Floor Statements

You know, I'm wondering whether the Republicans are looking at the same America I'm looking at, and that the American people are feeling. Between 7,000 and 8,000 American families file for foreclosure every day. While we were up here debating this bill the last day and today over 15,000 American families have filed for foreclosure. We have a crisis.

Now, I want to deal with three points here right quick in my 3 minutes. The

first one is this: I think it is wrong as wrong can be for the other side to continually blame this crisis on the backs of the American family.

Let me read here for a moment from this morning's Hill newspaper, and I hope that you all will read this as well, this article by J. Morton Davis of the Harvard Business School, an economist. He tells you what the cause of this is and who is to blame.

Because mortgage originators themselves were not taking any of the risk of holding this paper and were being well paid by providing mortgages to Wall Street banks that were packaging them, they became more aggressive, less demanding of the conditions traditionally required upon them. The mortgage brokers and bankers introduced a whole series of new criteria that made it easier to obtain a mortgage, they introduced nothing down, no equity mortgage, interest-only mortgage, no income, no job requirement as sufficient basis to receive the mortgage. That's why we're in the condition that we're in, not on the backs of the poor American family.

He goes on to say that ``the changes in lending practices actually transformed what were solid, safe, secure mortgage loans into instruments that were inferior even to the subprime mortgages. The cause of this can be traced to the simple fact that the providers of these mortgages did not end up holding the paper and thus were far less concerned about the quality of the loan.'' Because nobody bothered to look at or take issue with the enormously changed quality of these underlying mortgages, not the Federal Reserve, they didn't look at it, not the Securities and Exchange Commission, not the rating agencies, not even we here in Congress, who surely should have been more responsible and accountable, and not the many Wall Street banks that were coining the money, just as they did. The whole world is now suffering the pain, the outsized losses and the damage to its banking systems and economies.

Ladies and gentlemen of this Congress, it is not the American homeowner who is the cause of this, he is the victim, and it's our responsibility to provide the response for it.

Now, the other point I wanted to make is I have a copy in my hands here of the Congressional Budget Office co-assessment. Let's put to bed once and for all, this is not $300 billion of the taxpayers' money. The taxpayers' money that's going to this, as clearly as put out in this estimate, is $1.7 billion just to run the program, another $300 million for administrative support, and the counseling of $400,000. And then Mrs. Biggert's own program for counseling of $300 million. That's $2.7 million of the taxpayers' money.

Let's do facts right. That's why we need to pass this bill, Mr. Speaker. Let us stop fooling around and give the American people some relief.

Mr. Speaker, I rise this morning in support of this very, very important measure.

Today, this House of Representatives will vote on the most comprehensive response yet, bringing badly needed help to this Nation's troubling mortgage crisis.

These House measures we will debate today will help in several areas: Number one, it will help families facing foreclosures to keep their homes; two, it will help families avoid foreclosures in the future; and three, it will help the recovery of communities in cities and towns across this Nation who are harmed by empty houses that are caught in the foreclosure process. And that's why I rise to support this bill today.

This is our first bill out of the gate on this important measure. And it is extraordinarily important, Mr. Speaker, and that's why I support this rule.

As we look across the landscape of America today, in neighborhood after neighborhood, homes empty, buildings empty, vandalism on high, violent crime on high, neighboring homes' property values going down, and right today, mortgages that are higher than the actual value of the property. And my good friends on the other side of the aisle question, why are we moving? Why is this a bailout? This is not a bailout. If anything, my dear friends, this is a bail-in. This is a bail-in to save communities.

Some of the same arguments that I heard on this side were heard during when we had other disasters. This is a disaster, just as we had Katrina, just as we had tornados, just as we had unforeseen circumstances. I even heard some say, when Katrina was coming, well, they knew the hurricane was coming, why didn't they get out of the way? This country needs help, and they're looking for their government to do what government is supposed to do, help their country in a moment of greatest need. And there is no greater need today than to help in this mortgage crisis.

And foremost for that help is to get into these communities, give our State and local governments, whose fire departments, whose police departments, already strained, are overstrained, and to help those neighboring homes who are going down in value because these properties are standing there idle and empty and are nothing but havens for crime. That's why, Mr. Speaker, this bill is so important.

I commend Ms. Waters and Chairman Frank for putting together the leadership of this bill, which I'm proud to be a cosponsor of, because it goes to the heart of the matter, and that is, saving America's communities. Fifteen billion dollars spread in two fashions, 7.5 for loans, 7.5 for grants. It's an excellent idea whose time has come.

Mr. Speaker, this is the most important issue facing the American people today, and it is so important that the American people are watching this debate to see, as we are focusing our energies on this and to also, Mr. Speaker, take a look at the other side and the unfortunate distractions. We are not dealing with the war supplemental here. We are dealing with the issue that is on the minds of the American people. The American people are hanging on by their fingernails to their houses. Millions of families are losing their homes. An average of 7,500 people every day in this country are filing for foreclosure on their homes. As we debate this bill in this one hour

alone, there will be 875 people who will file for foreclosure in each hour we are debating. That is important, Mr. Speaker.

