Mr. Chairman, I move to strike the requisite number of words. Mr. Chairman, I rise in support of this amendment. As for myself, I believe that America and our ideals, the notion that someone could have their liberty taken, be held with…
Mr. Chairman, I move to strike the requisite number of words.
Mr. Chairman, I rise in support of this amendment.
As for myself, I believe that America and our ideals, the notion that someone could have their liberty taken, be held with secret evidence, be denied an opportunity to appear before a court of law, be denied counsel or outside contact, is something that our country would never engage in.
The problem with this theory is that we are engaged in it. The problem is that, under President Bush, Sr., he would say about China: You all are arresting people with no charges, no public evidence, no tribunal of any sort, and that this is not part of the civilized world.
I remember questioning the former Speaker of the House, Newt Gingrich. We had a talk right after 9/11. He was talking, and I said: Well, if we are a Nation of laws, how are we going to reconcile that in this new circumstance? He said: It is going to be very difficult. And here we are. It is very difficult.
We are spending $3 million per prisoner to house people in a foreign land under charges that we are not prepared to make public, no offering of a trial, most of whom were turned over for bounty or for ransom paid out by our government. I don't know how it is that we suggest that we want to project to the rest of the world what a Nation of laws actually looks like, but as for me and my district, I am going to cast a vote in favor of this amendment because the Constitution of the United States was drafted and written and signed in Philadelphia, and somehow I believe that the notion that our country would ever come to this moment is the voice from the source of those who wrote that document at that time.
I yield back the balance of my time.
Mr. Chairman, I move to strike the last word.
Mr. Chairman, I want to make a couple of points.
One is that this requirement is in place now and has been in place, and it has not disrupted life. It has saved lives, however.
This requirement does not actually apply to normal shotguns or to hunting rifles. I think it is important for the House to understand that it applies to semiautomatics that are greater than a .22 caliber and that can hold a detachable magazine. All this says is, if somebody shows up and buys 1,000 of these, the Federal firearms license dealer needs to report that multiple sale. It is a reasonable thing.
Mr. Chairman, I yield to the gentlelady from New York (Mrs. Lowey), the ranking member on Appropriations.
In reclaiming my time, I would now like to yield to the gentlelady from Connecticut (Ms. Esty).
Mr. Chairman, I claim the time in opposition.
Mr. Chairman, with all due respect, this is an attempt to authorize on an appropriations bill. These buffer zones that have been put in place under the expertise of NOAA have been part and parcel to making sure that the salmon in the hatchery system work properly. I think for us to delve into this at this point is difficult, and the wording is challenging.
Rather than deal with it here, I would ask if we could talk about it and see what we could do in conference, and that would be a good thing. I would hate for us, after having invested tens of millions of dollars in the salmon, to be taking a rash action here on the floor.
I yield to the gentleman, and I would like to work with you on this.
In reclaiming my time, it is true that I represent an urban area, yes. I would be glad to continue to yield.
Reclaiming my time, the United States taxpayers have invested a lot of money for the help of salmon in your neck of the woods. I am all for it. I like to make sure that whatever we are doing is correct. We have got treaty obligations. We have got hatcheries. We have got all kinds of stuff going on with both the Native Americans and the commercial fishermen operations there.
All I am saying is I don't want to come to the end of the night, after we have been debating this bill for 2 days, and rush something forward that may not be the way to go.
It is interestingly worded. I know that you have good intentions. I would like to work with you and the majority staff and see where we are. I just can't support this, given the complexities of the issues and the limitations of me being from an urban area. I want to make sure I have a complete grasp on the issue.
I yield to the gentleman.
Reclaiming my time, a lot of us would love to go out to dinner tonight and have salmon.
The issue for the science of this is that you can't make a mistake. This is a multiyear process. You have got a lot going on here. And if you blow it, you are going to blow it for a big industry that is important for America.
So I would like to work with you and make sure that we get it right. And the expertise of NOAA, I think, could be helpful in that process.
I yield back the balance of my time.
