Floor Statements

Mr. Speaker, I rise today to support the Respect for Marriage Act of 2022. Thank you to Judiciary Chair Jerrold Nadler for introducing H.R. 8404, LGBTQ+ Equality Caucus Chair David Cicilline, and Tri-Caucus Chairs for your leadership to fight for equal rights for all communities.

Everyone should have the equal right to marry whomever they love-- whatever their identity, race or ethnicity.

While the Supreme Court ruled the discriminatory Defense of Marriage Act unconstitutional, in the wake of the Court's decision to overturn Roe, we cannot rely on the Court alone to protect our rights. First, they attacked our reproductive rights, but next, they'll attack our right to marriage. What's next?

It is unconscionable that any person should face a situation where their marriage is threatened or rendered invalid because of the dangerous whims of the few who want to take this country backwards.

Mr. Speaker, I urge the entire House to support this bill, protect our right to marriage, and defend our people from the senseless assault on our liberties.

First of all, I thank our chair for the time. I rise in

support of H.R. 8294, which provides funding for numerous critical Federal programs for Fiscal Year 2023.

And let me just take a moment to thank our chairwoman, Rosa DeLauro, for leading this appropriations process; what a job. But it was amazing, very inclusive, very democratic, and I thank her for including so much for not only Democrats in the bill, but also for our Republican colleagues.

I also thank Leader Hoyer, our Speaker, and Whip Clyburn for working to get this bill to the floor.

Not least, I thank Chairs Bishop, Kaptur, Pingree, Price, Quigley, and Wasserman Schultz for their leadership in crafting each of these individual bills included in this package.

I tell you, systemic racism--and you know I am going to talk about that, Mr. Chair--it is really at the heart of every crisis that we face today. This bill responds with critical investments to fight poverty, hunger, homelessness, housing insecurity, the climate crisis, and also includes so many provisions for equity and for justice.

I represent a district in the Bay Area that has some of the biggest challenges with transportation and housing affordability in the country. This bill fully funds President Biden's plan to fight for fair housing. And it includes important investments in housing and transportation equity, to help reverse decades of systemic racism.

The climate crisis threatens the health, safety, air quality, and livelihoods of neighborhoods, especially poor and low-income neighborhoods which primarily are communities of color.

This bill would advance energy independence, lower energy costs, invest in renewable energy and scientific innovation, and address fundamental environmental injustices.

Finally, as the co-chair of the Congressional Cannabis Caucus, I am pleased that this bill furthers the effort to stop unfairly targeting people and businesses in States and localities where voters have chosen to make cannabis legal.

I urge my colleagues to vote for H.R. 8294. I once again thank our chairwoman for such a great job.

Madam Speaker, I thank the chairman for yielding, for his work, and for bringing this bill to the floor.

Let me also take a moment to thank our good friend, a great leader, Congresswoman Judy Chu, for her vision and her persistent leadership, and Chairman Pallone for bringing this to the floor, once again.

Last month's Supreme Court decision is having devastating impacts across the country. Now, I remember the days before Roe, and now that the Court has ended Roe, we are truly in a state of a national health emergency.

Abortion bans affect everyone, but their impact falls hardest on folks who face serious barriers to care and already have these barriers presented because of the lack of equity in our healthcare system--women of color, people working to make ends meet, rural people, young people.

It is terrifying now that people could be criminalized for exercising their own personal healthcare decisions. That is wrong. It is morally wrong.

Already, across this country, people are unable to get care and are denied the freedom to make their own decisions about their health and about their futures. Our personal liberties and our freedoms are being taken away. This is just another step in the erosion of our democracy.

It has never been more critical than now that we pass legislation to protect the right to access abortion and ensure that abortion and comprehensive reproductive healthcare are accessible and available for all.

Madam Speaker, I rise in strong support of

Madam Speaker, I rise in support of our amendment, Lee/Meijer number three eight seven, to express the sense of Congress that Authorizations for the Use of Military Force should include sunset provisions.

I want to thank my cosponsors, including Congressman Meijer, and Chairmen Smith and McGovern for their support to permit me to offer this amendment.

Under our Constitution, Congress has the unique responsibility of oversight authority over the use of military force. Congress should maintain authority over when and how the United States wages war. And we should insist that the executive branch have a clear plan, objective and time limit for these authorizations.

The purpose of a sunset clause is not to withdraw our military before it has achieved its goal. Rather, it is to make sure that Congress, as the people's elected representatives, exercises our responsibility to ensure any use of military force is supported by and serves the interests of the American people.

Legal experts from across the ideological spectrum support the inclusion of sunset provisions in AUMFs. And Congressionally-required sunsets are not a new idea. Congress has included sunset provisions in 29 percent of prior authorizations for use of military force and declarations of war.

A sunset is not any sign of lack of American resolve. Congress has shown it can and will act quickly and decisively when core American interests and values are at stake. In 1941 and again in 2001, Congress acted within twenty-four hours of the President's request for authority to wage war.