There is nothing more important on the American people's minds than to do something that brings some reasonable end to this miserable nightmare we are in as a result of this mortgage-foreclosure issue.

Millions of families are seeing their home values drop. Trillions of dollars of household wealth and property values have been lost. Homeowners now owe more on their mortgages than their homes are worth, and the housing mortgage crisis has caused businesses to lay off workers. Hundreds of thousands of Americans have lost their jobs. This is what is at stake, Mr. Speaker.

In terms of liquidity, we are in the worst economic times since the Great Depression, and that is why it is important that we lay this backdrop so the American people can see what we are doing to respond to this issue that is before us today in H.R. 5830 which is a very thoughtful, which is a very responsive response to this very, very serious issue. H.R. 5830, the FHA Housing Stabilization Homeownership Retention Act is the answer to this problem. I commend Chairman Barney Frank for having the foresight in our Committee on Financial Services to put it forward.

Essentially what it does is it gives just $300 billion in authority, not cost, Mr. Speaker. It is very important because I know the other side is going to come and talk about a $300 billion bailout. This is a bail-in that is going to cost the American taxpayers just $2.7 billion that has been outlaid and scored by the Congressional Budget Office.

Later in the debate we will explain exactly what these costs are. And what this bill will do, it will ensure a refinancing of loans for borrowers who are struggling to afford their current mortgages. Participation is voluntary. The mortgage holder would have to agree to a substantial reduction of the current loan's outstanding principal and provide new loans that that borrower can afford.

That is what is important here, Mr. Speaker. What we are seeing on our side as what is critical is keeping people in their homes. And in order to do that, we are simply offering that we extend the FHA ability to authorize and simply place a guarantee of loans up to $300 billion which in fact is a $300 billion reinvestment in our economy. And again as I mentioned, the cost is only $2.7 billion.

To help defray the government's cost and prevent unjust enrichments such as borrowers' flipping, the bill requires that the borrower shares with the government a substantial position of any profits from selling or refinancing homes.

Mr. Speaker, I come from the State of Georgia which is suffering dramatically because of home foreclosures. The State of Georgia ranks number eight in home foreclosures.

It is at the top of my agenda to make sure that we bring some relief, certainly to the people of my beloved State of Georgia, but certainly the 13th District, which even has a greater preponderance of foreclosures because of the subprime mortgage meltdown. This is extremely important.

And, Mr. Speaker, as I conclude, let me just say this point.

I will continue that point in the debate.

Will the gentleman yield?

It has been made clear, my good friend from California, by the Federal Reserve, by noted economists from my beloved school of Wharton, as well as Harvard, that in terms of liquidity, we are in the worst times of depression.

Liquidity.

Madam Speaker, I just wanted to correct an

item. I made the statement about us having the worst times since the Depression. I want to bear those facts out. So I want you to know that I am telling the truth.

In this statement from the Joint Economic Committee, it says mortgages exceed equity in homes with falling housing prices. More than 10 percent of homeowners now owe more on their mortgages than their homes are worth. Homeowners' debt on their houses exceeds their equity in their homes for the first time since 1945. In terms of liquidity, money in the marketplace, it is the worst time since the Depression.

Now the important thing to understand as we move forward is to understand the seriousness of the condition. You bring up gas prices. We bring up food prices. We've got all of these problems, but today, the American people are expecting us to deal with the housing crisis.

Let us deal with the housing crisis. We've got several problems to deal with. And simply because we're dealing with the housing prices, you come down here and want to throw up the gas prices as if to say we've got to deal with that, then the other. We're going to deal with each of those items.

But today, this day, we have housing bills that are on this floor, and we owe it to the respect of the American people to give it the integrity, to give this issue the respect and the seriousness that they demand of this House, and let us stop playing games.

Thank you very much, Madam Chairman.

This is an extraordinarily important measure. If we don't learn from history, we're doomed to repeat it. Around 1929, we had another crisis that happened as a result of one of our financial legs coming out from under us. At that time, there was a Republican administration that fostered so much of that. Franklin Delano Roosevelt, in a Democratic administration, had to come and realize that government had to act.

We're not doing this because we don't have anything else to do. We're doing this because we have an economic crisis of soaring magnitude before us. The derivatives of this magnitude are affecting communities and neighborhoods where these foreclosures are leaving these empty homes, many of them in $200,000, $300,000, $400,000 neighborhoods. They're taking down the residential value of communities around them, and these communities in these cities and towns are already strapped with their own financial pressures, much like my own city of Atlanta, and they need help in rescuing these communities. We're coming to their rescue.

Madam Chairman, I rise to claim the time in opposition.

What we see here, Madam Chairman, is a fundamental difference between the Republicans and the Democrats when it comes to responding to the pressing needs of the American people. Let us look at really where we are.

We are in a depressed, recessed economy, which means liquidity is drying up, which means there is a slowing supply and circulation of money, which has been caused chiefly by a meltdown of the subprime mortgage market, and it has had a ricocheting effect throughout every fiber of our economy.

