Floor Statements

Madam Speaker, I thank the chairman for his gracious remarks and the work he has done to facilitate the bringing to this floor this resolution. I want to thank the other side of the aisle. I have never seen anything move so fast, and I am so deeply grateful that this happened.

Some of you don't know, but the Korean Government invited John Conyers, Sam Johnson, Howard Coble and me to go to Korea on June 24 and 25, but the legislative calendar prevented this from happening. But because of their enthusiastic support, as well as mine, next week the Speaker and the minority leader have agreed not to forget those people who served our country; and, indeed, served the international freedom community.

I want to thank also from my office Emile Milne and Hannah Kim for working with all of the committees that had jurisdiction to expedite the fact that this will be done before June 25.

I am reminded when you gave the facts that led up to the North Koreans invading South Korea, I was a 20-year-old kid in the barracks in Fort Lewis, Washington, when a sergeant screamed that the North Koreans had invading South Korea and the Second Infantry Division was slated to go to defend them. I was so anxious to leave Fort Lewis, I said: Hurrah. Where the heck is Korea?

I had no idea that a police action involved putting yourself in harm's way. But away we did go. There was some question at that time whether we could even land in Pusan because the North Korean Communists had been so successful that they drove the 25th Division and Japan and the People's Republic of South Korea to the Pusan peninsula, but we were able to push them back. The marines landed in Inchon and the Chinese came, and you know the rest of that story.

But how grateful I am to be not just alive, but to know we all participated once again in defending a democracy even in countries where we don't know the people and don't know the country. And as a result of that, one of America's strongest allies is the government of Korea. The truth of the matter is with China there and North Korea there, and especially the threat of Iran, South Korea has represented a symbol not only of democratic principles but a symbol of what can happen economically when freedom and democracy is the atmosphere in which we are working.

Those of us who served, especially the 50,000 who did not come back home, the close to 100,000 that were wounded, the 8,000 that were prisoners of war, we had no idea that our sacrifice would rebuild a nation from ashes to the great

economic power it is today, and the great contributions Korean- Americans make each and every day in all parts of every town, city and every state that we have.

But I want to particularly thank John Conyers who is the next highest senior member here in the House of Representatives. I want to thank Howard Coble. He is a veterans' veteran. There is not a day I see him that he does not remind me and others that we should never forget the sacrifices that are made for all of us and our children and our children's children. And, of course, Sam Johnson who I serve with on the Ways and Means Committee, is truly a hero. Very few Americans are living who have made the type of sacrifices that he has made for his country.

So collectively and on behalf of all of the veterans who have served, and particularly for this war that they call the Forgotten War, we were sandwiched between the World War II and the Vietnam War. So many people asked when we came back home: Where were you? They had no idea America had been involved. But we were involved.

The 21 nations will have representatives here next week to thank America, as we thank them, for allowing this great country to be involved in what appeared to be a very unimportant crisis. But at the end of the day, this country has risen to be one of our best trading partners, one of our best political partners, and certainly has made an outstanding contribution to the entire world of free countries and free people.

And so, Chairman Faleomavaega, I thank you for giving us the opportunity to celebrate this occasion and never to forget those who made it possible for us to be free men and free women.

Would the gentleman yield?

And I want you to know this is just the beginning of the United States of America's involvement. In September of this year, in commemoration of the lives that were lost by Koreans and Americans and the other 20 countries that fought against communism, there will be a commemorative ceremony in Seoul, which our State Department will be participating in. And again, my colleagues have been invited to join, but the situation here in Congress didn't allow us to accept.

But Mr. Boehner, the minority leader, as well as our distinguished Speaker had thought that since we could not be represented over in Seoul next week, that a reception will be held right here and a ceremony in Statuary Hall, where the participants from the free countries that joined with us will be there with their representatives. And we have invited veterans that have served in Korea to come join us.

The reason I constantly say I haven't had a bad day since, and to say how good God is, is because it's been 60 years ago. And recently, that is last week at the Kennedy Center, the Korean Angels, a young group that's trained to go around the world talking about peace and harmony to the world, celebrated and they lauded the Korean veterans. And my colleagues here on the House floor would know they came with crutches and wheelchairs and canes, but they did come.

And what this House and Senate will be doing for them, even if they are not able to come to Washington, they will be able to tell their kids and their grandkids and their neighbors and friends that their sacrifice has not been forgotten. And I do hope that you and the chairman and subcommittee chairman that expedited this, and the Members that hopefully will be supporting this in the House and Senate, would realize how many lives they are making more bright by reminding their loved ones of those that were left behind, that what they lost, the pain that they felt is not forgotten by the United States.

And it gives us a time once again to talk about the brave men and women that are in the Middle East, that are in Afghanistan. Each and every day that we are allowed to breathe the breath of democracy, to get up and to do and say what we want is only because they are willing to put their lives in harm's way for our flag and for our country and for the freedom that's here.

