Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I might consume. It is awkward and embarrassing to stand on this floor to discuss something described as a Jobs for America bill. Fortunately, we Democrats don't have to expend too much energy…
Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I might consume.
It is awkward and embarrassing to stand on this floor to discuss something described as a Jobs for America bill.
Fortunately, we Democrats don't have to expend too much energy because of the lack of credibility that the majority party has with any type of legislation designed to help those people who are without employment.
The irony of this whole thing is that our distinguished chairman spent hours, days, weeks, and months putting together a tax reform bill that, even though it could be challenged in parts, all tax writers and people who respect the necessity of reforming the Tax Code lauded him for the work, the fairness, and, most of all, the lack of partisanship that went into that bill.
Indeed, many of the provisions that are in this bill that could better be described as an opportunity for corporates to avoid paying taxes, many of those provisions in this bill were repealed in the chairman's bill that he presented to the Congress to be considered for reform.
Let me strike that from the record. He did not bring it to the floor for it to be considered for anything. It was a strong political statement that he knew the majority of his party would not support.
Having said that, it was a fine piece of legislation that gained support by eliminating the very same violations of equity and fair play that are now in this bill.
$500 billion tab. $500 billion cost, not paid for, not a promise to pay for. And half of this is to make permanent the extension of bonus appreciation, which all economists, including those in the Congressional Research Service, say that in order to be effective, it should not be made permanent.
In any event, I think, as we go home, we should recognize that there will be opportunity when we come back to really get together and have an effective bill.
To do this, the Republican majority should not bring to the floor bills that have passed the House and been rejected already by the Senate, but should sit down with the administration, with the Senate, with the minority in the House and work out something that is for the good of all Americans.
This happened yesterday, where we had honest, serious disagreements. But at the same time, we came together as a Congress in the House at least on what is good for the country.
So, quite frankly, I don't think I will be using all of my time because what is before the House today is not a jobs bill but a public relations piece of political advertisement.
I reserve the balance of my time.
Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
If we were serious about passing a bill that has been rehashed in this House and no action has been taken upon it, common sense and reason would dictate that we would work with the Democrats, work with the Senate, and work with the President to get one passed.
This bill transcends over eight or nine different legislative committees, and the ranking member--one who has so much jurisdiction over this issue--would share with the House and the country what parts of this bill she believes would create jobs, if any part.
Mr. Speaker, I yield 3 minutes to the distinguished gentlewoman from California (Ms. Waters).
Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
Certainly, we all will be getting a lot of mail from the logging companies asking for this legislation in order to create jobs. I wish included in this package would have been the earned income tax credit, a bill that keeps people who work hard each and every day out of poverty by subsidizing their wages, but that is too much like creating jobs, and it is not in this package.
I yield 3 minutes to the gentleman from Georgia (Mr. Johnson), a distinguished and articulate Member who serves on the Judiciary Committee and has a ranking position on the subcommittee that has jurisdiction over part of this bill.
Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
I want to thank the gentleman from Pennsylvania, my friend, who eloquently mentioned how the Congress should and could be working more closely together. Again, I say that yesterday proved it.
I am certain that the eloquent gentleman from Pennsylvania would have to agree that, if we were passing bills in the House and they were not going anywhere, any legislator would have to find out why.
It would seem to me that we would go to the minority party, we would ask
to sit down with the Senate, we would work with the Department of Labor and the administration, and we would do that just before we were going home to attempt to get reelected.
I don't challenge the sincerity of the gentleman from Pennsylvania, but just bringing in bills that you know are not going to pass the Senate, bringing in bills the administration has already said that they would veto is not the way to success. It may be a good political statement, but it is certainly not the way to pass legislation.
I have the great honor to yield 3 minutes to the gentleman from Maryland (Mr. Cummings), who has distinguished himself nationally in terms of being a legislator with a heart and common sense.
He is the ranking member of the Oversight Committee, that has attempted to show the entire country exactly what is going on and not going on in the Congress. I look forward to his eloquent remarks on this sensitive, important subject.
Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
Mr. Speaker, I would not suggest to the distinguished gentleman from Illinois what he should be doing as a part of the majority, but if I had a bill as good as the one that he had, I certainly would not allow it to be included in this piece of political legislation. Because it would serve the veterans of this great country, I would say, give me a break and let the House and the Senate and the President give this legislation a chance.