Mr. Chairman, I move to strike the last word.
I want to thank my colleagues from Pennsylvania.
And yes, the case that was referenced centered in Pennsylvania, and it is a case that is pending before our courts. I won't have much to say about it other than under our system, an indictment is merely a charge. We have to go through the process.
But the one thing that we do know--having nothing to do with the instant case--is Chairman Wolf has worked on this for a number of years. He has exposed all of us to information about this and arranged briefings from our highest levels of law enforcement officials in our country.
And clearly, there is a great deal of cyber snooping going on. It emanates from a number of different places, China included: Ukraine, Nigeria--we can go through the laundry list. But we have to do more to protect ourselves.
I want to thank the gentlemen from Pennsylvania, Mr. Doyle and Mr. Murphy, for bringing this amendment forward. As the chairman indicated, we will work with them in a way to make this as concrete as possible as we go forward.
I yield back the balance of my time.
Mr. Chairman, I move to strike the last word.
I want to thank the gentleman for bringing this amendment forward. It is so very important that our country move aggressively in this area.
As you travel around the world, you see other countries doing so much more in terms of renewable energy and utilizing cleaner energy sources.
In Ireland, it is wind energy. In France, it is nuclear. In Israel, you have solar along the Dead Sea. Morocco has got one of the largest solar operations.
One of the things that our government can do to save money, as was mentioned in the last discussion about the need to save money, is that we could be moving to a different type of fuel, and we also could be improving the circumstances under which the air that our grandchildren will breathe will be healthier.
I want to thank the gentleman for bringing this forward. There are vehicles that are coming forward that are going to be solar-powered and powered by other types of alternative fuel. Our military has been investing very significantly in this regard, in terms of aviation fuel.
There is work for us to do. We can actually do it together, Democrats and Republicans; and therefore, I rise in support of this amendment.
Mr. Chairman, I yield back the balance of my time.
Mr. Chairman, I move to strike the last word.
Let me say a couple of things. One is I am opposed to this amendment.
Now, generally, I am opposed to us building new prisons. I think we would be much better off building new schools. But there are circumstances in which people have to be incarcerated to protect society from them.
I want to talk about one young man who lost his life, and I think it is important relative to this amendment. His name was Eric Williams. It was February of 2013. He worked for us. He worked for the Federal Government. He worked in a Federal prison in Pennsylvania, and he lost his life because of the overcrowding there.
So one of the things is that, if we are going to imprison more people than any other nation on the face of the Earth, then we have to do it. And we can't do it on the cheap. We have to have facilities that are well staffed so that our guards and the people who work for us are not put in unsafe circumstances.
Now, this political nonsense, this is a new theme of some of my colleagues on the other side. We can't pass immigration reform because the President might not do something or might do something. We can't do this prison that we have already invested money in because the President might do something or not do something. So it is kind of like this hyperconcern about what the President may do.
We should do our job, and our job is that, if we want to take the prison census from 20,000 to 220,000, then we have to have the facilities. We can't stand on the floor and vote for prison sentences that go out years and decades, have people tried through the DOJ that we are funding, and then have no place to incarcerate them. It doesn't work that way.
So this amendment makes no sense, that you would have a facility that the taxpayers have paid for, you have a system that is overcrowded, you have people like Eric Williams who have lost their lives trying to do a job on behalf of the American public, and then we have politics intrude. This is not about criminal justice management. This is about politics. This is about, well, you know, Obama and this and that.
There is no place in America in which we can have a circumstance in which we incarcerate someone and make sure--we don't have any breakouts from Federal maximum security prisons. If you did, the Congress would be excited about it. It hasn't happened. So the idea that we can't incarcerate people safely is defied by the facts. What we can't do is safeguard our prison staff if we put them in a situation where overcrowding exists.
So I would hope that we would reject this amendment.
I would be glad to yield to the gentleman from Virginia.