So all of us, in a sense, whether it was in World War II, whether it was Korea, whether it was the Persian Gulf where my son served as a Marine, or whether or not it's the present crisis that we face in the Middle East, we have so much to be fortunate that in this country there is a spirit that we defend what is right, what is moral, and at the end of the day we are better people, we are better legislators, and we are a better country for it. And so everyone who votes today, I think it's our way of saying ``thank you'' for those who made the sacrifice and also ``thank you'' for those who continue to do it as we speak today.

I really didn't intend to talk, but I just wonder whether my colleague was listening to the same President, a President who I thought was responding to all Americans when he said that the government has a responsibility to make certain that the private sector upholds their commitment to people, to make certain that they do what I would hope that you would want.

We have to get away from this whole idea that government's bad. Ask anybody that has Medicaid and Medicare. And this President was an exciting, fresh air for all Americans to know that we will never forget those people in Louisiana.

The whole idea of cleaning the atmosphere and making this planet a better place to live, maybe that's repugnant to your way of thinking, but believe me, it's not for Democrats. It's for Democrats, Republicans, and for the civilized world to understand that we are prepared to make this a better planet than the one in which people have destroyed it.

So I just hope that we check and see who you were listening to last night, because I really thought it was exciting, invigorating, and gave us a lot of comfort that the President really cared.

Mr. Speaker, sometimes when life gets rough for me, I try to put myself in the shoes of the other guy. What a rough time to be in the minority. We have so many people whose hopes and dreams have been shattered, they're out of work, they're angry, the economy has been blown wide open, and we find that the order of the day with the opposition is that they just have to say no. It must be awkward to say what I would do if this bill was defeated. It must be terrible to talk about the past things that haven't worked when someone has just lost their home or can't pay their rent or put food on the table or get clothes for their kids.

It's a rough time for all Americans, and anybody who believes that Democrats always get it right, well, it's difficult to do, but for crying out loud, we have to do something. The $787 billion we voted on trying to get us out of this economic mess, and all the money just floated on the top for the big banks. Now we're trying to see what really works. Listening to the calls of small business people, trying to make certain they have capital to get the inventory, to provide the goods and services, to hire people, and as everyone admits, this is where the major jobs come.

For crying out loud, sometimes the late John Kennedy said, The party just asks too much of you. These people are out of work. They're not Democrats and Republicans; they're American people. They work hard for their dignity. They're the ones that supported our country during good times. And now that times are rough, they've got to listen to debates between Republicans and Democrats as to, gee, this is what I would do if I was in charge? I don't think that's fair. And I really believe that the voters are not going to believe that all we can do is come up with ideas, have them ridiculed, and then just say no.

Thank you so much, Mr. Chairman.

I know from time to time when my party asked me to carry too much weight that morally I don't believe I can do it, that somehow there are people on our side of the aisle that take the risk and being able to say I did it not because my party asked me to do it, I did it not to be opposed, I did it because it's the right thing to do.

Now you have to find the issue; if it's not health care, if it's not education, if it's not national security, how about the opportunity to work, to make a living, to have the dignity, to have the pride, to raise your family, and indeed to pay taxes?

This is going to be our last opportunity for this year. Maybe next year there will be a change in the philosophy--if you want to call it that--of the minority and they will work together; but I do hope this idea that on everything we come up with to improve the quality of life for the people of this great Nation, that the opposition can come up with something except ``just say no.''

Mr. Speaker, I rise today to recognize and celebrate Asian/Pacific Heritage Month and the contributions of Asian/Pacific Americans to this nation. It is evident that Asian/Pacific Americans are an important source of cultural capital, having become fixtures in literature, film, music, athletics and all other areas of American society. Annual observance each May was designated because of two significant events, the first being the arrival of Japanese immigrants in the United States on May 7, 1843 and the completion of the Transcontinental Railroad on May 10, 1869.

The United States Census Bureau reports that Asian/Pacific Americans are one of the nation's most diverse populations, numbering 15.2 million and encompassing 28 language groups and 47 ethnicities. 80 percent of the Asian/Pacific American community resides in California, Hawaii, New York, Texas, New Jersey, Illinois, Washington, Florida, Virginia, and Massachusetts. The histories of these groups in America are deeply connected to the history of the United States through such events as the designation of the World War II 442nd Regimental Combat team as the highest decorated military unit in U.S. history, the election of Dalip Singh Saund to the U.S. Congress in 1957 and the appointment of three Asian Americans to the Presidential Cabinet under President Barack Obama.

In addition to the advancements and contributions of Asian/Pacific Americans, we also highlight many of the challenges they have overcome and continue to face today. This legacy includes the Chinese Exclusion Act of 1882 and the internment of Japanese Americans during World War II. More recent difficulties comprise post 9/11 profiling, discrimination and hate crimes against Muslim and Sikh communities and income, language and educational discrepancies in access within the Asian/Pacific American population. Acknowledging these hurdles is the first step in overcoming them and learning from past injustices will lead to a more equitable and progressive United States.