But I am not in the majority, and I respect that you are doing the best you can with what you have to work with, and I respect you for that.
Mr. Speaker, I yield 3 minutes to the gentleman from Maryland (Mr. Van Hollen), who is the ranking member of the Budget Committee.
Most Americans know, like with our family, he has the responsibility to suggest to this august body exactly how much we are spending, how much we owe, and which is the best way to bring some balance to it, and I am so proud to be able to serve with him.
I yield the gentleman from Maryland 30 more seconds.
I yield the gentleman as much time as he may consume to close.
Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
Mr. Speaker, before I yield to the gentleman from Maryland to inform the gentleman from Georgia more about these corporations that are attempting to flee the United States, I would like to have good news for the distinguished chairman of the committee that this veterans bill has been so popular on the other side of the Capitol that it appears as though it is included in a Senate bill and, as we talk, is actually being attacked by the Republican minority on the other side. So, at least as relates to the veterans, if we can take it out of this hodgepodge that has politically been put together, maybe collectively we can do something for our beloved veterans.
As far as the gentleman from Georgia is concerned, he had a problem in identifying the U.S. company that is going to receive a bonus, that is fleeing their tax obligation.
Mr. Speaker, I yield such time as he may consume to the gentleman from Maryland (Mr. Van Hollen) so he can help clarify those issues to explain exactly how this provision is costing us.
Mr. Speaker, I yield 3 minutes to the gentleman from Texas (Mr. Doggett), a hardworking gentleman on the Ways and Means Committee, one who has been outspoken on all of the issues that concern national security as well as the protection of our economy.
I yield the gentleman an additional 2 minutes.
Mr. Speaker, I yield 3 minutes to the gentleman from Wisconsin (Mr. Kind), my friend and a distinguished, eloquent member of the Ways and Means Committee.
I yield the gentleman an additional 1 minute.
Mr. Speaker, I yield 3 minutes to the gentleman from Illinois (Mr. Davis), one of the hardest working members of the Ways and Means Committee.
I yield myself the balance of my time.
Mr. Speaker, as we close out on this bill, I would like to enter into the Record a report by the Center on Budget and Policy Priorities. This is an objective report on the subject that we have just talked about, and that is whether or not the Affordable Care Act has caused a loss in full-time jobs. This report clearly shows that we have had a rise in full-time work in connection with the health care reform bill.
[From Off the Charts, Sept. 17, 2014]
Census Report Shows Rise in Full-Time Work, Undercutting Claims by
Health Reform Opponents
(By Paul N. Van de Water)
Yesterday's Census Bureau report shows that the share of
workers with full-time, full-year work rose in 2013, while
the share with part-time, part-year work fell. This finding
further undercuts assertions that health reform is causing a
large increase in part-time employment--as proponents of a
House measure to change health reform's rules on covering
full-time workers claim.
Health reform requires employers with at least 50 full-
time-equivalent workers to offer coverage to full-time
employees--defined as those who work at least 30 hours a
week--or pay a penalty. Critics claim that employers are
shifting some employees to part-time work to avoid offering
them health insurance. But the data provide scant evidence of
such a shift.
To the contrary, part-time work became less frequent last
year. ``An estimated 72.7 percent of working men with
earnings and 60.5 percent of working women with earnings
worked full time, year round in 2013, both percentages higher
than the 2012 estimates of 71.1 percent and 59.4 percent
respectively,'' according to the new Census report. These
data are consistent with a recent Urban Institute analysis
that found little evidence that health reform has increased
part-time work.
The share of involuntary part-timers--workers who'd rather
have full-time jobs but can't find them--tells a similar
story. If health reform were distorting hiring practices, as
critics assert, we'd expect the share of involuntary part-
timers to be growing. Instead, as the chart (based on Labor
Department data) shows, it's down by 1\1/2\ percentage points
from its post-recession peak. My colleague Jared Bernstein
finds that this pattern is typical for this stage of a
recovery.
