estate portfolio and advised the Hope Family businesses throughout the world. Currently, Mr. O'Neill serves as a Principal at the O'Neill Group, a real estate and business consulting firm.

Always willing to serve the community, Mr. O'Neill has volunteered and served as emcee or host at various fundraisers for groups like the Boys and Girls Club of Burbank, Burbank Unified School District, Burbank Temporary Aid Center, Burbank Public Library, and Burbank Sunrise Rotary.

I ask all Members of Congress to join me in honoring Jack O'Neill for his exemplary service to the Burbank community.

Mr. Chair, on rollcall No. 429, The Connolly/Kildee Amendment 3, had I been present, I would have voted ``aye.''

Amendment No. 6 Offered by Mr. Murphy of Pennsylvania

Mr. Speaker, I rise, along with my colleague Representative Steven Palazzo, to honor James Watts for his many years of service to the community. Born in 1919 in McComb, Mississippi, Mr. Watts has dedicated his career to public service. His children and stepchildren have followed in their parent's footsteps and have been leaders in their own right throughout the United States.

During World War II, Mr. Watts defended his country by tracking German submarines as a member of the United States Coast Guard. Later, in civilian life, he would go on to hold executive board positions in both the Boy Scouts of America and the Girl Scouts of America organizations.

Mr. Watts' passion for volunteerism speaks volumes about his character. While he lived in Grand Junction, Colorado, he volunteered as an EMT and then a paramedic for what is now St. Mary's Hospital and Regional Medical Center in Grand Junction, Colorado. Upon relocation to Gulfport, Mississippi, Mr. Watts taught CPR and First Aid for the American Red Cross and various organizations around the country, which is a testament to his devotion to the well-being of the communities he has visited.

Perhaps one of his biggest accomplishments was in 1956 while he worked for the Atomic Energy Commission. As a mine safety engineer in New Mexico, Mr. Watts noticed a uranium boom town of more than 10,000 residents who were living without access to a local hospital for emergency services. With ambition and selflessness, he took it upon himself to spearhead organization efforts for the creation of Cibola General Hospital, which has been committed to serving the medical needs of the community since 1959. Ever since, patients continue to be saved, the critically ill continue to be treated, and 24-hour emergency care is still available to the community.

Now at 94 years old, Mr. Watts resides with his wife, Barbara, in Gulfport, Mississippi. Although he is retired, the organizations and community projects developed under his leadership are still in operation today. I believe Mr. Watts' life is a great example of generosity and devotion to the greater good of society. We can all learn from Mr. Watt's inspiring story of public service. I join my colleagues in recognizing and thanking Mr. Watts for his life of service. We wish him, his wife Barbara, and their children Susan, Rick, Jane, Danette, and Paul all the best in their future endeavors and thank them for continuing their father's legacy of noble service to the community.

Mr. Speaker, I rise today to honor the memory of Robert Siev of South Pasadena, California, a kind, brave and highly respected man.

Robert was born on April 6, 1926, in Germany. During the Holocaust, at the age of thirteen, he and some of his family escaped by boarding a moving train in Lithuania, getting their visas stamped by Japanese Consul General Chiune Sugihara, and then jumping off of that train. After a dangerous flight across Russia, they eventually made it to America. Having lost much of his family to the Holocaust, including his younger brother Jonah, Robert was eternally grateful to the United States for permitting his family to emigrate, live freely and for the educational opportunities the United States afforded.

The Sievs came to the United States and settled in New York, where Robert attended New York University. During this time period, he taught himself English, joined the Army, and became a United States citizen. Robert moved to Philadelphia and while at Penn State University, in 1943, he met the love of his life, Beatrice (Bea) Spector. Robert and Bea got married and in 1946, their daughter Carol was born. In 1955, Robert moved his family to South Pasadena, California, where he and Bea became active in the community.

A chemical engineer by trade, Robert worked for renowned engineering companies CF Braun, Aerojet General, and Bechtel from which he retired. In his volunteer life, Robert was involved in all aspects of the South Pasadena community. Generous with his time and money, he was active in the South Pasadena Educational Foundation--which supports the city's schools, interested in city politics, and he was a staunch ``freeway fighter'' in the effort to stop the 710 freeway extension through South Pasadena. Robert was a steadfast supporter of Israel and was proud of the accomplishments made by the Jewish people. He was very involved in his temple, Temple Beth Israel in Highland Park, and was a continuous contributor to the American Israel Public Affairs Committee and the Holocaust Museum. In addition, Mr. Siev was also occasionally the featured guest speaker at various organizations, where he would speak about his own experiences during the Holocaust.

Robert passed away on July 6, 2013, and is survived by his wife of nearly 70 years, Beatrice, daughter Carol, brother-in-law Ellis, son- in-law Stuart, grandchildren Lisa and Daniel, and one great-grand daughter Shana. I ask all members to join me in remembering Robert Siev, a true treasure to the South Pasadena and greater Los Angeles community.

Mr. Speaker, I rise, along with my colleague Representative Steven Palazzo, to honor James Watts for his many years of service to community and country.

Born in 1919 in McComb, Mississippi, Mr. Watts has dedicated his career to public service. His children and stepchildren have followed in their parents' footsteps and have been leaders in their own right throughout the United States.

