Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the order for the quorum call be rescinded. Mr. President, I want to say a few words about the Sessions nomination for Attorney General, but I also want to express my very strong opposition to…
Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the order for the quorum call be rescinded.
Mr. President, I want to say a few words about the Sessions nomination for Attorney General, but I also want to express my very strong opposition to Senator McConnell's effort to deny Senator Elizabeth Warren the opportunity to express her point of view.
There are two separate issues. No. 1, this is the Senate. The American people expect from us a vigorous debate on the important issues facing this country. I think all of us are aware that issues of civil rights, issues of voter suppression, issues of criminal justice reform are enormous issues that people from one end of this country feel very strongly about. Those are issues that the next Attorney General of the United States will be dealing with.
So clearly we need a vigorous discussion regarding the qualifications of President Trump's nominee, Jeff Sessions, to be Attorney General. We need to hear all points of view. The idea that a letter and a statement made by Coretta Scott King, the widow of Martin Luther King, Jr., a letter that she wrote, could not be presented and spoken about on the floor of the Senate is, to me, incomprehensible.
It comes at a time when we have a President who has initiated, and I hope it will not stand, a ban on Muslims entering the United States of America. We have a President who refers to a judge who issues a ruling in opposition to the President as a so-called judge, which tells every judge in America that they will be insulted and marginalized by this President if they dare to disagree with him.
I was under the impression we had three separate branches of government: Congress, the President, and the Judiciary, equal branches, not to be insulted because one branch disagrees with another branch.
Here we are now on the floor of the Senate and one of our outstanding Senators, Ms. Warren of Massachusetts, brings forth a statement made by one of the heroines, one of the great leaders of the civil rights of the United States of America, a statement that she made before the Senate Judiciary Committee on March 13, 1986.
Anyone who knows anything about Coretta Scott King understands, this is not a vicious woman; this is not a woman who is engaged in personal attacks. This is a woman who stood up and fought for civil rights, for dignity, for justice for her whole life. Yet when Senator Warren read her statement, she was told that she could no longer participate in this debate over Senator Sessions' nomination, which I regard as an outrage.
I want the American people to make a decision on whether we should be able to look at Senator Sessions' record and hear from one of the heroines of the civil rights movement.
This is the statement of Coretta Scott King on the nomination of Jefferson Beauregard Sessions for the U.S. District Court, Southern District of Alabama, made before the Senate Judiciary Committee on Thursday, March 13, 1986, and this is what the statement is about. Let the American people judge.
This is from Coretta Scott King:
Mr. Chairman and Members of the Committee:
Thank you for allowing me this opportunity to express my
strong opposition to the nomination of Jefferson Sessions for
a
federal district judgeship for the Southern District of
Alabama. My longstanding commitment which I shared with my
husband, Martin, to protect and enhance the rights of Black
Americans, rights which include equal access to the
democratic process, compels me to testify today.
Civil rights leaders, including my husband and Albert
Turner, have fought long and hard to achieve free and
unfettered access to the ballot box. Mr. Sessions has used
the awesome power of his office to chill the free exercise of
the vote by black citizens in the district he now seeks to
serve as a federal judge. This simply cannot be allowed to
happen. Mr. Sessions' conduct as U.S. Attorney, from his
politically-motivated voting fraud prosecutions to his
indifference toward criminal violations of civil rights laws,
indicates that he lacks the temperament, fairness, and
judgment to be a federal judge.
The Voting Rights Act was, and still is, vitally important
to the future of democracy in the United States. I was
privileged to join Martin and many others during the Selma to
Montgomery march for voting rights in 1965. Martin was
particularly impressed by the determination to get the
franchise of blacks in Selma and neighboring Perry County. As
he wrote, ``Certainly no community in the history of the
Negro struggle has responded with the enthusiasm of Selma and
her neighboring town of Marion. Where Birmingham depended
largely upon students and unemployed adults to participate in
nonviolent protest of the denial of the franchise, Selma has
involved fully 10 per cent of the Negro population in active
demonstrations, and at least half the Negro population of
Marion was arrested on one day.'' Martin was referring of
course to a group that included the defendants recently
prosecuted for assisting elderly and illiterate blacks to
exercise that franchise. In fact, Martin anticipated from the
depth of their commitment 20 years ago, that a united
political organization would remain in Perry County long
after other marchers had left. This organization, the Perry
County Civil League, started by Mr. Turner, Mr. Hogue, and
others, as Martin predicted, continued ``to direct the drive
for votes and other rights.'' In the years since the Voting
Rights Act was passed, Black Americans in Marion, Selma, and
elsewhere have made important strides in their struggle to
participate actively in the electoral process. The number of
Blacks registered to vote in key Southern states has doubled
since 1965. This would not have been possible without the
Voting Rights Act.