Reclaiming my time, when I was back in school, I read a paper called ``Metaphysical Madness,'' and the essence of it was that in politics the question was: How do you get ambitious, vindictive people to agree on something? That is how you make progress. Well, I don't know that we want to be vindictive. But the point here is that we still have to, in some way, come to a shared agreement about how this country is going to go forward.
If you think the majority leader of the U.S. Senate, who is from Illinois, is going to have this bill moved forward with this language in it, it is not going to happen. We are just asking for a bottleneck. So we should stop wasting time and find a way to go forward.
I yield back the balance of my time.
Mr. Chairman, I move to strike the last word.
Mr. Chairman, I yield to the gentleman from Colorado (Mr. Polis) as a courtesy to my colleague to speak on the question of hemp.
Reclaiming my time, in the hope that perhaps whatever the circumstances that might emerge from these couple of amendments, maybe it might bring greater harmony in our country.
I yield back the balance of my time.
Parliamentary inquiry, Mr. Chairman.
There may be some confusion. The entire comments of the gentleman who just spoke, the chairman of the Judiciary Committee, was on an amendment offered by the gentleman from Kentucky (Mr. Massie). That is not the amendment that was being debated and is being offered by my colleague from Kentucky, and we were trying to clarify that because the House could be confused.
Mr. Chairman, I rise in opposition to this amendment.
It won't take long to make this point. All of us grew up during a time in which part of the ability to attract people to Federal service, particularly to law enforcement, were
shows that highlighted the FBI and its prowess, but think about it today, in order to recruit people, in order to have job fairs and career fairs and to communicate information about the agency.
For instance, it is trying to recruit now people who can help in cyber crimes, and they have had a problem getting people who can get past some of the screening, so they have to do even more public relations in order to attract people who are capable of helping to build the cases like some of the ones which were discussed here earlier on the floor in which American companies were being cyber hacked and they were stealing essentially American jobs and wealth in that process.
I think, in this effort to separate the FBI from Hollywood, we might be separating the agency from its ability to promote itself. There is no Member of Congress that doesn't understand and appreciate the fact that there are times in which you need to be able to communicate with the public, and so it is the case with a Federal agency.
I think that the amendment--and I understand the impulse, and I am sure there is waste, and I can show you waste in the FBI and in any of these other agencies, but I don't believe that communicating with the American public is something that we should consider as wasteful. I, therefore, oppose the amendment.
I yield back the balance of my time.
Mr. Chair, I move to strike the last word, and I yield to the gentleman from Oregon (Mr. Blumenauer).
Mr. Chair, I yield to the gentleman from California (Mr. Farr).
Reclaiming my time, I yield to the gentlewoman from Nevada (Ms. Titus).
I yield to the gentlewoman from Oakland, California, Congresswoman Lee.
Reclaiming my time, I yield back the balance of my time.
Mr. Chairman, I move to strike the last word.
Mr. Chairman, I hate to be the bearer of bad news, but the prison system that the Federal Government is operating, which has been growing exponentially over the last decade, will have gobbled up-- by the time we pass this bill--about a fourth of the DOJ's budget. This is like the Pac-Man arcade game that keeps eating money.
Now, there are very interesting things going on in the land. There are Democrats and Republicans. There are the most conservative people in our country and the most liberal who are saying things that are fascinating, like we need to stop incarcerating so many people, that America really should not be the leading nation in the world in the percentage of people that we put in jail and that maybe we need to rethink part of what we are doing.
We have the problem of having very violent criminals we don't seem to have enough prison space for because we are locking up nonviolent people for things that we should probably find some way to have diversions for.
We have had multiple amendments today for diversion programs. You might not want to call them that, but that is what they are--drug courts, veterans courts. These are vehicles by which to divert people from the prison system because we know something about the prison system.
We know that, if you put people in there, the most likely circumstance is that they are going to go back again and again and again and that they are going to go back for increasingly more serious and more violent activities because the one thing that is happening in the prisons is that they are becoming involved in a vocation that is essentially antisocial.