I include in the Record an article written by Dr. Tess Bridgeman regarding the importance of AUMF sunset provisions. Dr. Bridgeman is a former legal advisor to the White House and State Department, and an expert on the constitutional law regarding war powers. Dr. Bridgeman writes:

``Arguably far more important than any potential signal that might be sent to a foreign adversary, a reauthorization requirement sends a very real and important signal to our own troops: Congress supports the war effort you are engaged in and has taken a tough vote to authorize it. And if you are brave enough to fight, we are brave enough to vote.''

Madam Speaker, this amendment is a reasonable expression of Congress' role and the founders' intent on matters of war and peace. We cannot write blank checks to the executive branch. Requiring AUMFs to include sunsets ensures that any use of war powers is in line with the views and priorities of the American people, expressed through the ballot box. I urge my colleagues to support this amendment, and support the principle that wars must have an end.

[From Just Security, July 13, 2022]

In Support of Sunsets: Easy Yes Votes on AUMF Reform

(By Tess Bridgeman)

As Congress readies for votes on the must-pass National

Defense Authorization Act (NDAA), several amendments related

to authorizations for use of military force (AUMFs) merit

attention as easy ``yes'' votes that could help restore

Congress' congressional authority over when to take the

nation to war. Three of these are simply long-overdue good

war powers hygiene, repealing old ``zombie'' AUMFs (as Rep.

Peter Meijer (R-MI) has coined them) that are not relied on

for any current U.S. operations but could be susceptible to

abuse. These are Rep. Barbara Lee's (D-CA) 2002 AUMF repeal

amendment (with bipartisan co-sponsors), Rep. Abigail

Spanberger's (D-VA) repeal of the 1991 AUMF, and Rep.

Meijer's repeal of the 1957 AUMF. Another bipartisan

amendment, co-sponsored by Reps. Lee and Meijer, takes the

small but important step of declaring the ``sense of

Congress'' that any new AUMF should include a date on which

the authorization is terminated unless reauthorized by

Congress, a.k.a. a sunset.

While settling on the details of any new AUMF will be

challenging, the bipartisan sunset amendment should be

another easy yes vote for members, and the Biden

administration should support it. The full text of the sense

of Congress provisions are as follows:

(1) the inclusion of a sunset provision or reauthorization

requirement in authorizations for use of military force is

critical to ensuring Congress's exercise of its

constitutional duty to declare war; and

(2) any joint resolution enacted to authorize the

introduction of United States forces into hostilities or into

situations where there is a serious risk of hostilities

should include a sunset provision setting forth a date

certain for the termination of the authorization for the use

of such forces absent the enactment of a subsequent specific

statutory authorization for such use of the United States

forces.

Making good on this sense of Congress in any future AUMF

would go a long way toward fixing a pernicious problem that

has developed over the past few decades, as old AUMFs have

been construed to authorize wars against enemies that did not

exist at the time of their enactment and about which Congress

never deliberated. A sunset clause guards against that kind

of misuse and abuse. It should not be understood as an ``off

switch,'' but rather as a vote forcing mechanism. By shifting

the default away from forever authorizations, it ensures that

the peoples' representatives affirmatively debate and decide

whether the United States should be at war, and against whom,

as the Constitution intended. And it ensures that our troops

doing the fighting are foregrounded in these deliberations.

Who supports sunsets?

First and foremost, Congress itself has supported sunsets

by enacting them into law in roughly one-third of past AUMFs

and declarations of war. Recent serious proposals for new

AUMFs have also included sunsets, including those supported,

and authored, by the executive branch: the ISIL-specific

draft AUMF President Obama sent to Congress in 2015 included

a three-year sunset clause.

Second, former senior officials serving in administrations

of both political parties support sunsets. In May 2017,

former CIA and Department of Defense General Counsel Stephen

Preston advocated that a sunset clause shows the United

States is ``committed to the fight'' and ``committed to our

democratic institutions.'' On this score, Heather Brandon-

Smith's overview of exchanges on the value of a sunset

provision in a July 2017 House Foreign Affairs Committee

hearing titled ``Authorization for the Use of Force and

Current Terrorist Threats'' is worth quoting in full:

The witnesses were repeatedly asked whether a sunset

provision should be included in a new AUMF, with many members

of Congress--on both sides of the aisle--agreeing on the

merits of including a sunset. Both [former Attorney General

Michael] Mukasey and [former National Counterterrorism Center

Director Matthew] Olsen advocated in favor of sunsets . . .

``As experts across the political spectrum have explained,''

said Olsen, ``a sunset does not end the war. Rather, a sunset

signals to our partners and adversaries that the U.S. is

committed to using the force required to combat the current

threats we face, even as we sustain the fight for as long as

it takes.''