The political presence and civic engagement of the Asian/Pacific American community has increased substantially since their arrival in the United States. Currently, the Congressional Asian Pacific American Caucus is composed of a record 30 members. In addition, the Obama administration has made significant efforts to reach out to the Asian/ Pacific American community, including the reestablishment of the White House Initiative on Asian and Pacific Islanders to coordinate the work of multiple agencies and ensure more accurate data collection and greater access to services. The United States recognizes the uniqueness of this Asian/Pacific American constituency and the valuable contributions of its members.

I respect and admire the advancements of Asian/Pacific Americans and anticipate their growing political representation and inclusion in all levels of government and American society.

Madam Speaker, I rise to convey my deepest condolences for the people of South Korea following the tragic sinking of the naval ship, Cheonan, which has severely traumatized the nation and disrupted peace and stability in the Land of the Morning Calm.

As a longtime friend of the Korean people, I fully support the resolution introduced by my colleagues, Representatives Faleomavaega, Ros-Lehtinen, Ackerman, Manzullo, and Berman, that expresses sympathy to the families of the 46 sailors killed as a result of North Korea's aggression, and demonstrates our solidarity with the Republic of Korea in the aftermath of this tragedy.

For me in particular, this incident is very personal and excruciatingly painful. As a veteran who fought in the Battle of Kunuri during the Korean War, I have witnessed the anguish and the suffering inflicted on the Peninsula as a result of North Korea's invasion of the South on June 25, 1950. In fact this year marks the 60th anniversary of the outbreak of the Korean War, which evidently has yet to end.

The Korean people have lived in a state of division and instability in the Peninsula for sixty years. The recent disaster is clearly a somber reminder that the United States must reaffirm our alliance with the Republic of Korea to help bring closure to the first and last conflict of the Cold War and ultimately build a path toward reconciliation between the two Koreas.

Madam Speaker, I rise today to honor the 11 workers who lost their lives on April 20, 2010 in the explosion of a deep sea oil rig in the Gulf of Mexico off the coast of Louisiana. I also offer my sympathy to the four workers who were critically injured.

My deepest condolences also go out to the families of the deceased. The offshore drilling industry is known for its dangers. Oil rig workers often labor in severe and uncertain working conditions, fraught with difficulty. We are indebted to these courageous workers for their contributions to our country.

This is a tragedy not only for the workers and their families but the residents of the entire Gulf Coast region, and the United States. We honor the legacy of these men and their families and affirm that their contributions to a field crucial to our society are recognized by all.

We wish a speedy recovery to the four additional workers who were critically injured during the rig explosion. We also offer a heartfelt thank you to the emergency response workers who responded to the disaster. Their efforts are greatly appreciated.

This incident highlights the importance of implementing and enforcing stricter offshore drilling regulations. Oil rig explosions and resulting oil spills can lead to the deaths of workers and cause irreversible damage to our environment, marine life, wildlife, food industries, and our economy. It is important that we address the lack of oversight in the offshore drilling industry and protect the lives of dedicated oil rig workers who make daily sacrifices in the interest of the United States.

One would listen to this debate and believe that it's only Democrats who have an economic problem that we're facing. It's almost embarrassing to listen to the minority talk about the deficit and not even explain how we got into this deficit.

I want to congratulate the chairman of our committee, as well as our leader.

It's very, very difficult for this Congress and for this country to move forward the way that we should and to ease the pain of the fiscal crisis that was created by the previous administration when you're acting alone.

It would just seem to me that Republicans have to learn to understand that people have lost their jobs, that people need health care, that people who really lost their homes are not Democrats and Republicans. They are Americans.

I think that we should get fed up just with placing blame. I don't remember the last time I mentioned ``Ford'' and ``Cheney,'' because this is not going to help us in terms of where we're going. If you're talking about health care, the Republicans say ``no.'' If you're talking about education, the Republicans say ``no.'' If you're talking about easing the pain of those people who have lost their jobs, their dignity, their ability to put food on their tables, then we have to find some way to work together so that the answers we give are able to give some comfort to people, are able to bring jobs back to the United States of America, and are able to make certain, when we have inequities in our tax system, that we move forward and not say we're increasing taxes but that we're trying to make the tax system fairer.

So, somewhere along the line, people are going to get fed up with the blame game. We're trying to move forward on this bill here to create the jobs, to ease the pain of those who haven't got the jobs, and to bring some type of equity to our tax system.

Just saying ``no'' is not going to work forever. It does not have a political base, but the time is not too late for us to take a look and ask whether or not our Governors really appreciate the fact that we are ignoring the burden that we are placing on them in providing health care.

Vote for this bill. It's the best we can do at this point in time.

Madam Speaker, I rise today in order to pay tribute to the commendable work of Mr. Howard Dodson. As director of the Schomburg Center for Research in Black Culture he has provided the community with an abundant collection of African American historical materials. Recently, The New Yorker published an article profiling Mr. Dodson and his contributions to African American history.