I am not dealing with the amendment itself because the chairman is right, in that we need to know what it says, and we need to act in a responsible way, but we should not be, in any way, under some illusion that we are going to continue, as a country, to just put more and more people away.
It doesn't make sense, and as politicians who are supposed to be leading the most powerful nation in the world, we need to start to make some sense on this point.
I yield to the gentleman from Virginia.
In reclaiming my time, I can tell you that those are States that the chairman and the former ranking member, Mollohan--and now myself--have been investing in, in the Justice reinvestment programs, that help States think through how to do just that and operate a more safe environment for their people.
Mr. Chairman, I hope that the gentleman will withdraw his amendment and work with the chairman and me, and we will see to what degree we might be able to meet his concerns.
I yield back the balance of my time.
Mr. Chairman, I claim the time in opposition.
Mr. Chairman, this is impractical. If there were a resignation in the office and if you needed to have a temporary detailee, it would be prohibited from this amendment. The last thing we would want is the President using such extraordinary power without the benefit of proper staff and due diligence.
I yield back the balance of my time.
Mr. Chairman, I demand a recorded vote.
Mr. Chairman, I claim the time in opposition.
Mr. Chairman, I yield such time as she may consume to the gentlelady from California (Mrs. Capps).
Mr. Chairman, I yield such time as he may consume to the gentleman from California (Mr. Farr).
Mr. Chairman, I yield such time as she may consume to the gentlelady from the great State of Maine (Ms. Pingree).
Reclaiming the balance of my time, without oceans that are alive and healthy, we are going to be challenged ourselves to live.
Our Nation has the responsibility for the greatest amount of oceans anywhere in the world. It is tough being the United States of America. We have some responsibility.
We now, for the first time ever, have an ocean policy, and the gentleman offers a proposal to prohibit the implementation of a policy to create better health for our coastal communities and for our oceans.
I reject the amendment, and hope that the House would do likewise.
I yield back the balance of my time.
Mr. Chairman, I rise in opposition to the amendment.
I will not take more than 50 seconds.
Simply put, the notion that we as a country are better off having less information defies most logic that I can think of at this hour of the night.
I think more information is probably good, and I would ask that we vote against this amendment.
I yield back the balance of my time.
Will the gentleman be willing to share a minute of that with our side?
If the chairman would yield, we have a member of the committee who wanted to say a few words on this and had some concerns. She is only going to take a minute.
Mr. Chairman, I respect Chairman Wolf's ability to accept the amendment. I just wanted to register my opposition to it.
And I thank the gentleman for yielding.
Mr. Chair, I rise in opposition to the amendment.
Mr. Chairman, with brevity, I reject the entire predicate of the amendment, that we are not going to Mars or that Russia is leading space exploration or any of the other things.
However, I understand the gentleman would not like to not waste the taxpayers' money, and, therefore, he has offered this amendment. The chairman has accepted it. But the idea that our country is not the leading premier nation in the world in space exploration, I do not accept.
And with that point, I yield back the balance of my time.
Mr. Chair, I rise in opposition to the amendment.
So we have had about 30,000 small and medium manufacturers close their shop in our country over last 20 years. We have 11 million Americans who go to work every day making things with their hands. We still lead the world as the number one manufacturer, but what used to be an absolute lead is now relative. Part of the challenge is technology.
This Congress has provided writeoffs for new machinery and other types of write-downs on capital equipment. We need to fortify our manufacturing base, and we also need to provide technical support. We provide billions of dollars to our National Laboratories. I went out to visit Oak Ridge in Tennessee. They have a manufacturing center there that helps small manufacturers think through their challenges. And the last thing we need to do is to retreat on this battlefield on manufacturing.
So the gentleman from Georgia is headed in the wrong direction. I hope
that the Congress does not follow him. I will be voting against this amendment, and I support this technology loan guarantee program. In fact, I authored it in this bill, and, yes, it has been built up over the last couple years to make sure that before they do anything that they do it correctly because we want to get it right.
But the one thing we should be certain about is that small and medium manufacturers, which are at the heart of our manufacturing industry in our country, they need our support, and this is a way to help them. It is not a handout, it is a loan, and it is actually a loan guarantee.