Mukasey, who noted in his written statement that he does

not generally favor sunsets in the intelligence gathering or

counterterrorism authorities, advocated for a sunset in a new

AUMF. ``I favor a sunset provision,'' he said. ``I've favored

reconsidering the [2001] AUMF for years.''

More recently, in March 2021, former Republican and

Democratic administration senior lawyers at a House Rules

Committee hearing on war powers (in which I testified),

agreed on the need to include sunset provisions in future

AUMFs. (Ryan Goodman, Steve Pomper, Steve Vladeck and I also

supported including a three-year sunset in our set of

principles for any new AUMF in 2021).

Third, leading experts and former senior officials who have

considered how new AUMFs should be structured have long

endorsed inclusion of sunsets. A set of principles for a new

AUMF from leading legal experts Rosa Brooks, Sarah Cleveland,

Jen Daskal, Walter Dellinger, Ryan Goodman, Harold Hongju

Koh, Marty Lederman, and Steve Vladeck published in Just

Security in November 2014 endorsed a sunset. They explained

that sunsets, along with other constraints in the proposal,

avoid unnecessary wars and promote democratic accountability.

Eight years later, these are even more imperative goals.

Another set of principles for a new AUMF from Ben Wittes,

Bobby Chesney, Jack Goldsmith, and Matt Waxman at Lawfare,

coincidentally released on the same day in Nov. 2014,

explicitly endorsed a three-year sunset to ``forc[e] Congress

to make an affirmative decision as to whether, and how, it

wants its blessing to continue.'' Indeed, inclusion of a

sunset is seen as a key point of consensus among these

leading proposals for any new AUMF.

But would a sunset help the enemy or hamstring the executive branch?

At a House Foreign Affairs Committee hearing last March, an

administration witness surprisingly did not support the

inclusion of sunsets in AUMFs because ``we do not want to say

to our adversaries at some date if they just hold out they

can do whatever they please.'' The Biden administration

should shift that position--and embrace Reps. Lee and

Meijer's amendment--for at least three reasons.

First, there's simply no reason to believe a congressional

reauthorization requirement, or sunset, would send such a

signal to an adversary. It is doubtful that adversaries in

foreign countries--often primarily engaged against non-U.S.

enemies--are at all concerned with U.S. domestic law

authorizations. But even if we were to try to glean external

signals from a domestic reauthorization requirement, as

former State Department Legal Adviser Harold Hongju Koh said

in 2015, ``a sunset is not a repeal; it need not even be read

as a proposal to repeal in the future. . . . A sunset is

simply a shared congressional-executive agreement to reassess

the situation together as a nation.''

If anything, a reauthorization requirement shows that

Congress is paying attention to the war it has authorized and

will continue to do so. And notwithstanding legitimate

concerns of partisan Capitol Hill gridlock, Congress manages

to pass NDAAs, budgets, and other high-stakes legislation

when needed.

Second, U.S. political leaders and the national security

institutions that support them make decisions about the scale

of U.S. involvement within and outside of conflict zones

based on a range of factors, including the severity and

immediacy of the threat, resource constraints, and the

willingness and reliability of partners on the ground to act.

A brief look at the past three presidential administrations

underscores this point: it was not the expiration of an AUMF

that caused President Biden to withdraw U.S. forces from

Afghanistan, Trump to announce withdrawal from Syria (before

reversing course), or Obama to withdraw from President George

W. Bush's war in Iraq.

It bears emphasizing here that in any true emergency

situation, under threat of an imminent armed attack or in a

situation where U.S. nationals are in imminent peril abroad,

the president may rely on independent authority in Art. II of

the Constitution to act quickly (as most presidents in our

recent history have done), regardless of the existence of any

congressional authorization.

Third, and arguably far more important than any potential

signal that might be sent to a foreign adversary, a

reauthorization requirement sends a very real and important

signal to our own troops: Congress supports the war effort

you are engaged in and has taken a tough vote to authorize

it. And if you are brave enough to fight, we are brave enough

to vote.

A reauthorization requirement also signals--both internally

and externally--a commitment to our own democratic processes.

That commitment is now more important than ever for members

of Congress and the executive branch to embrace.

Madam Speaker, I rise in support of my amendment, Lee number three eight three, to repeal the 2002 Authorization for Use of Force against Iraq.

I want to thank my cosponsors, including Chairman Meeks of the Foreign Affairs Committee, and Chairmen Smith and McGovern for their support to permit me to offer this amendment.

This amendment is simple: it would terminate the outdated but still dangerous 2002 Authorization for Use of Military Force.

I say ``outdated'' because the 2002 AUMF no longer serves any operational purpose. U.S. military deployments and operations carried out under the 2002 AUMF--dubbed Operation Iraqi Freedom--officially concluded in 2011.

I say ``dangerous'' because the 2002 contained no sunset provision. Leaving this outdated and unnecessary authorization on the books allows Presidents to utilize it for military action Congress never intended to authorize.

This House has already voted three times to repeal this AUMF--most recently in June of last year, when the House adopted this same language by a vote of 268 to 161.