Mr. Dodson, who is turning 71 in June, has been running Harlem's Schomburg Center for the last 25 years. Under his leadership, the center has raised over 40 million dollars and has preserved some of African American history's most important treasures, including Malcolm X's diaries from Mecca and first editions

of 18th century poet Phyllis Wheatley's poems.

Dodson has dedicated his life to presenting to the outside community a fuller picture of Black America. His devotion to this work has made him a connector of the past and present. Dodson sees his upcoming retirement as an opportunity to start a new, broader legacy.

At the Schomburg Center he built an array of respected educational and cultural programs, including seminars, exhibitions, film screenings, and performing arts projects to complement its permanent collection. It was during his time at Villanova University, where he graduated with a Masters in History and Political Science in 1964, that Dodson became fascinated with African and African American history. His work at the Schomburg pays homage to Arthur A. Schomburg, the historian whose personal collection served as the starting point for today's internationally renowned center. One of the highlights of Dodson's career was his involvement with the African Burial Ground project, which oversaw the exhumation and reburial of the remains of hundreds of Africans buried in New York City during the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries.

Today, Mr. Dodson continues to improve the research and intellectual resources available to the community for investigating African and African American culture.

I commend to your attention the attached May 3 New Yorker article.

Treasure Hunter

[From the New Yorker, May 3, 2010]

(By Lauren Collins)

When Howard Dodson, Jr., the director of the Schomburg

Center for Research in Black Culture, in Harlem, was thirty,

the life expectancy for a black male was sixty. Dodson was

just enrolling in a doctoral program at U.C. Berkeley. ``I

figured I'd be forty by the time I was done, and I'd only

have twenty years to work,'' Dodson recalled last week,

sitting in one of the center's conference rooms. ``So I went

into this conversation with me and God. I said, `Look, God. I

need some more time. Give me seventy-two years. I'll have

done all the work I needed to do. I'll be ready to, you know,

waltz on out of here.' '' Dodson paused for a minute--quiet,

grave. ``Well, about five years ago, I started

renegotiations!'' he said.

Dodson, who turns seventy-one in June, will retire next

year, after a quarter century of running the Schomburg, the

world's premier facility for the preservation and study of

African-American culture. Under his stewardship, the center

has raised more than forty million dollars. Its treasures,

ten million of them, are various: Richard Wright's manuscript

of ``Native Son,'' a first edition of Phyllis Wheatley's

poems, African fertility masks, sheet music for spirituals,

photographs of strawberry pickers and uptown grandees,

Malcolm X's diaries from Mecca. Dodson has salvaged artifacts

from dumpsters (the love letters of the muralist Aaron

Douglas) and from storage units (the papers of Leon Damas,

the founder of the Negritude movement). Rummaging in the

collection one day, Dodson came upon a sheet of commemorative

stamps from the 1936 Olympics. ``It was signed by Jesse Owens

and the six other African-American athletes who won medals,''

he said. ``And by Goring and Hitler!'' If the African-

American experience is a diaspora, Dodson has amassed its

richest seed bank.

Dodson grew up in Chester, Pennsylvania, where his parents,

both natives of Danville, Virginia, had moved during the

First World War. His father found work in construction. His

mother became a silk presser. ``It was a rough town,'' Dodson

recalled. ``I was, for some reason, designated from an early

age to--in the language of the time--`represent the race.'

For that reason, everybody drew a ring of protection around

me.'' Dodson went on to West Chester State College, and to

Villanova, where he earned a master's in history and

political science. He joined the Peace Corps in 1964, and

spent two years in Ecuador. ``I was inspired by reading `The

Ugly American,' '' he recalled. ``It talked about the ways

that expatriates were misrepresenting Americans abroad, and I

decided that I could do a better job.''

In 1968, he said, ``the combination of King's death, the

collapse of the Poor People's Campaign, and Bobby Kennedy's

assassination drove a stake into my plans.'' He felt that he

had debts to redeem in America. ``I was the first person in

my family to go to college, and I didn't have a right to

individualism,'' he said. Confused and bereft, he retreated

to a friend's cabin in the mountains near Mayaguez, Puerto

Rico. ``I declared myself insane and was trying to read

myself back into sanity, to ground myself in the history of

my people,'' he said.

After his exile in Puerto Rico, Dodson went to Berkeley,

where he studied slavery in the Western Hemisphere, and

favored an outfit of flared pants and a flat-topped hat,

which helped him become known as the Cisco Kid. At the

Schomburg, he was wearing a double-breasted tweed suit, a

brown paisley tie, and laceless leather slippers, and, on his

left index finger, a gold pyramid ring, signifying his status

as a thirty-third-degree Mason. A lucky cowrie shell was

pinned to his left lapel. ``I've been dressing since I was in

high school,'' Dodson said. ``I worked with my mother at the

dry-cleaning plant off the Main Line, where I had my pick of

anything left after thirty days.''