The American people are hanging on by their fingernails. Between 7,000 and 8,000 American families are foreclosing every day, according to the Federal Reserve, not David Scott, not our Financial Services Committee, but according to the Federal Reserve, between 7,000 and 8,000 individuals are declaring foreclosure.

That means communities all across this Nation are impacted. Not only is this a burden upon individuals, homeowners and families, it's devastating enough, but many of these foreclosures, when the property's foreclosed, that means folks are out of them. That means they are left vacant. That means they become fire hazards. That means they become havens to criminals. That means police services, that means fire services, that means a tremendous pressure being placed on already depressed city and county and State budgets.

And Madam Chairman, in every State in this Nation, there's been a 20 percent, at least, increase in foreclosures. So this is a problem of soaring magnitude, and the cities and the counties are already, many of them, moving ahead, but they are overwhelmed with the scale of this problem. And that's where the government comes in.

There is a role for government. We need to respond to the needs of the American people, and nowhere is it more important than in this bill that has been very brilliantly designed by the gentlelady from California and our chairman of this committee.

Now let's speak very briefly about this Hensarling amendment. And, I might add, the gentleman from Texas is a fine person. I consider him a good friend, but he is terribly, terribly wrong with this amendment. This is a terrible amendment because it does what we refer to in the South as, hold still, little fishy, and let me gut you. That's what this amendment does.

It goes at the heart of this bill, because what he wants to do is take away the stimulus package for the local communities, and what he wants to do is to deny a way and a requirement in the bill so that we can help the poor elements where this bill says that you must serve those that meet at least 50 percent of the level of poverty. In order to do that, we must have the grant feature in the bill.

The other point, as I mentioned earlier, a part of our whole concern in this whole economic issue is liquidity, which means we must have a stimulative nature in terms of what we do here in Washington, to stimulate the economy and put money into the economy. That's why we've got this week and leading on starting in next week $600, $300 and $1,200 checks. To do what? To stimulate.

I take great offense from the other side when they constantly want the American people to think we're taking their tax money away and putting it in our pockets or hoarding it. This money is going right back to taxpayers to help to defray the costs of servicing these depressed communities.

The grants are needed, Madam Chairman, in order for us to serve those that are at the lower end of the economic level, which we must do and can only be done through grants. If his amendment is adopted, we won't be able to do that which hurts and almost kills this bill.

The other thing that it does, it does not allow us to apply the stimulus factor to the bill to provide needed input into this. I urge a defeat of this. It might be intentioned, I won't say well, but it is a terrible amendment from the gentleman from Texas.

Mr. Speaker, I rise today to express support for the passage of House Resolution 1130, which recognizes the roles and contributions of America's teachers to building and enhancing our Nation's civic, cultural and economic well-being. I want to thank the gentleman from Missouri, Mr. Graves, for offering this important resolution.

Our teachers play an instrumental role in guiding children throughout their adolescence and into adulthood. More than just instructors, teachers are mentors and friends who encourage students to reach their potential. They also serve as the eyes and ears for parents during the school day, playing a vital role in helping a child's personal growth and development.

As our Nation continues to expand rapidly, we must also continue to encourage people to enter the teaching profession so we will continue to have great teachers to meet our growing needs. Since entering Congress in 2003, I have been proud to support initiatives to recruit high school and college students to enter teaching and work in communities with the greatest needs. This year, I was also pleased to join as a co-sponsor of a resolution establishing National Teacher Day during National Teacher Appreciation Week, offered by the gentleman from Florida, Mr. Klein. Going forward, I will continue to support increased funding for NCLB and IDEA so that teachers have the resources they need to be most successful. Our teachers deserve nothing less.

Next week, as we celebrate National Teacher Appreciation Week, I encourage my constituents and all Americans to take a moment to reflect upon special moments they have shared with their teachers. I also encourage parents and students to take a moment, whether with a shiny apple or a simple thank you, to show teachers that they appreciate their service to our schools.

In closing, Mr. Speaker, I want to thank Mr. Graves once again for offering this timely resolution and I want to thank each of my teachers for all they did to help me reach my potential.

Mr. Speaker, I rise today to express support for House Resolution 49, which would establish National Letter Carriers Appreciation Day. I want to thank the gentleman from Michigan, Mr. Camp, for so kindly offering this resolution.

This resolution recognizes the significant role of American letter carriers, the largest mail delivery workforce in the world, which make deliveries to over 144 million households in this country. To ensure careful delivery of our most important letters and cards,

we depend on the exceptional service provided by our letter carriers. Most assuredly, the quality of the American mail delivery system is due to the integrity and superior service of these men and women. I want to especially recognize the diligent work of Georgia's letter carriers for everything they do for my constituents in the 13th Congressional District and across our State.

Mr. Speaker, in closing, I offer my wholehearted support for the passage of this important legislation in recognition of the hard work of America's letter carriers.

This is an important bill and a timely bill. This is a bill that is due as a gift to the American people on this day which is referred to as Tax Day, April 15.