And last year, the President formally endorsed repeal of the 2002 AUMF, issuing a Statement of Administration Policy in favor of repeal, stating that the 2002 AUMF serves no purpose.

We cannot afford to leave outdated AUMFs on the books indefinitely. It is past time for Congress to finally do our Constitutional duty and vote on matters of war and peace.

Madam Speaker, nothing telegraphs America's indecision more than our failure to end wars that are long over. I urge all Members to support my amendment, repeal the 2002 AUMF, and assert our Article One responsibility to define when and how our country goes to war.

Mr. Speaker, I have an amendment at the desk.

Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.

Mr. Speaker, I rise in support of the Lee-Pocan amendment No. 13 to cut $100 billion from the fiscal 2023 Defense Authorization Act. The amendment is structured so that this cut would not reduce pay or benefits for uniformed and civilian personnel or their families.

I thank the gentleman from Wisconsin (Mr. Pocan), my cosponsor and co-chair of the Defense Spending Reduction Caucus. I also thank Chairman Smith and Chairman McGovern for their support to permit us to bring this amendment to the floor.

Mr. Speaker, this House again stands poised to pour over $800 billion into a defense establishment that is unauditable, unaccountable, and does little to answer the biggest threats to the safety and the welfare of our people.

The Pentagon is the only--mind you, the only--Federal department that has never passed an audit. And, yes, I worked to get a requirement that DOD pass an audit written into permanent law a couple of years ago with the help of my friend and colleague, Chairman Smith, and also our colleague, Dr. Burgess. And yet, still, the Pentagon says it won't be able to pass an audit for almost another decade.

What is this about? It is really a shame and disgrace. It is not hard to find places to cut at the Pentagon. In fact, last year, Senator Sanders commissioned a Congressional Budget Office study that detailed various scenarios for how we could save $100 billion per year without compromising American security.

That $100 billion is sorely needed for other key national priorities. If we reinvested that $100 billion, it could pay to hire 1 million elementary schoolteachers to relieve the current teacher shortage. It could pay to power every home in America with solar energy or it could provide every family in America with a $700 stimulus payment.

We face an array of threats in America today, including the continuing COVID health emergency and the impacts of climate crisis. It is our duty to look for savings at the Pentagon and meet the urgent needs of the American people.

Mr. Speaker, I urge my colleagues to support our amendment, and I reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the gentleman from Wisconsin (Mr. Pocan).

Mr. Speaker, I yield myself the balance of my time for closing.

Mr. Speaker, it is really past time for Congress to start demanding that the Pentagon exercise some fiscal discipline that we impose against and across all of the Federal Government. Also, we individually have fiscal discipline that we must exert. We have budgets we have to live within.

The Pentagon budget is running amok. This is taxpayers' dollars which should be at least audited, and the Pentagon should be held accountable.

Again, this amendment would hold harmless the people who serve in the military or who work at the Pentagon and their families. The CBO has demonstrated that we can trim the Pentagon budget without compromising security. In doing so, we free up resources to invest in our country and in our people.

Mr. Speaker, I urge my colleagues to support this amendment, and I yield back the balance of my time.

Mr. Speaker, I have an amendment at the desk.

Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.

Mr. Speaker, our amendment, the Lee-Pocan No. 14, reverses egregious Pentagon budget increases added during the committee markup. This is mind-boggling. Our amendment trims back the total level of the fiscal year 2023 NDAA to no more than the amount requested by President Biden.

We have numerous, glaring examples of waste, fraud, and abuse within our defense establishment. Yet, some of our colleagues insist on piling more money into the Pentagon than our military leaders--our President even--asks for, despite the DOD routinely returning unspent balances to the Treasury.

Enough is enough. Americans are demanding that Congress rebalance our priorities and invest in the biggest challenges which we face. This $37 billion could be better spent--that is how much over the President requested--to extend the child and earned income tax credit, improve healthcare access, and pay for Medicare hearing benefits for seniors.

Mr. Speaker, $37 billion could hire 300,000 nurses to alleviate the nursing shortage or fund free, quality childcare for more than 800,000 children to help caregivers get back to work.

While I personally support much larger cuts, we need to draw the line somewhere.

Mr. Speaker, I urge my colleagues to support this amendment, and I reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the gentleman from Washington (Mr. Smith), the chairman of the Armed Services Committee.

Mr. Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the gentlewoman from California (Ms. Jacobs).

Mr. Speaker, I yield myself the balance of my time.

First of all, I would hope Republicans would join Democrats in a bipartisan fashion like you did just now on this outrageous amendment in supporting the efforts to reduce the cost of living for people who are living on the edge, but I don't see any bipartisanship there when it comes to supporting the American people and what they need in terms of their wages, in terms of housing, in terms of healthcare, in terms of all the efforts that Democrats have mounted over the years. It is too bad that you won't join us in that, but you join them in raising the defense budget to an excessive level over what the military and the President requested. It is outrageous.