One of the high points of Dodson's tenure at the Schomburg

was his involvement with the African Burial Ground project,

which oversaw the exhumation and reburial of the remains of

more than four hundred Africans, which had lain in an

unmarked cemetery downtown. ``Those seventeenth- and

eighteenth-century ancestors gave me assignments,'' Dodson

said. ``I'd do stuff, and they'd say, `Look, follow through.'

I'd say, `I've got a full-time job, and I don't have time.'

And they'd say, `No, you've gotta do this.' '' Now the

ancestors are urging Dodson to visit the rock churches in

Ethiopia, to go to Xi'an to see the terra-cotta warriors, to

visit Machu Picchu. They're telling him it's his time. ``I

fulfilled all my service obligations,'' he said. ``I don't

owe anything to anybody! But me.''

Madam Speaker, I rise with great pride to pay tribute to my dear friend, Lodge brother, and pastor of Harlem's historic Mother African Episcopal Methodist Church, the Reverend Dr. Gregory Robeson Smith, Sr. as the 55th Grand Master of the Most Worshipful Prince Hall Grand Lodge of Free and Accepted Masons of the State of New York.

Rev. Dr. Gregory Robeson Smith, Sr., a Thirty-third Degree Mason, is the grand nephew of Paul Robeson, the late great American hero, athlete, singer, actor, and advocate for international civil rights and social justice. A

graduate with honors from Livingstone College in Salisbury, North Carolina, Dr. Smith also earned two masters and two doctoral degrees. He has an MBA in Marketing and Finance, a Master of Divinity degree, a Doctorate in Higher Education Administration and Finance; and a Doctorate in Ministries.

Grand Master Smith is the Senior Pastor of the Mother African Methodist Episcopal Zion Church, a major stop on the Underground Railroad, located in Harlem New York, which is the oldest African American institution in the State of New York, founded in 1796 and chartered in 1799. Dr. Smith is very proud of the history of Mother AME Zion, which was one of the earliest and most vocal opponents of slavery and a constant champion of abolition. Slaves who escaped north in search of freedom, knew they could find refuge and assistance at Zion Church, which became affectionately known as ``Freedom's Church.'' In fact, Mother AME Zion became an important stop on the ``Underground Railroad,'' hiding runaway slaves behind the pulpit in a secret passageway. Abolitionist and women's rights activist Isabella Baumfree transferred her membership from the John Street Methodist Episcopal Church to Zion Church in 1827. It was at the altar of Mother AME Zion in 1843 that she changed her name to ``Sojourner Truth'' and there she was also reunited with her sisters, who had been separated during slavery.

Sojourner Truth became one of the foremost voices for women's and equal rights and the abolition of slavery in America. Throughout its long history, Mother AME Zion has had many illustrious members who were leaders in the historic fight for freedom, including Harriet Tubman, Frederick Douglass, Paul Robeson, Madame C.J. Walker and many others who fought so valiantly to free African Americans socially, politically and spiritually. The legacy of this historic church is difficult to surpass, as it has always been a promoter of education and racial self- help for African Americans in this great city, playing a role in many of the social organizations that were founded to assist and improve the condition of the Negro. Reverend Dr. Smith holds and has held several major positions in the AME Zion Church, including Presiding President of the Elder's Council, and he serves on the Connectional Budget Board Executive Committee.

In 1976 at the age of 26, he was elected Director of Public Affairs and Convention Manager of the denomination, the youngest person to ever be elected to a worldwide office. In the past, he has served as Executive Secretary of the AME Zion Church Ministers & Lay Association, and, as pastor of the Mt. Hope AME Zion Church located in White Plains, New York, where in 5 years he transformed that congregation from 85 to 635 members, built and furnished a new multi-million dollar worship center and a pre-school program. Dr. Smith was also responsible for directing worldwide international relief assistance and other aid for the National Council of Churches' (NCC) 30 Protestant denominations. While at the NCC he raised more than $200 million in program support.

Dr. Smith is a true ``renaissance man,'' successfully integrating a successful career in business, public service and ministry. He has a proven track record of success leading non-governmental, private, voluntary and religious agencies, with a strong expertise in the development of strategic alliances between public and private sectors. He has 20 years of marketing, finance and managerial experience in Fortune 100 and Fortune 500 companies, with responsibility for over $2 billion in revenue.

In December 1990, he was appointed by President George H.W. Bush as President and Chief Executive Officer of the African Development Foundation, an independent Federal agency located in Washington, D.C., with offices in 25 African nations and a staff of more than 300. He continued to serve in this capacity under President William J. Clinton's administration until May of 1995. He also serves as an officer and member of numerous boards of directors. Dr. Smith was interviewed by ``The History Makers'' on January 24, 2007, who designated him as one of the ``Outstanding Men of America,'' and he was also the first African American in New York State to be selected by a major political party as their mayoral candidate. He continues to be active in local, State and national politics, as well as serving as President of Prince Hall Temple Associates, Inc. He is a member of Sigma Pi Phi--Beta Zeta Boule, and is very well traveled, having visited all but five countries throughout the continent of Africa and over 30 other nations across the globe.