Now, Mr. Speaker, this bill simplifies the Tax Code. It also deals with antiharassment. It also deals with making sure that companies who do business in foreign lands are not using offshore accounts as scams to avoid paying their fair share of taxes.

And most importantly, Mr. Speaker, it deals with the simplification of the code and applies that to those people

who need it the most, because so many people, Mr. Speaker, are not even getting the advantages and getting their due from paying the taxes because of the fact that our Tax Code is so complicated. It is so complex. And this bill streamlines that.

Now let me take just a few minute to go through some very salient points. The Government Accountability Office estimates that Americans overpaid their taxes by over $1 billion a year because they failed to claim deductions. This bill deals with that. About a quarter of Americans who are eligible for the earned income tax credit failed to claim that due to its complexity.

But what this bill does, Mr. Speaker, is it makes the Tax Code simpler and fairer. It strengthens the IRS's outreach program to make sure that people know that they are entitled to the tax refunds and to payments earned under the earned income tax credit. As I mentioned, there are 25 percent of households who are eligible for the earned income tax credit in 1999 that did not even claim it. And working Americans may have lost out on approximately $8 billion. This bill corrects that.

And one of the most important measures of this bill, Mr. Speaker, is that the American people are tired of the harassment. They are tired of the phone calls, the abuse by these private collectors in which jobs are outsourced by the IRS to go collect the Federal debt. We have talked with the IRS. We have talked with the commissioner of the IRS. And he agrees with us that that can best be done not by outsourcing these jobs out, but by having the IRS employees collect that debt. Personal financial information of our American people is too precious and it is too confidential to be in the hands of private contractors on the outside.

And just very quickly, Mr. Speaker, we have foreign companies like KBR that are working and having millions of dollars of contracts servicing in Iraq. But they are using offshore accounts to hide that money to make sure that they do not have to pay the important taxes that go to Medicaid and to Medicare, not only not paying their fair share, Mr. Speaker, and hundreds of millions of dollars, but not even allowing their employees to qualify for Medicare and for Social Security. This bill corrects that.

And another important area, Mr. Speaker, is the new taxpayer protections against identity theft and tax fraud. It cracks down on misleading web sites that seek to get personal information by using their web sites and imitating and pretending that they are the IRS. Now Mr. Speaker, the American people are certainly fed up with being abused by these private collectors, being abused by these Web siters who are posing themselves as IRS agents.

This is a very important measure. I support this rule going forward. This is a very important bill, giving the taxpayers a due recognition, making the Tax Code simpler, and making sure it is fair for all. It is a good bill. I support this bill rule, and let's pass this bill and move it forward.

To my distinguished colleague from Georgia, I want to commend you on your excellent leadership on this very, very important and timely piece of legislation. A lot has been said here today. The two points of contention that the other side has brought have been in two areas. And let me just speak to those directly so that we can get to the facts of the matter.

Now the other side says that they are opposed to the health savings accounts compliance. Now, what we are saying on our side is this: The health savings accounts are set up for the purpose of helping our constituents with health care services. Now if that is the case, then it is very important that we set up a mechanism so that we can check the abuses of that. They are not set up for them to go and to use those accounts for massage parlors, for country clubs, for other issues and areas, and escort services.

So it is important for us to be able to simply do this. The bill simply requires the reporting of a holder of the health service account of any funds used for nonhealth care purposes in order to reduce the tax gap. That's simple.

Now, ladies and gentlemen, the American people are holding on by their fingernails in this terrible economy. And you may laugh and scorn about this being April 15. Of course it is April 15. And it is a day that the American people's minds are totally focused on their personal finances. And it is important that this House of Representatives respond in a way that responds to that interest. And so we are closing the gap.

So it is very important. And let me get to the other area very quickly, and that is the area of these private contractors. We have received complaint after complaint after complaint from your constituents and our constituents who have been abused by calls. Let me give you one example of an elderly couple that was called 150 times, Madam Speaker, including five times in one day, asking for a taxpayer. And it comes to find out that they are innocent.

Again, the GAO found out that debt collectors were placing over 1 million calls to innocent people just to reach 35,000 taxpayers. The Federal Trade Commission had 130 complaints as of last year giving unaccountable private tax collectors the right to look into and examine personal financial information of our taxpayers. It is wrong.

Now let me tell you this, that the commissioner of the IRS himself, Mr. Douglas Sherman, has asked for this legislation. Madam Speaker, I just simply say that if the IRS is asking for this, that they could do a better job, they are the ones who we are holding responsible. We should make sure we pass this legislation and let the IRS do their job of collecting the taxes and not hand it off to these private bounty hunters.

Madam Speaker, I appreciate this opportunity to address the House for a few moments.

I think it's very appropriate for us to pause for a moment here and just reflect on where we are as a Nation and as a people when it comes to our economy and our financial House. This April 15, it's Tax Day. It's important

that this House of Representatives be mindful of the difficulties that the American people are faced with.

Madam Speaker, millions of American people and families are absolutely hanging on by their fingernails. They're on the verge of losing their homes. Many have already. And so much of it has been because of bad policies by their government. It is important for us to understand that, Madam Speaker, so much of this could possibly have been prevented had we moved quicker, had we made different policies.