I note that the House has voted overwhelmingly to support Ukraine, and we certainly should support better pay and benefits for our uniformed and civilian personnel and their families, which the base bill does. Ukraine and military pay are in the base bill. If the President thinks that more should be done and more is needed, then he should, as has always been done, come to the Congress for a supplemental.

The President came to Congress for a supplemental for Ukraine. If he believes more is needed, that is the proper process and the proper way to do this, not by increasing the NDAA top line.

It is time to shift our spending to meet America's urgent human security priorities, and I urge my colleagues to support this amendment. I am really so concerned that whatever people want on that side of the aisle especially, and some on this side of the aisle, as it relates to the Pentagon, people get, Members get, and that is not a good place for this country to be.

Mr. Speaker, I yield back the balance of my time.

Madam Speaker, I rise today to celebrate the life of Robert Elroy Jones, Jr. who entered this world on November 14, 1971 to proud parents, Dezie Woods-Jones and Robert (Bones) Jones, Sr. He was called to his heavenly home through a circle of love on May 20, 2022.

Mr. Jones was born in Berkeley, California, and later moved to Oakland, California and attended Oakland schools, until returning to Berkeley to graduate from high school. He attended Clark Atlanta University in Atlanta, Georgia for three years and finished his Bachelor of Science degree from Arizona State University.

He lived and worked in Surprise, Arizona for several years after graduation and was blessed to have two wonderful children by his wife at the time, Kimberley Sorensen Jones. He loved and adored his children, Amani Sorensen Jones and Isaiah ``Z'' Jones.

Robert Jones, Jr. also loved his church families and was active in the Allen Temple Youth Department. He was baptized in 1985 at Allen Temple Baptist Church and throughout his lifetime attended St. Paul AME Church in Fowler, California; Carter Memorial AME Church in Fresno, California; and St. Paul AME Church in Pixley under the pastoral leadership of his stepfather, the Reverend Carl L. Jones.

In addition to Robert's love for his family and the church, was his love for the community. He was a coach and athletic trainer and led his teams to win several championships. He himself won outstanding coaching awards during his career.

He was passionate about social issues relative to education, particularly when it came to the lack of support for teachers. Robert was an advocate for the undeserved and those impacted by various social determinants of health, like the homeless and those with limited access to healthcare. Thanks to his mother, Robert had an early commitment to public service and was named the youngest ever Jr. BWOPA Man of the Year by the Board, in addition to having the opportunity to work for the 2004 National Democratic Convention in Boston, Massachusetts.

Robert was both an advocate and a fighter, whether through his diagnosis at the age of eleven, with Ulcerative Colitis and Crohn's Disease or his daily perseverance through the pain caused by them, while being sure to never complain to others.

My deepest condolences and prayers go to his family, friends and loved ones and my greatest respect and empathy go to my dear friend, his mother, Dezie Woods-Jones. I remember Robby as a child and always marveled at his maturity and sense of purpose. I know that his impact and commitment to the community will continue to be an example to us all.

On behalf of the 13th Congressional District of California, we remember with love and admiration, Robert Elroy Jones, Jr., for his tireless service and dedication to the community throughout his lifetime. May he rest in peace and power.

Mr. Speaker, I rise today to acknowledge my chief of staff, Julie Little Nickson, who, after 22 years of service in the House and 20 years in my office, will soon be departing the Hill.

Let me take a moment to acknowledge Congresswoman Marcy Kaptur, who Julie worked for prior to coming to my office and for her gracious help with Julie's transition to my office.

Julie joined my staff in 2002 and quickly distinguished herself as a skilled manager and leader of Team Lee. She undoubtedly got to know many district constituents and hit the ground running.

Her keen understanding of the intersection of policy, politics, and procedure has helped drive so many accomplishments through the decades. She has also ensured that my constituents understand the relationship between our work in Washington, D.C., and their daily lives.

From her work advancing my efforts as coauthor of the President's Emergency Plan for AIDS Relief, PEPFAR, back in 2003 to the development and enactment of the historic American Women Quarters act in 2020, Julie has been the strategic guiding force propelling my agenda. She makes sure that the inclusion of staff is prominent in everything I do and that staff is recognized and is central to her work.

She has been the key and steady leader of my work to prevent the wars in Iraq and Afghanistan. Of course, that work grew and expanded to include numerous efforts to end our forever wars and rein in unchecked executive war powers, including my work to repeal the 2001 and 2002 AUMFs.

As my chief of staff during my time as both the chair of the CPC and later when I chaired the Congressional Black Caucus in 2009 and 2010, Julie helped build coalitions and advanced our policy and communications agenda forward. This was really not an easy task, but as always, she rose to the occasion.

Her two decades of appropriations experience has helped me deliver significant resources to my congressional district over the years, including from major infrastructure and transit projects, critical research and healthcare funding, and so many projects that have helped improve the lives of my constituents.