Madam Speaker, since our founding in 1812, The Most Worshipful Prince Hall Grand Lodge of Free and Accepted Masons has followed in the Christian principles that were established in God's Holy Book, the Bible, of ``Making Good Men Better''--which the foundation is character, the purpose is service and the measure is giving. As the grand nephew of our beloved spirited hero Paul Robeson, Reverend Dr. Gregory Robeson Smith was destined in his development to embody the principles, truths and heritage set forth by our founding fathers of the Fraternity of Free and Accepted Masons. Dr. Smith takes over the leadership of the Most Worshipful Prince Hall Grand Lodge at a crucial time in the history of the organization, and faces the daunting task of translating the historical usefulness of this ancient and honorable institution to meet the several challenges of its more than 10,000 members in today's ``Information Age.'' His philosophy of life and service is stated in the words of the late Rev. Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr., who said in 1948 on his application to Crozer Seminary, ``I have an inescapable urge to serve society, and a sense of responsibility, which I could not escape.''

Madam Speaker, today I rise to ask my colleagues to take some time out to remember one of Harlem's and this nation's greatest citizens, James Bruce Llewellyn, Esq., who passed away Friday, April 9, 2010 at the age of 82.

Just like Percy Ellis Sutton, Lt. Colonel Lee A. Archer and Jimmy E. Booker, Sr., Bruce was a giant among men, a trailblazer not just in the fields of business and broadcasting, but in combating the stereotypical image of African Americans as not prepared for or capable

of success. And while he found wealth by knocking down the previously closed doors of corporate America, he never forgot that the biggest impact that any person can have is in the social and philanthropic contributions they make to society.

Bruce never stood alone because he never worked alone, building coalitions across industries from sports to finance to government well into his last days on this great earth. As one of the cofounders of our 100 Black Men organization, of which I am also a founding member, Bruce proved that success for our community was to be measured not just by how high one of us got, but by how many of us were occupying seats and positions of power and prestige.

Like myself, Bruce was a man of humble beginnings, born of Jamaican parents in East Harlem just before the onset of the Great Depression. He worked from an early age doing whatever he could to make a contribution, from selling books and magazines to helping his father in his restaurant business.

His contributions extended to that of serving his country bravely with distinction, discipline and courage. Bruce enlisted in the Army at the young age of 16 years old after his graduating from high school and eventually becoming the youngest officer in his battalion. And while he eventually left the military, he never truly left public service. He went on to serve on the boards of various non-profits and government agencies; advising Presidents from Jimmy Carter to William Jefferson Clinton to Barack Obama.

Bruce was also a fellow life member comrade of our prestigious Harlem Hellfighters' 369th Veterans' Association. For many years, Bruce marched the troops up New York's Fifth Avenue during our Annual 369th Veterans' Association Parade in Memory of Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr. He loved the 369th and he cared deeply about the contributions made by black veterans of all wars.

Like myself, he took the opportunities afforded to him by the GI Bill to get an education, first attending City College and then eventually earning a law degree from New York Law School in 1960. Yet while he displayed a talent for the law, no one field could ever rein him in, mixing in business and media before the word mogul was ever popularized.

As the legal barriers of the Civil Rights Era gave way to the economic challenges of the 1970s, Bruce led the way in helping prove that investing in the black community could be a key cog in any profitable financial strategy. When no one thought he could, he successfully brought together a group of partners to buy majority share of the Philadelphia Coca-Cola Bottling Company, paving the way to larger financial transaction deals by African Americans and other people of color.

Our beloved entrepreneur and gladiator, Bruce Llewellyn, leaves this earth too soon, and at a time when our economy has been pushed to the brink of collapse, we could certainly use not only his skill and vision, but his unstoppable energy and drive. For his family and loved ones, I do hope that you and your family can find comfort in the great legacy he left not just for his community, but all Americans throughout this great nation. We loved him because he never stopped believing in the great potential that is instilled within all of us. Bruce showed us that we didn't have to accept a second-class status, but we all sure aspire to soar as kings and queens in whatever arena and whatever position we choose to occupy.

Madam Speaker, I consider myself fortunate to have had the opportunity to observe and experience his example as a personal inspiration. Though Bruce is no longer with us, we will continue to keep his memory alive in our hearts and minds, and continue to honor his legacy with our advocacy for the issues he cared about the most. We are all blessed to have known James Bruce Llewellyn, Esq., a titan of a man whose corporate strength gave us all life.

Thank you, Chairman Levin, and it is good to be here with my friend Dave Camp.

Mr. Speaker, this is a good day for Americans, especially for those of us in the United States Congress.