This is a very sobering time. Two major events happened today. One is, the American people, many are in line at post offices as we speak trying to meet the midnight deadline to pay their taxes. Others are struggling to do so. Others are having difficulty even beginning to comprehend the complexities, the complications of a tax code that even if they sat down to read it, it would take them over 1 year trying to read the tax code, let alone trying to understand it, just the volume of trying to read it.

And Madam Speaker, we in Congress must take into consideration how difficult that is, the fact that the American people, many are not even taking the credits or getting the deductions that they should have because they don't understand it. Twenty-five percent of American families that are entitled to the Earned Income Tax Credit don't even get it because they don't understand how to do it.

Last year, over 65 percent of American families had to get a private person from the outside to come help them with their taxes. That has increased up 25 percent, since just 10 years ago it was 40. And in 1950, it was just 20 percent that did that. The complexity of our tax code is just out of whack. Many are gathered around the kitchen tables right now trying to find out how they're going to have ends meet.

And Madam Speaker, the other phenomenal event in our economy that took place today was the merger of Delta Airlines and Northwest Airlines, making the largest airline company in the world. That is certainly room to celebrate, but it's very important that we be very mindful to both Delta and Northwest to understand the implications of that, to have the sensitivity that there are many thousands of families that are impacted, and that we do not use the word ``synergy'' to equate with a loss of jobs, but that there are no jobs lost.

We in Congress must have the empathy of putting ourselves into the mindset of the American people, and we must show that we understand the difficulties that the American people are faced with; we understand the difficulties of knowing when they wake up the next morning, their car may be repossessed, they may have a foreclosure notice.

Our policies must be, here in this House of Representatives going forward, to keep Americans in their homes, even if it means coming up with the policies and moving as fast as we can. If we could move with lickety-split speed to save Wall Street, Bear Stearns, and Madam Speaker, I believe that was the right thing to do because, had we not, global markets would have cascaded and we would have had an extraordinary world calamity in the financial markets, but just as aggressively as we moved with those policies that helped Wall Street and Bear Stearns, we must move to help our homeowners and our families.

And then finally, Madam Speaker, the real elephant facing us in the room, the real looming threat economically and financially to this country is our overwhelming debt. Madam Speaker, it is staggering to look at the debt that we are in. Every dime we are spending is on borrowed money. And we have spent, Madam Speaker, as I conclude, in the last 5 or 6 years, more money from foreign governments than in the entire history of this country.

Madam Speaker, that's the state of our economy. And it's very important that we reflect it from the perspective of the American people. And I thank you for this opportunity.

Madam Speaker, I rise to honor another great accomplishment by students in my Congressional district. Congratulations to members of the Chestnut Log Middle School Reading Team of Douglasville, GA, for their back to back wins at the Helen Ruffin Reading Bowl. This competition was held at the University of Georgia in Athens on March 1, 2008.

For the competition, students read twenty books recognized as Georgia Book Award Nominees and earned the most points by correctly answering questions from each of these novels. Chestnut Log's team qualified for the state competition by first competing at the Douglas County Reading Bowl in January, followed by the regional competition at the University of West Georgia in Carrollton in February. Last week, they became consecutive state champions.

I want to recognize the members and coaches of the Chestnut Log Middle School Reading Team. Many of last year's winners participated again including Seth Blair, Isaac Carter, and Zachary Fowler, as well as new participants Hannah Drosky, Jordan Raley, Rashard Leonard, Gavin Finch and Andrew Hater. I also wish to recognize coaches Jan Easterwood, Margaret Robbins and Susan Bissell for their continued guidance of this team and their strong devotion to fostering good reading habits among youth in the 13th Congressional District.

In closing, Madam Speaker, I am thrilled to once again recognize Chestnut Log Middle School's Reading Bowl team for their continued success. I want to commend these students for this achievement and I wish them much success in their future academic pursuits.

Madam Speaker, I move to suspend the rules and pass the bill (H.R. 2040) to require the Secretary of the Treasury to mint coins in commemoration of the semicentennial of the enactment of the Civil Rights Act of 1964, as amended.

Madam Speaker, I ask unanimous consent that all Members may have 5 legislative days within which to revise and extend their remarks on this legislation and to insert extraneous material thereon.

Madam Speaker, I yield myself just a couple of minutes here at the beginning.

This is a very, very important and timely piece of legislation. H.R. 2040 is the Civil Rights Act of 1964 Commemorative Coin Act. As a steadfast proponent of this most important legislation, it is indeed my honor and privilege.

First and foremost, I wish to commend my good friend and my own personal hero and mentor from the great State of Georgia, my colleague, Mr. John Lewis, on the extraordinary work that he has done throughout his entire life, and certainly on the work to bring this commemorative coin bill recognizing the 50th anniversary of the passage of the Civil Rights Act of 1964 to the floor with the minting of a $1 coin.

I applaud the bill for honoring not only the importance of this legislation, but also the many contributions of so many Americans from all walks of life, from all different backgrounds that have come together to make this country great, and certainly have made outstanding contributions during the civil rights era.