Her knowledge of both domestic and international Federal spending programs and policies has helped me champion and support the growth of vital human needs programs along with domestic and international health and development.

As a manager, Julie has always led by example with her deep commitment and mission-driven approach to the work. She has helped and led, shaped, and developed numerous staff, interns, and many fellows over the years, and they have soared in their professions and what they do after they leave my office.

In a very determined yet congenial way, she has made sure my district staff and D.C. staff work together as one seamless staff, reflecting the values and commitment to public service and constituent casework as Team Lee.

I have had the privilege to know Julie through many phases of her life. When she came to my office, she was single with no children. She got married to a wonderful man, Mike Nickson. Later, when she became pregnant, we were really all happy for her and Mike but wondered when she would stop working. She worked until the last minute, and we all were delighted that she had a beautiful daughter, Cate, who will turn 16 next month.

Cate has become a progressive, free-spirited young lady. Of course, Cate spent many years in my office through the years and developed a keen sense of social justice through watching and listening to her mother as she executed our agenda for the people.

As the daughter of Sandra and Harell Little, who instilled such a strong commitment to public service, Julie has been a caring and loving daughter and has always demonstrated an amazing work-life balance. I thank her parents for raising such a brilliant and passionate daughter.

As Julie enters her next phase of life, she will now work directly to save lives as a representative of the American Cancer Society Cancer Action Network. She has always been about life-affirming efforts, and no doubt she will continue with her life's mission as she has answered God's call for this next chapter of her life.

We wish her good luck. We wish her God's blessings.

And just a reminder, Julie, that once a member of Team Lee, always a member of Team Lee.

Mr. Speaker, first of all, I thank Congresswoman Sheila Jackson Lee for that very warm and gracious introduction. But also let me just thank the gentlewoman for her steadiness, her persistence, and her perseverance and for bringing the truth about so many issues about Black people in the diaspora in our own country to the forefront and providing a moment and, yes, being in Galveston for the first time where my grandfather W.C. Parish was born. My great-grandmother was enslaved in Galveston, and I had never been to Galveston except for this weekend. So I thank Congresswoman Sheila Jackson Lee for her hospitality.

I also thank her--and I must mention this--that after my friend championed the legislation for a national holiday, all of the polls, all of the surveys, and all of the news reports indicate that twice as many people in our country know about the African-American culture, history, and what took place before 1865. So that is in large part due to the tireless effort of Congresswoman Sheila Jackson Lee. She said over the weekend that Juneteenth provides for a moment of unity and for a moment of healing.

As we move forward now, and the gentlewoman knows I have got to mention H.R. 40 because that is next in terms of understanding and developing the commission to study and develop reparations. But I think this weekend really put us on another path, a more aggressive path now to get that done. So I thank the gentlewoman very much.

Also, let me thank our chair, Chairwoman Joyce Beatty, for her kind remarks, but also for really making sure that our message and our power is brought to the forefront in the United States as it relates to the Congressional Black Caucus. I know of no one who really understands the historical context of African Americans and Black people in the diaspora than Congresswoman Chairwoman Joyce Beatty.

When I think about Chairwoman Beatty, I always think about this bird, and I mentioned it to her, the sankofa bird in the language of Ghana, the Ghanian people. It is a beautiful bird with an egg in her mouth looking backwards and beginning her move forward. Congresswoman Beatty always works to give reverence and give credit to those who came before us and remind us of our history looking back, knowing how we got here, but also reminding us all that we must move forward until this country provides liberty and justice for all.

So I just have to thank Chairwoman Beatty for always through her leadership making sure that the whole country understands the sankofa moment for us as African Americans in our country.

Also, all of our Caribbean Members, I see Congresswoman Yvette Clarke come in. Her ancestors are from Jamaica, her mother and father. She has contributed to this Congress, to her constituents, to the country and to the Caribbean. She is an example of how Caribbean Americans bring forth their wisdom, their passion, and their brilliance, never forgetting their heritage. We have to thank them also for their tremendous leadership here in this body because they have truly made a major contribution to the United States House of Representatives.

Yes, almost three decades ago, I really fought hard, and we did do this in a bipartisan way, passing legislation to designate June as Caribbean American Heritage Month.

President Bush actually signed this into law in 2006. Since then, June has given us the opportunity to celebrate the tremendous impact that the people of the Caribbean have made on the United States.

Let me also acknowledge Dr. Claire Nelson, who is a great Caribbean- American leader, for inspiring this effort.

Since the founding of this country, Caribbean Americans have contributed to every aspect of our society, including greatly to the fine arts, education, business, literature, journalism, sports, fashion, politics, government, military service, music, science, medicine, engineering, technology, and many other fields.

We enjoy the richness of Caribbean-American culture through the festivals, carnivals, music, dance, film, food, and literature, which can be found across the United States.

Most importantly, a number of Caribbean Americans have been leaders in the civil and human rights movement and other social and political movements in the United States.