As we listen to the partisanship as it relates to the capture of terrorists, as we listen to the partisanship as it relates to oil spills, and as we listen to the partisanship as it relates to trying to repair our economic work on Wall Street, it just seems to me, if we all took a deep breath, we would recognize that, as a people, we are more than Republicans and Democrats--we are Americans. We do recognize that. When there is a crisis, the whole world looks to us, not just for goods and services, but for leadership and compassion.

There is an unlimited number of people whom we could thank for coming to the floor today. One has to be Dave Camp. You don't have to say what the problem is. When you ask, ``What can we do to help?'' it is just a question of Members and staff coming together, seeing what they can do to be of some assistance to the people who have tried so hard to rebuild their country, their families, and, indeed, their government.

When we had initially the HOPE legislation, there was some opposition because what did it mean? It meant that a country that had a very bad infrastructure, poor education, lack of opportunities in employment was able to get their act together, to hope, to dream, to bring their families together, and to produce textiles. And America said, Hey, we will work with you on tariffs. We will open up our doors to your goods and services. And further than that, we think it's such a good deal that our President, our Secretary of State, our Secretary of Commerce, our Ambassador of Trade will encourage other people to invest in Haiti so that one day she can share a prominent spot in terms of democratic countries that believe in hard work.

And then what happened? Just when production was doubling, she was struck by an earthquake. Haitians still went to the factories hoping and dreaming. Many were killed. And, of course, people made economic decisions that Haiti wasn't the place to invest a lot of money.

But again the world responded, former President Clinton, investors, in saying what little can we do? What small thing can we do? And we got to work, and staff I want to publicly thank found out ways. All we said is we've got to do more. We have to do more. And more was done by this bill in our committee. Under the leadership of Sandy Levin, Republicans, Democrats got together to do what? To do more to give hope to these people who had more than their share of economic despair.

This is the poorest country that we have in the hemisphere, but with our help, our leadership, our encouragement to investors, have Haitians know that, sure, this has been a tremendous setback with the earthquake, but America will once again provide the leadership to make certain that people don't give up, don't give in, and certainly don't give out.

So I thank once again Sandy Levin, who is always there when people, no matter what country is in trouble, you can depend on his leadership, and I personally and politically appreciate it.

Thank you so much for yielding.

The entire delegation of New York would ask this body to join with us to pray for the family in hoping that his loss would be made up by the generosity of God in blessing his family for the good work done by the Congressman over the years.

Let me thank the chairlady from New York for allowing me this time, and let me share the great respect and admiration that I have for the gentleman from Puerto Rico, a hardworking man. There is no question in my mind that in his heart, he wants what is best for Puerto Rico and what is best for the United States of America. And I can say the same about his predecessor who has now moved on to become the Governor.

The only question that I have--since I have been a friend of Puerto Rico for 39 years, not just legislatively but in my heart, I have felt the unfairness it is to call people citizens and yet to have to acknowledge that when it comes to health care, education, jobs, the only time that you can really know that Puerto Ricans are treated as Americans are treated is when they are drafted or when they volunteer to serve this great country of ours and when it ends up, you will find, that per capita more people from Puerto Rico have died and been wounded defending our flag than from any State or any territory. So it just seems to me that something has to be done. It is so truly unfair to respect our flag and respect our citizens and to tell them that they can fight a war when they can't even vote for the President.

And, quite frankly, as far as the status is concerned, it has hurt me as an American that this has consumed the island. And for the first time in a couple of months, I have heard about free association. I have more Puerto Ricans in my district in New York than probably in San Juan. I have never heard anyone talk about free association. I don't even know whether Members of the Congress know what free association is. As a matter of fact, a couple of people have asked me, since I've been here, who is our Ambassador to Puerto Rico anyway and what is the exchange of currency.

And to see what was happening on the rule, it is clear to me on both sides of the aisle, they want to know, What is this all about? It's about the lives of 4 million people, that's what it's about. We should at least know what we are doing before we superimpose some ideas that we have on other people.

I had an amendment--the Rules Committee rejected it--and all it did was adopt everything except, what do the people have to choose from, statehood? You bet your life. They would be entitled to it. And no matter which way they work out the number of votes--even though Tom Foley once told me when I thought that statehood was really going to pass in Puerto Rico, I said, Mr. Chairman, how are we going to handle this question with the Members? How are we going to handle the question of what parties these people are going to belong to? He said, Forget it, Charlie. The only time we're going to have statehood is when there is a mandate. We're not going to have a divided territory become a State. That was a guy who told me that from his background in history that he was an expert in this type of thing.

So it just seems to me that if we all accept anyone who's known, visited, read about Puerto Rico, that their biggest argument has been, majorly, those who want statehood, those who want a Commonwealth, and a smaller number who would like to have independence, which sounds great politically, but somehow internationally it doesn't make a lot of sense.

So what did my amendment do? It said, Go to the polls. Say if you want Commonwealth. Say if you want statehood. Say if you want independence. Or say, Not at this time. Let me breathe and try to figure this out. Because if we don't know what statehood is, how do we expect them to know?