I further want to acknowledge the vital role of the United Negro College Fund, UNCF, that they have played in ensuring access to and opportunities for higher education for so many deserving students who, if it had not been for the UNCF, would not have received a college education. During its 64-year existence, the UNCF has raised more than $2.3 billion to support its 39 Historically Black Colleges and University member institutions. And during 2007, the UNCF raised an impressive $220 million in scholarships to help some 65,000 students realize their dreams of receiving a college education. So it's important for us to note that this is more than just a piece of legislation for it's important to note that the proceeds from the sale of this coin will go towards advancing what the Civil Rights Act initially made possible, opportunity for education and empowerment by benefiting the United Negro College Fund and those member schools which played such a vital role, Madam Speaker, in the sit-ins, they started on black college campuses, on the marches, the civil rights marches started by students on black college campuses, demonstrations in the deep south and throughout this country energized by those on black college campuses. These United Negro College Fund students, graduates, faculty and institutions played a significant part in the Civil Rights Movement, and I, as a young activist at that time, as many of my colleagues, am a graduate myself of a Historically Black University, Florida A&M University. And I might add, had it not been for Florida A&M University, Madam Speaker, I would not be standing in the Congress of the United States today.

Now, granted we've come a long way. However, there is still much, much work to do. I am living proof that minorities are able to elect the candidate of their choice as I was elected to the Georgia House of Representatives 34 years ago, becoming the youngest legislator to serve in the State House of Representatives at that time. I owe a tremendous debt of gratitude to those who came before me, and the Civil Rights Act of 1964 has been instrumental in achieving all of these successes.

I submit the following correspondence for the Record:

House of Representatives,

Washington, DC, March 6, 2008.

Hon. Barney Frank,

Chairman, Financial Services Committee,

Washington, DC.

Dear Chairman Frank, I am writing regarding H.R. 2040, the

Civil Rights Act of 1964 Commemorative Coin Act.

As you know, the Committee on Ways and Means maintains

jurisdiction over bills that raise revenue. H.R. 2040

contains a provision that establishes a surcharge for the

sale of commemorative coins that are minted under the bill,

and thus falls within the jurisdiction of the Committee on

Ways and Means.

However, as part of our ongoing understanding regarding

commemorative coin bills and in order to expedite this bill

for Floor consideration, the Committee will forgo action.

This is being done with the understanding that it does not in

any way prejudice the Committee with respect to the

appointment of conferees or its jurisdictional prerogatives

on this bill or similar legislation in the future.

I would appreciate your response to this letter, confirming

this understanding with respect to H.R. 2040, and would ask

that a copy of our exchange of letters on this matter be

included in the record.

Sincerely,

Charles B. Rangel,

Chairman.

Let me just extend my deep appreciation to the gentleman from Nevada (Mr. Heller) for his kind words. They were very touching and meaningful. Thank you very much.

Now, Madam Speaker, if I may yield time to probably the most fitting and appropriate person to speak on this bill, the author of the bill, my friend and a man who has put his life on the line repeatedly for civil rights, for human rights and for making this country and the world the beloved place that we all seek. Let me yield as much time as he may need to my good friend, John Lewis of Georgia.

Madam Speaker, now I would like to extend and yield 3 minutes to the gentleman from Illinois (Mr. Davis).

Madam Speaker, this has been an extraordinary occasion. It is very important to remember where we have been so that we will have a good guide to determine where we need to go, and we have done that this afternoon in not only memorializing this important Civil Rights Act, but using this memorial of the 50th anniversary of the passing of the Civil Rights Act to make a difference where it counts the most, and that is in helping with the education of our young people.

We have, indeed, made a difference here today. I recommend this bill, and we feel very strongly that we will get a unanimous vote on this bill.

Mr. BISHOP of Georgia. Madam Speaker, I rise today in support of H.R. 2040 which is authored by my good friend from the Georgia delegation, Mr. John Lewis.

Almost 44 years ago, the Civil Rights Act was passed into law. The legislation was a long time in coming--in 1957 and 1960 similar legislation had failed to pass Congress, and many attempts were made to derail the bill that was eventually signed into law by President Lyndon Johnson on July 2, 1964.

However, the period leading up to passage of the Civil Rights Act seemed to happen in the blink of an eye compared to the long and arduous journey we have endured since. Ensuring equality for men and women of every race, creed, and orientation, though fixed in our laws in 1964, was not immediately fixed in the hearts and minds of the American people.

Martin Luther King once said, ``The arc of the moral universe is long, but it bends towards justice.''

So it has been with civil rights in this country. And, just as passage of antidiscrimination legislation did not end social discord in 1964, memorializing the Civil Rights Act on a coin from the U.S. Treasury, as H.R. 2040 proposes, does not mean discrimination has run its course in the United States. More than ever, as the United States struggles with the problem of so many foreign born living in this country, contemplates the idea of a black man or a woman as the President of this country, and negotiates with nations whose religion and morals differ widely from our own, we need to remember the values inherent in the Civil Rights Act.