It is a way to go to help manufacturers across our land, and I hope that even at this late hour that we not fall victim to the suggestion that we can't do what we should do to make sure that this country can continue to lead in this critical area.
I yield back the remainder of my time.
Mr. Chairman, I rise in opposition to the amendment.
I will take about 50 seconds.
Mr. Chairman, I am opposed to this amendment. I think intruding on the National Science Foundation and the work that is based on merit and peer-reviewed science, we should not be using politics in the political process as a substitute for it.
I hope that Congress would in its wisdom vote against the amendment offered by my friend, and I yield back the balance of my time.
Will the gentleman yield?
Without claiming my own time, I just want to support the thrust of this proposed amendment, which is that we should provide a shield law. The idea that, in 2005, a reporter was jailed for over 85 days is wrong, and we do want to have the freedom.
We have a constitutional responsibility to protect the freedom of press, but I agree with the chairman, we don't want to do it on an appropriations bill at 10:30 at night. We want to make sure it is clear what we are doing, so I oppose the amendment under those circumstances.
I thank the gentleman for yielding me this time.
Mr. Chair, I rise in opposition to this amendment.
Mr. Chair, the process that the gentleman seeks to intervene in with this amendment started some 16 years ago. And I would like the Congressional Record to reflect this, that apparently if a Presidential election doesn't go in the right direction, the other team's notion is to yank all of the authority away from the person who did win.
Unfortunately in our democracy, it doesn't work like that. When they are not calling for some Member of the Cabinet to resign or doing something else to intervene in the President's authority, they have these theories. Well, this new theory is that Obama has concocted some strategy to turn over the Internet to our enemies.
This is a process that started 16 years ago, and through the Bush administration and the Clinton administration. It is a process having to do with what we might want to call the yellow pages for the Internet, the domain names and how people can create their addresses on the Internet.
The theory of the Internet was to have no government in control. The Chamber of Commerce of the United States of America has been one of the major proponents of this. I don't believe that anyone on the other team would suggest that somehow they have concocted this scheme with the President to have us empower the Syrians or someone with control of the Internet.
So it is hard for me to focus on this as a substantive matter, because the truth is so far from what has been stated it is hard to reconcile the two things. But the point here is that one of the things that we have tried to say to the rest of the world is that the Internet is not controlled by government, that it is an opportunity for people to enjoy an American ideal, which is freedom of speech, freedom of association.
There were those on the other team who were happy when, during the Arab Spring, people were using social media and Twitter to interact against oppressive regimes around the world. So we have this kind of selective amnesia on these issues. It seems to come into play having anything to do with the Obama administration. There is nothing I can do about it this evening. Maybe it is covered under the Affordable Care Act. But I oppose this amendment, and I oppose the knee-jerk, irresponsible actions that would suggest to countries like China and others that we want to control the Internet versus we want it to be an opportunity for people to gather information, speak freely, and associate freely.
I yield back the balance of my time.
Mr. Chair, I demand a recorded vote.
Mr. Chairman, parliamentary inquiry.
Mr. Chairman, I want to know whether I can raise a point of order against this amendment.
Mr. Chairman, I rise in opposition.
Mr. Chairman, I won't waste the Congress' time going through a great deal of debate. But as brief as I can, what the gentleman's amendment says is no matter what the result, if whole classifications of people are discriminated against based on a set of policies, the DOJ can do nothing about it. That is the America he wants, and I hope the Congress would register our opinion on it when we get a chance to vote. We will be seeking a roll call vote on this matter.
I yield to the gentleman from New Jersey.
Reclaiming my time, what I said is what the gentleman offers to the House is an opportunity where no matter what the result, if whole classifications of people are left out, i.e., there is a disparate impact, that DOJ can't go after it. That is what you offered to the House.
I appreciate your offering, and we will see what kind of America we would like to have when we cast a vote on this.
I yield back the balance of my time.