When I asked these questions, someone said: Oh, no, they would have already rejected Commonwealth.

Well, I think some of us on this floor, if asked if we like the status we have in the Congress, we might say, especially some of my friends on the other side, that they don't like the status. Well, if I was in the minority, I wouldn't like the status either. But the truth of the matter is it doesn't mean that you want to get rid of it all. It may mean I don't like the status as it is. I would like to change it. I would like to have it improved. I would like to improve education and I would like to make certain that the expenses that Mr. Hastings talks about in terms of programs that are designed to help American citizens, that they would get them.

What price does it take to give your life for your flag and then find out how much it is going to cost to give them the things that Americans would want. So my problem is that Commonwealth doesn't get a chance. They call the existing government, which I don't really think means rejection of status, because there is a lot of romance and emotion that is involved in Puerto Rico. So give them the opportunity to say Commonwealth, but we don't need free association when hardly anyone here knows, especially the people in Puerto Rico, what does it mean.

Madam Speaker, it is with great honor and enthusiasm that I rise today to commend my dear friend and colleague, Vivian Jones, on an illustrious public service career spanning 40 years in the United States House of Representatives.

But, my dear Vivian is more than just a co-worker to me. We have maintained a personal and working relationship for the larger part of my political life that has proved abundantly edifying and rewarding. I consider her a true friend with not only great skills--one of the last people on earth who can take shorthand--but a great understanding of the nuances of dealing with politicians and the riggers of constituent casework. I am pleased to say that there are people that call up and want to speak to Vivian instead of me.

The many who have met and been touched by Vivian and her life's work can attest that she is equal parts strong mind and ample heart, a humble soul who cares deeply about the issues of the day and their impact on everyday people. And yet, she has been able to influence public decision making, develop activities of enormous impact and provide motivation, inspiration, and consolation to the younger members of my staff.

Vivian Jones goes back to my days at Weaver, Evans, Wingate & Wright. She was my Administrative Assistant when I first practiced law. She became a part of my campaign staff in March of 1970, when I, then a young New York State Assemblyman, challenged the legendary Adam Clayton Powell, Jr. for the Congressional Seat.

Upon election to the Congress, she joined the Congressional Staff as my Executive Secretary. As a freshman Congressman, I was the beneficiary of Vivian's previous experience with secretarial and paralegal work. She immediately became responsible for my schedule and constituent services in the district office, which was all done without computers in those early days of our careers in the House.

In 1975, Vivian succeeded Virginia Bell as my District Administrator. As my District Administrator, her responsibilities expanded to the role of a Chief of Staff in the District. Viv managed the district offices, directed work activities, supervised staff, and oversaw and coordinated activities in the different communities of my Congressional District. As a woman in this role in the 1970s and proceeding decades, she was quite an effective leader and powerful force in pushing my agenda forward in the district. She continued this role until January 1999, when Vivian reduced her work load and went part-time.

Although at part-time, my loyal colleague, Vivian Jones, still coordinates my schedule in conjunction with the scheduler in Washington, handles all personnel matters pertaining to the district staff, and prepares correspondences of varying complexity for my signature. Vivian continues to arrive at the office in the wee hours of the morning on her assigned days. As always, she remains committed to offering a sympathetic ear or to jump start a slow or reluctant bureaucracy for a constituent.

Vivian's dynamic spirit and sense of purpose serves me and her fellow colleagues as the motivation and driving force of the office. I thank her for her incredible service over the years, her devoted friendship, and wish her many blessings.

I want to appreciate the remarks that Sheila Jackson Lee has just made, and I thank my colleagues for giving me this opportunity to speak out of order.

And the reason I rise is that there are very few people that have been active in the civil rights movement. They all came after Dorothy Height. She was there before Adam Powell, Martin Luther King, Jim Farmer, and all of the great civil rights leaders that have made the struggle. She's been made a confidante from Franklin Roosevelt to President Obama and all of the Presidents that have been in between.

She gave so much of herself without even talking about color, without just talking about women, but most of all in talking about humankind. She was a true believer that if America really did what it was supposed to do to the brothers and sisters and the citizens that made up this great country, then fairness and equity would determine that all people are truly treated equally.

And even though she wasn't born in the city of New York, we are so proud that she went to New York University--even though she was turned down with a scholarship at Barnard College--that she stayed there and she worked in our Harlem YMCA, that she was confidante to Congressman Adam Clayton Powell at his church and even counseled his father, who was the pastor before him.

Time is going to record that there have been a lot of people who have struggled to make this country all that she can be. And when the final word is written, there is no question in my mind that Dorothy Height will not just go down as a black civil rights leader, but she will go down as a great American who recognized that bringing together this country--black, white, Jew, gentile, Catholic, and Protestant--by bringing us all together, that she has made this a better world, and she's made it a better world because she's made it a better country.