I commend Mr. Lewis and all the cosponsors for bringing this legislation to the floor and I urge all my colleagues to join us in support of it.

Ms. JACKSON-LEE of Texas. I rise today in strong support of H.R. 2040, requiring the Secretary of the Treasury to mint coins in commemoration of the semicentennial of the enactment of the Civil Rights Act of 1964, introduced by my distinguished colleague from Georgia, Representative John Lewis.

I speak out today to commemorate the progress we have made in casting out the demons of prejudice and discrimination. I speak out today recognize the steps we have taken as a Nation to get closer to the American Creed. However, I must also speak out today to call attention to the progress we have yet to make in order to fulfill the tenants of Civil Rights Act of 1964. I speak out today to challenge this Nation to uphold our founding principles of equal opportunity for all, regardless of race, color, sex, religion and national origin.

Though 44 years have passed since the passage of the Civil Rights Act of 1964, today, in 2008, we are still witnessing horrible violations of the principles of this act. To cite a recent example, in Waller County, Texas, an attempted disenfranchisement of Prairie View A&M University students continues today, although the U.S. Supreme Court affirmed Prairie View A&M University student voter rights in 1979.

On November 5, 2003, the Waller County, Texas district attorney requested that the county Elections Administration bar the students at Historically Black College Prairie View A&M University from voting locally by virtue of his unilateral interpretation of ``domicile'' for voting purposes. Texas voter registration law only requires a person to be a resident of the county at least 30 days prior to the elections. African-American students represent the majority of Prairie View A&M's student body of 7,000 members, and these students constitute a major voting bloc in Waller County. The district attorney's request sought to effectively disenfranchise African-American college students in this area; as such, this request suggested a form of voter intimidation and likely had the effect of denying or abridging the right to vote on account of race or color. Despite a prolonged dialog with Texas officials regarding this matter, relief from the pressures and intimidation experienced by the students when attempting to exercise their rights was never provided. This example does not stand alone among the long list of discriminatory acts that continue to plague our Nation.

The Civil Rights Act of 1964 Commemorative Coin Act requires the Secretary of the Treasury to mint and issue, during 2014, up to 350,000 $1 coins designed to be emblematic of the enactment of the Civil Rights Act of 1964 and its contribution to civil rights in America. This coin would symbolize our progress, commemorate the 50th anniversary of the Civil Rights Act of 1964, and serve as a constant reminder of the work we still have to do. The Civil Rights Act of 1964 Commemorative Coin Act would also provide a surcharge of $10 per coin. All surcharges received in conjunction with the sale of this coin would be paid to the United Negro College Fund, UNCF. The $10 per coin surcharge will help the UNCF provide scholarships and internships for minority students. The money will also provide operating funds and technology enhancement services for 39 member historically Black colleges and universities throughout America.

Madam Speaker, this important legislation would commemorate a landmark event in our history as Americans. By requiring the Secretary of the Treasurer to mint coins in commemoration of the semicentennial of the enactment of the Civil Rights Act of 1964, this legislation will celebrate our history, while also pushing us forward into a better future. For these reasons, I strongly support H.R. 2040 and urge all Members to do the same.

Madam Speaker, I yield back the balance of my time.

Thank you, Chairman Conyers. It's so good to be here with my good friend Mr. Lewis from Georgia and Mr. Cohen from Tennessee.

Mr. Speaker, today, we gather to pay tribute and to recognize an extraordinary life on the 40th anniversary of the assassination of Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr.

Mr. Speaker, in the book of Genesis in the 37th chapter, in the 19th verse, it says these words: Lo, here cometh the dreamer. Let us slay him and then we shall see what will become of his dream.

I think that is a most fitting way to enter my remarks this afternoon about Dr. King, for his was truly a dream, but that dream was built on three strong pillars. One was public accommodations. The other was voting rights. But the other, and perhaps the tougher, was economic rights, how do we get the lever to make the dream a reality. Dr.

King knew full well it didn't matter if we could sit anywhere on the bus if we don't have money to get on the bus. It doesn't matter if we could live anywhere we wanted if we didn't have money to buy the house and to keep the house.

So, as we reflect today on that economic right, it is so fitting that so much is still to be done. For as we look at the front page of the New York Times yesterday, we find that there are more people who are on food stamps percentage-wise in this country than 40 years ago when Dr. King died. What has happened to his dream after he was slain?

It's so fitting that if we start to think for a moment what Dr. King was doing in those moments and hours before his death. He was grappling with the economic question, moving back and forward from Washington, D.C., to Atlanta, Georgia, to Memphis, dealing with the poor people's campaign, the war on poverty, and, most significantly, dealing with the most basic of economic rights, a livable wage for jobs for the sanitation workers in Memphis, Tennessee.

And so he knew that the work had not been done. His prophetic words, as Chairman Conyers referred, it's almost as if he was preaching his own funeral when he said he had reached the mountaintop and had looked over and seen the promised land. I may not get there with you, but I want you to know tonight that we, as a people, will get to the promised land. And all the threats that were on his life, it was as if he knew that the bullet in 24 hours was out there waiting for him.