However, Blacks still fall far short of having equal
participation in the electoral process. Particularly in the
South, efforts continue to be made to deny Blacks access to
the polls, even where Blacks constitute the majority of the
voters. It has been a long up-hill struggle to keep alive the
vital legislation that protects the most fundamental right to
vote. A person who has exhibited so much hostility to the
enforcement of those laws, and thus, to the exercise of those
rights by Black people should not be elevated to the federal
bench.
The irony of Mr. Sessions' nomination is that, if
confirmed, he will be given life tenure for doing with a
federal prosecution what the local sheriffs accomplished
twenty years ago with clubs and cattle prods. Twenty years
ago, when we marched from Selma to Montgomery, the fear of
voting was real, as the broken bones and bloody heads in
Selma and Marion bore witness. As my husband wrote at the
time, ``it was not just a sick imagination that conjured up
the vision of a public official, sworn to uphold the law, who
forced an inhuman march upon hundreds of Negro children; who
ordered the Rev. James Bevel to be chained to his sickbed;
who clubbed a Negro woman registrant, and who callously
inflicted repeated brutalities and indignities upon
nonviolent Negroes, peacefully petitions for their
constitutional right to vote.''
Free exercise of voting rights is so fundamental to
American democracy that we cannot tolerate any form of
infringement of those rights. Of all the groups who have been
disenfranchised in our nation's history, none has struggled
longer or suffered more in the attempt to win the vote than
Black citizens. No group has had access to the ballot box
denied so persistently and intently. Over the past century, a
broad array of schemes have been used in attempts to block
the Black vote. The range of techniques developed with the
purpose of repressing black voting rights run the gamut from
the straightforward application of brutality against black
citizens who tried to vote to such legalized frauds as
``grandfather clause'' exclusions and rigged literacy tests.
The actions taken by Mr. Sessions in regard to the 1984
voting fraud prosecutions represent just one more technique
used to intimidate Black voters and thus deny them this most
precious franchise. The investigations into the absentee
voting process were conducted only in the Black Belt
counties where blacks had finally achieved political power
in the local government. Whites had been using the
absentee process to their advantage for years without
incident. Then, when Blacks; realizing its strength, began
to use it with success, criminal investigations were
begun.
In these investigations, Mr. Sessions, as U.S. Attorney,
exhibited an eagerness to bring to trial and convict three
leaders of the Perry County Civil League including Albert
Turner despite evidence clearly demonstrating their innocence
of any wrongdoing. Furthermore, in initiating the case, Mr.
Sessions ignored allegations of similar behavior by whites,
choosing instead to chill the exercise of the franchise by
blacks by his misguided investigation. In fact, Mr. Sessions
sought to punish older black civil rights activists,
advisors, and colleagues of my husband, who had been key
figures in the civil rights movement in the 1960's. These
were persons who, realizing the potential of the absentee
vote among Blacks, had learned to use the process within the
bounds of the legality and had taught others to do the same.
The only sin they committed was being too successful in
gaining votes.
The scope and character of the investigations conducted by
Mr. Sessions also warrant grave concern. Witnesses were
selectively chosen in accordance with the favorability of
their testimony to the government's case. Also, the
prosecution illegally withheld from the defense critical
statements made by witnesses. Witnesses who did testify were
pressured and intimidated into submitting the ``correct''
testimony. Many elderly blacks were visited multiple times by
the FBI who then hauled them over 180 miles by bus to a grand
jury in Mobile when they could more easily have testified at
a grand jury twenty miles away in Selma. These voters, and
others, have announced they are now never going to vote
again.
I urge you to consider carefully Mr. Sessions' conduct in
these matters. Such a review, I believe, raises serious
questions about his commitment to the protection of the
voting rights of all American citizens and consequently his
fair and unbiased judgment regarding this fundamental right.