It is not surprising that people from the Caribbean are so connected to our country, those who now live in the Caribbean, who are Caribbean residents.

The countries of the Caribbean represent the United States' third border. These countries are important economic and cultural partners of the United States. We share parallel histories informed by struggles against slavery and colonialism and for independence, democracy, and shared prosperity.

We all share the same hopes and aspirations for peace and prosperity throughout the Western Hemisphere and the rest of the world.

In fact, for these reasons and many more, the Congressional Black Caucus and I have been pushing hard for the United States to engage more deeply with our Caribbean neighbors.

We were, a couple of weeks ago, recently, at the Summit of the Americas in Los Angeles. Several members and our chairwoman-- Congresswoman Joyce Beatty, Congresswoman Sheila Jackson Lee, Congresswoman Stacey Plaskett, and others--were in Los Angeles participating at the summit, making sure that the word went out that we are here to do more engagement and work and bring more parity and more focus on the Caribbean.

As chair of the Appropriations' State, Foreign Operations, and Related Programs Subcommittee, I have been

working with the CBC and the Caribbean Caucus, led by, of course, Congresswoman Yvette Clarke, to increase our dialogue and investment in the people and countries of the Caribbean.

As the House takes up the FY23 SFOPS bill, I say to Congresswoman Jackson Lee that we are working to include further measures to deepen the United States-Caribbean relationship.

Many influential Caribbean Americans are playing key roles in shaping the history and future of the United States. Of course, they include the late beloved Colin Powell, the first African-American Secretary of State; Eric Holder, our first African-American Attorney General; Karine Jean-Pierre, the first African-American White House press secretary; Patrick Gaspard, labor union organizer and social justice advocate; Dr. Garth Graham, public health leader and healthcare expert; Sherrilyn Ifill, social justice advocate; the great Patrick Ewing, star of the NBA's New York Knicks; Harry Belafonte, musician, actor, and activist, and a very good friend to myself and this caucus; Roberto Clemente, the first Latino introduced into the Baseball Hall of Fame; and let us not forget Vice President Kamala Harris, the first African-American Vice President and the highest ranking Caribbean American even in the United States Government.

Finally, I cannot neglect to mention my friend and mentor, Congresswoman Shirley Chisholm, as Joyce Beatty, our chair, mentioned, who was the first African-American woman elected to Congress and also to run for President, and the first African American to run for President.

Born in Brooklyn, of Guyanese and Bajan descent, she spent part of her childhood in Barbados and always considered herself a Bajan American. I had the privilege to go see her schoolhouse very recently in Barbados, and it was quite moving to see where she was raised by her grandmother to be the great woman she became.

With her brilliance and tenacity, she broke through multiple barriers for Black Americans and for women, and I am here today, in part, because of her example. I am proud to celebrate her legacy on this 50th anniversary of her groundbreaking campaign for the President of the United States.

Again this year, I have introduced a resolution, H. Res. 1161, honoring these great Americans and the history Caribbean Americans have contributed to our country. I am honored that several of my colleagues here have joined as cosponsors in celebrating this rich history.

Let us use this month of June to pay appropriate tribute to the breadth and depth of Caribbean-American contributions to the United States. But let us also recommit ourselves to a closer and stronger engagement with countries in the Caribbean. They are our allies. They are our friends, and they deserve more support and more engagement through trade, investment, development assistance, you name it. There is a lot to do to catch up in the Caribbean.

I thank our Vice President and President Biden, and I thank the Congressional Black Caucus, our Speaker, and many Members here who have been so supportive over the years in increasing this engagement. We see a lot of progress, but we have a long way to go.

Mr. Speaker, I thank Congresswoman Sheila Jackson Lee for her leadership on so many fronts and for helping us educate the public about the unfinished business of America.

Madam Speaker, I rise to acknowledge Juneteenth, which on Sunday, will be celebrated for a second year as a Federal holiday.

Now, on June 19, 1865, news of the end of slavery finally reached Galveston, Texas, more than 2 years after the

signing of the Emancipation Proclamation.

Now, my great-grandmother and many of my ancestors were born during slavery in Galveston, Texas. My grandfather was born in 1867 in Galveston, Texas. So this day has always symbolized a time for me personally, as well as for many African Americans; a time for reflection, as well as a recommitment to justice.

Each year, Juneteenth compels us to confront the darkest moments in our Nation's history, a chapter that was born in the Middle Passage, continued through slavery, and manifests itself today through systemic racism.

We must acknowledge the legacy of slavery and systemic racism that continues today in education and healthcare and a broken criminal justice system. I could go on and on.

It is also at the heart of the crises facing our Nation today, including economic injustice and hate-fueled violence.

As we recognize this important day in history, it is also crucial that we pass Congresswoman Sheila Jackson Lee's H.R. 40 legislation to develop a commission on reparations and recommit to an agenda for Black America that realizes true equity and justice.