And he said in his immortal words: I fear no man, for mine eyes have seen the glory of the coming of the Lord.

So, as we gather here, let us understand that that dream is still not the reality; although the pillars that he planted, part of them are. It is the tough bucket of the economic issues that we are grappling with on the floor of this House of Representatives as we speak, keeping people in their homes, getting people so they can work and have employment and jobs, opening up the economic system so that people will have businesses and participate in a livable way.

So, as we reflect, let us remember those words from Genesis: Lo, here cometh the dreamer. Let us slay him and then we shall see what will become of his dream.

We in this House of Representatives can make that dream a reality by finishing that final plank, the economic plank.

Reserving the right to object, Madam Speaker, I just wanted to very briefly come down because I think we need to remember, first of all, that we are standing on some very hallowed ground here. We are standing on the grounds of the citadel of this Nation where some heavy prices were paid for the foundation of our government, the hallmark of which is openness and freedom. So when we take a step to close our proceedings to the American people, we are treading on treacherous ground.

And so I believe, I think that it is very important, Mr. Minority Whip, that I ask you this question because I think you certainly need to answer this for those of us here and the American people, and that question is: Is this a political ploy? In the land of Greek mythology was a land called Troy, and in that land they brought a Trojan horse. And so when you look at the facts that have been exposed in this discourse this evening, you say you have information that is of high intelligence matter, that you are asking us to undermine the very hallmark and foundation of our free, open Republic to present, that has not even been presented to the proper channels of our Intelligence Committee on the eve of a vote that has been moving around these Chambers for well over a month.

Here, just before we are about to go for a 2-week recess, we come with this mysterious information. So the question has to be answered: Is this a Trojan horse? Is this a political ploy? To call a meeting in secret to give secret information, those of us that would come have to abide by the secrecy, then when the vote takes place, if it doesn't go the way that you want it, you can say to the press, well, hey, we called a secret meeting. We gave them valuable information, and see what they did.

It puts this whole situation in a very confounding box, and I ask you to answer that question. Is this not a political ploy? Is this not a Trojan horse? And if so, could it not be a misuse of the sanctity of the House of Representatives?

But if you were, if that information rose to that level, Mr. Minority Leader, to that level of secrecy, then why would it not certainly have raised to the level that you could have shared it with the chairman of the Intelligence Committee?

What I'm saying, but the point is that you, yourself, had the information, but you, yourself, did not share it with the chairman of the committee.

I will yield to the majority leader.

I will yield to you.

My final concern is, and I will let this rest, is that after tomorrow when we read the accounts of this, or when we go home and the American people ask us that question, the issue is going to be, Was it worth it? Was it, did it reach that level to really undermine the openness in government?

Our Nation is littered with examples of secrecy when it should have been openness. And as we've seen from those who've been here long before I have, who've gone through these previous times, in the five times and the most recent two or three times that some of those that spoke have been here, it proved to not reach that bar. And I'd just say, these are hallowed grounds. This is a precious country, the centerpiece of which is openness, and if we keep tipping away at this, we undermine the very fabric of our country. And I just submit to you, Mr. Leader, this is really what's at stake tonight.

Yes.

Well, just finally, in conclusion, I just want to say that I know that I speak for every single Member of the House of Representatives, both Democrat and Republican, when I say that foremost in all of our minds, foremost is the security of the United States of America, and foremost in our minds is that we do that in the context of the foundations of this country, which are freedom and openness.

We walk a very delicate balance this evening. Let us hope we walk it right.

I withdraw my reservation.

Mr. Speaker, I ask unanimous consent that the business in order under the Calendar Wednesday rule be dispensed with tomorrow.

Madam Speaker, I rise today to honor one of America's most courageous groups of men who fought during World War II, the Tuskegee Airmen. These brave African American men refused to let discrimination topple their dreams as they fought to defend America during World War II and protect our freedom. They are nationally known for being the first group of black military airmen at a time when people believed all blacks lacked intelligence, skill, courage, and patriotism.

It was not until 1941 when the Tuskegee Airmen were given an opportunity to learn about aviation at Tuskegee Institute in Tuskegee, Alabama, founded by Booker T. Washington. There is no greater story of freedom and American democracy than that of the Tuskegee Airmen, who with bravery and courage fought for the freedom of this country and the world, while at home African Americans were second-class citizens.

Coming out of the Tuskegee Institute as some of the best and brightest of their programs, they went on to fight against all odds. These men were a vital part of the battles against the Luftwaffe in Austria, Hungary, Poland, and Germany. They flew more than 15,000 sorties, escorted bombers in raids against enemies over Europe and North Africa, and destroyed enemy targets and supply lines in Germany. Their efforts and successes in the Air Force directly influenced President Truman's decision to desegregate the U.S. military. Due to their patriotism and valor in World War II, on March 27, 2007, they received one of the highest honors in the United States, the Congressional Gold Medal.

So when anyone talks about the Tuskegee Airmen, it is more than just their flying. It is their extraordinary stand for courage in the face of difficulty. This month I salute the Tuskegee Airmen.