Later this week, the House will consider a proposal (part
of a so-called ``jobs bill'') to raise health reform's
threshold for full-time work from 30 to 40 hours. But this
step would make a shift toward part-time employment much more
likely--not less so.
Only about 7 percent of employees work 30 to 34 hours (that
is, at or modestly above health reform's 30-hour threshold),
but 44 percent of employees work 40 hours a week and thus
would be vulnerable to cuts in their hours if the threshold
rose to 40 hours. Employers could easily cut back large
numbers of employees from 40 to 39 hours so they wouldn't
have to offer them health coverage.
If you exclude workers at firms that already offer health
insurance and thus won't be tempted to cut workers' hours,
more than twice as many workers would face a high risk of
reduced hours under a 40-hour threshold than under the
current 30-hour threshold, according to New York University
economist Sherry Glied.
There's little evidence to date that health reform has
caused a shift to part-time work. There's every reason to
expect the impact to be small as a share of total employment,
as we have explained. And raising the cutoff for the employer
mandate from 30 to 40 hours a week would be a step in the
wrong direction.
Now, the gentleman knows also that in order to get a bill passed, it really helps if you get the cooperation of the President of the United States.
I would like to submit a statement for the Record from the administration which says that if this bill was to reach him that he would be forced to follow the advice of his administration specialists and veto it.
On the other hand, I think it is abundantly clear that the Speaker knows that the President has reached out to him and to the Senate to come together to create jobs.
Statement of Administration Policy
H.R. 4--Jobs for America Act
(Rep. Camp, R-Michigan, and 4 cosponsors)
The Administration strongly opposes House passage of H.R.
4, which incorporates several bills that have previously been
passed by the House during this Congress, including a number
of bills for which the Administration issued Statements of
Administration Policy strongly opposing passage and
indicating that, if presented to the President, his senior
advisors would recommend that he veto them.
The Administration wants to work with Congress to make
progress on measures that strengthen the economy and help
middle class families, including pro-growth business tax
reform. The Administration continues to support tax proposals
that would benefit the Nation's economy and small businesses,
such as making permanent the research and experimentation tax
credit and increased expensing for small businesses. However,
making traditional tax extenders and costly business tax cuts
permanent without offsets, while at the same time allowing
taxes to increase on 26 million working families, represents
the wrong approach.
In addition, the Administration welcomes ideas to improve
the Affordable Care Act. However, H.R. 4 would undermine that
Act by shifting costs to taxpayers and causing fewer
Americans to have employer-sponsored health insurance
coverage.
Also, the Administration is committed to ensuring that the
benefits of regulation justify their costs and that they are
tailored to advance statutory goals in a manner that is
efficient, is cost-effective, and minimizes uncertainty.
However, H.R. 4 would throw all major regulations into a
months-long limbo, marking a significant departure from the
longstanding separation of powers between the Executive and
Legislative branches and, fostering uncertainty and impeding
business investment that is vital to economic growth.
Furthermore, the bill would impose other unnecessary
requirements on agencies that would seriously undermine their
ability to execute their statutory mandates.
Finally, the Administration is committed to sound long-term
management of Federal lands for continued productivity and
economic benefit, as well as for the long-term
health of the wildlife and ecological values sustained by
these holdings. However, H.R. 4 includes numerous harmful
provisions that would impair responsible management of
Federally-owned lands and undermine many important existing
public land and environmental laws, rules, and processes.
If the President were presented with H.R. 4, his senior
advisors would recommend that he veto the bill.
Lastly, I would like to say, as the distinguished chair moves on to his retirement from this august body, that for as long as the gentleman has been a member of this Ways and Means Committee that I have admired and I continue to respect the fine work that he has contributed to the committee as well as to this House, and that his honesty, candidness, sincerity, and hard work to make this a better Congress and a better country certainly is appreciated now and will be in the future.
And I would hope that the hard work that he has done on tax reform-- which is a very difficult, complex subject to deal with--that we might try to remember him for the fine work that he has done over these years, rather than on the eve of an election, where sometimes the leadership would want to make a political statement.
I, for one, will never associate him with this piece of legislation, but, rather, for the outstanding contributions that he has made year after year, session after session--not for Republicans, not for the committee, but for this great country. And I thank him for his friendship over the years.
I yield back the balance of my time.