During World War II, Mr. Watts defended his country by tracking German submarines as a member of the United States Coast Guard. Later, in civilian life, he would go on to hold executive board positions in both the Boy Scouts of America and the Girl Scouts of America organizations.

Mr. Watts' passion for volunteerism speaks volumes about his character. While he lived in Grand Junction, Colorado, he volunteered as an EMT and then as a paramedic for what is now St. Mary's Hospital and Regional Medical Center in Grand Junction, Colorado. Upon relocation to Gulfport, Mississippi, Mr. Watts taught CPR and first aid for the American Red Cross and various organizations around the country--a testament to his devotion to the well-being of the communities he has lived in and visited.

Perhaps one of his biggest accomplishments was in 1956 while he worked for the Atomic Energy Commission. As a mine safety engineer in New Mexico, Mr. Watts noticed a uranium boomtown of more than 10,000 residents who were living without access to a local hospital for emergency services. With ambition and selflessness, he took it upon himself to spearhead organizational efforts for the creation of the Cibola General Hospital, which has been committed to serving the medical

needs of the community since 1959. Ever since, patients continue to be saved; the critically ill continue to be treated; and the 24-hour emergency care is still available to the community.

Now at 94 years old, Mr. Watts resides with his wife, Barbara, in Gulfport, Mississippi. Although he is retired, the organizations and community projects developed under his leadership are still in operation today. I believe Mr. Watts' life is a great example of generosity and devotion to the greater good of society. We can all learn from Mr. Watts' inspiring story of public service, and I join my colleague in recognizing and in thanking Mr. Watts for his life of service.

We wish him, his wife, Barbara, and their children--Susan, Rick, who is here with us in the gallery, Jane, Danette, and Paul--all of the best in their future endeavors, and we thank them for continuing their father's legacy of noble service to the community.

Mr. Chairman, I have an amendment at the desk.

Mr. Chairman, my amendment would prohibit funding the use of force pursuant to the Authorization for Use of Military Force, or AUMF, effective on December 31, 2014, when the last American combat troops will rotate out of Afghanistan and the responsibility for security will have passed to the Afghan people after more than 13 years of war in that country.

New Year's Day 2015 should not only bring about a new relationship between the United States and Afghanistan, it should also mark the end of a conflict that was begun in our skies on that September morning and which was formalized days later when the Congress passed the AUMF.

That legislation provided the President with the authority to use ``force against those nations, organizations, or persons he determines planned, authorized, committed, or aided the terrorist attacks that occurred on September 11, 2001, or harbored such organizations or persons, in order to prevent any future acts of international terrorism against the United States by such nations, organizations, or persons.''

The 2001 AUMF was never intended to authorize a war without end, and it now poorly defines those who pose a threat to our country. That authority and the funding that goes along with it should expire concurrent with the end of our combat role in Afghanistan.

In addition to this amendment, I have introduced bipartisan legislation, H.R. 2324, which sunsets the AUMF effective the same date, December 31, 2014, and calls on the administration to work with Congress together to determine what new authority, if any, is necessary to protect the country after that time.

The Constitution vests the Congress with the power to declare war and the responsibility of appropriating funds to pay for it. It is our most awesome responsibility and central to our military efforts overseas. We owe it to the men and women we send into combat to properly define and authorize their mission, and my amendment will effectively give Congress the next 16 months to do so.

In his recent speech at National Defense University, President Obama specifically called on Congress to work with him:

I look forward to engaging Congress and the American people

in efforts to refine, and ultimately repeal, the AUMF's

mandate, and I will not sign any laws designed to expand this

mandate further. Our systematic effort to dismantle terrorist

organizations must continue, but this war, like all wars,

must end.

This amendment is a prudent first step towards meeting the President's challenge, a call that we must embrace, not as Republicans or Democrats, but as Members of Congress sworn to defend the Constitution.

I urge a ``yes'' vote and reserve the balance of my time.

I want to yield to my colleague from Indiana. Before I do, two quick points.

No one is suggesting, of course, that terrorism is going to go away in 16 months or all of our problems will be over. But what we are saying with this amendment is that the authorization we passed that authorizes force against those who planned, authorized, and committed the 9/11 attacks shouldn't be used to go after groups like al Shabaab, which may not even have been in existence at the time of 9/11.

This AUMF is now outdated; and unless we have a sunset date, we're going to continue to rely on an AUMF that no longer describes the nature of the conflict we're in.

With that, I yield to the gentleman from Indiana (Mr. Visclosky).

I reserve the balance of my time.

I would only say to my colleague, through the Chair, that this institution has proved that unless we have a deadline, we simply refuse to act.

What the President has said in terms of any new authorization for use of force--and it's something I agree wholeheartedly with the White House--is that he won't support a new authorization that is broader than the one that we seek to sunset. That, I think, is a problem with some of the drafts which the majority has proposed.

We don't want an expanded war. We do want an authorization that reflects the precise nature of the threat, and that threat has changed since 9/11. It no longer comes as much from the core of al Qaeda, which has been decimated; rather, it comes now from a group of franchises, loosely affiliated organizations that sometimes, as a product of convenience, will associate with al Qaeda for financing or legitimacy. But it is now a far-flung terrorist challenge, and any authorization ought to reflect the changing nature of threat.

With that, I yield back the balance of my time.

Madam Chair, I demand a recorded vote.