Mr. Speaker, first of all, let me thank Congressman Green who is a lifelong warrior for racial justice, for his tremendous leadership, and for the time to speak this morning.

Mr. Speaker, I rise in strong support of H.R. 2543, and I thank Chairwoman Waters and the full committee and the Speaker for bringing this important bill to the floor.

America's racial wealth gap divide directly results from generations of slavery, segregation, and institutional racism. Black and Brown communities have never had--I mean, never have had--the same opportunities to build wealth as White communities. The gap has only increased and widened in recent decades. This is a fact.

This bill will ensure that Federal monetary policy focuses on reducing racial and ethnic disparities. It will reorient our financial systems to support wealth creation in historically underserved communities. It will support a more level playing field for Black and Brown families--whether they are buying a home or building equity.

Mr. Speaker, to close the racial wealth gap, we must confront the systemic and institutional racism that has long stunted wealth creation in communities of color. In California, my home State, we didn't even have a fair housing law until I believe it was 1964. Come on. That is generations of my family who weren't even able to buy a house. They didn't acquire equity to be able to live the life that White people live in this country.

Come on, please. H.R. 2543 is an important step in the direction to close these racial gaps. I urge my colleagues to support it.

Madam Speaker, I rise in strong support of H.R. 7910, the Protecting Our Kids Act. I thank Chairman Nadler for bringing these bills to the floor.

Gun violence is responsible for more than 32,000 deaths each year. This is a heartbreaking moment for so many of us. This is a public health crisis in our country. It is an epidemic.

The victims of Buffalo, Uvalde, Tulsa, and other mass shootings deserve more than our thoughts and prayers.

Last week, I met with young, gun violence survivors in my district. They spoke powerfully about the cycle of violence and the easy access to guns, especially ghost guns. They talked about the trauma they endured by themselves, their families, and their communities. This is nothing new. This has been going on for so many years, and they are asking us to take action to save lives.

This bill responds to their call by raising the age for purchase of certain firearms.

All I am saying is, all of our children who have died through gun violence had a right to live, and they had a right to life.

So I urge all of my colleagues to vote ``yes'' and to take action so that we can save countless lives. Let's protect our kids. I thank the chairman again for yielding.

Madam Speaker, I rise to honor the LGBTQIA+ community as we enter Pride month and reaffirm our commitment to LGBTQ rights for people all over the world. Everyone should have equal protection under the law regardless of sexual orientation, gender identity, or gender expression. We shall celebrate and commemorate our diversity and raise awareness over the issues that plague our communities, including the LGBTQIA+ communities.

The LGBTQIA+ community is filled with giants who have made immeasurable contributions to our country, including Marsha P. Johnson, who dedicated her life to helping homeless transgender youth and who led the Stonewall uprising, Harvey Milk, the first openly gay official in California, and Audre Lorde, the writer who devoted her life to confronting the intersectionality of discrimination.

It is unconscionable that anti-LGBTQ+ discrimination continues to threaten the LGBTQ+ community. From workplace discrimination, lack of access to healthcare, homelessness, to high rates of violence, it is no secret that these issues are systemic.

LGBTQIA+ rights are critical to the future of this country. Our country is stronger and better off when everyone is protected under the law and has the equal opportunity. I reintroduced H. Res. 1128, the 2022 Resolution Calling to End Homophobia, Transphobia, Biphobia, and Intersexphobia, to uplift the LGBTQIA+ community. H. Res. 1128 is a call for full equality and acceptance for all LGBTQIA+ people in this country and around the world.

We must take immediate steps to address the disparities in access to healthcare and cultivate inclusive environments in all our communities. Make no mistake, we still have a long way to go to achieve true equality, but we have the power to take a step in the right direction. In a world where we can be anything, let's choose to be allies who love their neighbors, no matter who they love.

Madam Speaker, I urge the entire House to join me in uplifting LGBTQIA+ rights in all our communities. Our country and world win when people are free from discrimination and are given equal opportunity. We must protect this community and we must find the political will to do it.

Madam Speaker, I rise today to support the Targeting Resources to Communities in Need Act of 2022. I thank Whip Clyburn for leading this bill, and I am proud to be a cosponsor. I also want to thank Chair Maloney, and the Speaker for moving this legislation.

As chair of the Majority Leader's Task Force on Poverty and Opportunity and an appropriator, I have worked with Whip Clyburn to uplift the 10-20-30 antipoverty formula in legislation.

One hundred forty million people in America are poor or one healthcare crisis, job loss, or emergency away from economic desperation. We must prioritize their needs and demands.

Our poverty crisis is the result of political choices. With the Targeting Resources to

Communities in Need Act of 2022, we can now choose to take action to increase the share of Federal investments targeted to areas of high and persistent poverty.

I urge my colleagues to vote to pass the Targeting Resources to Communities in Need Act of 2022 to revive our moral and political commitments to strengthening pathways out of poverty.