When the circumstances and facts surrounding the indictments
of Al Turner, his wife, Evelyn, and Spencer Hogue are
analyzed, it becomes clear that the motivation was political,
and the result frightening--the wide-scale chill of the
exercise of the ballot for blacks, who suffered so much to
receive that right in the first place. Therefore, it is my
strongly-held view that the appointment of Jefferson Sessions
to the Federal bench would irreparably damage the work of my
husband, Al Turner, and countless others who risked their
lives and freedom over the past twenty years to ensure equal
participation in our democratic system.
The exercise of the franchise is an essential means by
which our citizens ensure that those who are governing will
be responsible. My husband called it the number one civil
right. The denial of access to the ballot box ultimately
results in the denial of other fundamental rights. For, it is
only when the poor and disadvantaged are empowered that they
are able to participate actively in the solutions to their
own problems.
We still have a long way to go before we can say that
minorities no longer need to be concerned about
discrimination at the polls. Blacks, Hispanics, Native
Americans and Asian Americans are grossly underrepresented at
every level of government in America. If we are going to make
our timeless dream of justice through democracy a reality, we
must take every possible step to ensure that the spirit and
intent of the Voting Rights Act of 1965 and the Fifteenth
Amendment of the Constitution is honored.
The federal courts hold a unique position in our
constitutional system, ensuring that minorities and other
citizens without political power have a forum in which to
vindicate their rights. Because of this unique role, it is
essential that the people selected to be Federal judges
respect the basic tenets of our legal system: respect for
individual rights and a commitment to equal justice for all.
The integrity of the Courts, and thus the rights they
protect, can only be maintained if citizens feel confident
that those selected as federal judges will be able to judge
with fairness others holding differing views.
I do not believe Jefferson Sessions possesses the requisite
judgment, competence, and sensitivity to the rights
guaranteed by the Federal civil rights laws to qualify for
appointment to the federal district court. Based on his
record, I believe his confirmation would have a devastating
effect on not only the judicial system in Alabama, but also
on the progress we have made everywhere toward fulfilling my
husband's dream that he envisioned over twenty years ago. I
therefore urge the Senate Judiciary Committee to deny his
confirmation.
I thank you for allowing me to share my views.
That is the letter of Coretta Scott King, one of the great leaders of our civil rights movement, who, along with her husband and many others, finally managed to get passed the Voting Rights Act of 1965.
That is it. That is the letter Senator Elizabeth Warren wanted to communicate to other Members of the Senate as part of the discussion as to whether Jeff Sessions should become our next Attorney General.
Let me say that I will vote against Jeff Sessions for a number of reasons, but the idea that in the United States Senate, the same exact letter that I just read and the American people have heard it--was there some kind of vicious personal attack?
This is a letter written by one of the leaders of the civil rights movement, expressing strong concerns about Jeff Sessions before the Judiciary Committee in 1986, opposing his nomination
to be a Federal judge. Yet Senator Elizabeth Warren, one of our leading Senators, was denied the right to read that letter to inform fellow Senators and the American people.
I think Leader McConnell owes Senator Warren an apology, and I believe it is unconscionable and outrageous that Senator Warren not be allowed to participate in the discussion about whether Jeff Sessions becomes our next Attorney General.
There is a great fear in this country right now, starting at the White House, where we have a President who has issued a ban on Muslim visitors coming into this country. There is a fear that we have a President who denigrates a judge as a ``so-called judge'' because this judge issued an opinion in disagreement with the President, that we are moving in a direction which is un-American, which is moving us toward an authoritarian society.
We pride ourselves as a nation because when we have differences of opinion, we debate those differences and we tolerate differences of opinion. That is what democracy is about in our country, that is what freedom of speech is about, and that is what debate is about here in the U.S. Senate.
So I am going to vote against Jeff Sessions to become our next Attorney General, but I am even more alarmed about the decision of the majority leader here in the Senate to deny one of our leading Senators the right to voice her opinion, the right to put into the Congressional Record what I have just said. And if Mr. McConnell or anybody else wants to deny me the right to debate Jeff Sessions' qualifications, go for it. But I am here. I will participate in the debate. I will oppose Jeff Sessions. And I think Senator Warren is owed an apology.
With that, Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent to have printed in the Record the statement of Coretta Scott King.
Thank you very much.