Mr. Chairman. I move to strike the last word.
Mr. Chairman, I want to make just one other point here.
Every single Federal appellate court has upheld a way to proceed in terms of looking at the impact of policies.
What the gentleman offers is that if American baseball looks like it looked prior to Jackie Robinson, that that is just perfectly fine. I happen to think that American baseball is a little bit as a pastime more enjoyable for all of us after the Jackie Robinson decision, which was to take into account those who have been left out and to take an affirmative action to include them in. That is the America I want my children to grow up in.
I yield back the balance of my time.
Mr. Chairman, I demand a recorded vote.
Mr. Chair, I move to strike the last word.
I concur with the chairman. Maybe it will get approved, but not in our bill and not at this time because we don't completely understand it.
I yield back the balance of my time.
Mr. Chairman, I rise in opposition.
Mr. Chairman, obviously, between the Garrett amendment on disparate impact and this, this is, I guess, not actually part of their effort to reach out for a greater fan base--the idea that local communities can't make decisions in their own interests and that we need the heavy hand of the Federal Government to herd them into some particular set of responsibilities that are actually our responsibilities.
Immigration law is our responsibility. It is not a local community's responsibility. When the fire department shows up, it is supposed to put the fire out, not worry about where someone's papers are. I just think that it is somewhat contradictory of what we hear from the other team about where they are headed, but this might be representative thereof, rather than doing comprehensive immigration reform.
We must do our job as the United States Congress. Now, the Senate has done its job. The President has said that he wants to sign a comprehensive bill. The Chamber of Commerce and all of the various religious and faith-based groups in our country have come forward, but rather than the Congress taking up a bill--any bill--on immigration reform, what we have is this constant effort to get at local communities that are just trying to make the best of a very tough situation that the Federal Government is creating.
Now, we will burden them because we don't want to take our responsibility and enact a comprehensive immigration program.
I am opposed to this amendment, but I am pleased that the gentleman has reminded us that this is, in essence, the immigration program that has some currency from the majority party. We should do something different than this, and we can.
There are 218 votes on this floor that would do comprehensive immigration reform if we would bring it, then we wouldn't have to deal with these kinds of amendments year in and year out, bill in and bill out, because we would have dealt with the problem.
I yield back the balance of my time.
Mr. Chairman, I demand a recorded vote.
Mr. Chairman, I demand a recorded vote.
Will the gentleman yield?
Mr. Chairman, I claim the time in opposition.
Mr. Chairman, I thought the gentleman would yield for a second.
My question was that a large swath of our bill has not been authorized, including NASA, so we have to deal with transport back and forth to the International Space Station.
Even though it has not been reauthorized, your amendment, as written, would seem to prohibit NASA from being able to conduct life-sustaining activities relative to the space station.
That was my question. The gentleman neglected to yield, but I will have it stand as a rhetorical question for the moment, and I oppose the amendment.
I yield back the balance of my time.
Mr. Chairman, I rise in opposition to the amendment.
Mr. Chairman, I reluctantly rise in direct opposition to the amendment, and I rise with mixed emotions. I am very pleased this is the last amendment. But, nonetheless, I am opposed to it--not in the main. That is to say, of course, none of the funds in this bill should be used to operate contrary to our laws, but some of the vagueness of the language as it intersects with State and local communities and decisions they may make.
So, for instance, a local community may say that in an emergency situation public safety officers should not engage in questions about whether you have papers or not. Or, when you are seeking information about a child that has been kidnapped, and you go to a certain home or family, you shouldn't be questioning them about their immigration status when you are trying to save a child who could be in imminent danger.
There could be circumstances in which this apparent language would create a real problem.
I reluctantly oppose the amendment. I thank the gentleman for joining the party and closing us out tonight, and I yield back the balance of my time.
Mr. Chairman, I move to strike the last word.
Mr. Chairman, I yield to the gentleman from Maryland (Mr. Hoyer), the minority leader.
I yield to the gentleman.
Reclaiming my time, I yield back the balance of my time.