Floor Statements

Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.

Today, I rise in strong opposition to the recent sham election that took place in Burma on November 7. As the sponsor of this important resolution, I want to lend a public voice for many people yearning to see democracy take real root in Burma.

The purpose of the election is crystal clear: to entrench the military junta's rule under a cloak of democracy. Notwithstanding the release of Aung San Suu Kyi, the junta's actions cannot be an excuse to draw the curtain closed on so many people in Burma who yearn for the fresh breath of freedom.

While claiming the pro-junta party won 80 percent of the vote in the sham election, the Burmese regime clearly demonstrated its adherence to Chairman Mao's famous dictum that ``political power comes from the barrel of a gun.''

To make matters worse, just as rigged election results were being reported, junta troops engaged in shoot-outs with ethnic minority forces in border areas, sending tens of thousands of refugees fleeing into Thailand. Artillery fire even flew over the border, injuring refugees, Thai civilians, and Thai soldiers on the Thai side. Shelling your peaceful neighbor is no way for any government to conduct an election.

And while we all laud the release of the acclaimed Nobel Peace Prize Laureate Aung San Suu Kyi, no one should be fooled into thinking that the Burmese junta leopard has changed its spots. The junta has treated Aung San Suu Kyi like its political yo-yo, letting her out and then pulling her back in whenever it has served the regime's political whims. Having gotten her out of the way during the critical runup to the bogus elections, the regime has now decided it is time to place her again in the world spotlight.

But we cannot for one moment forget that there are an estimated 2,500 other political prisoners, including brave monks and ordinary citizens from the Saffron Revolution 3 years ago, who still languish in the Burmese gulag. Until these others are free, Aung San Suu Kyi and Burma are indeed truly not free.

In 2008, I led the effort, along with my friend from New York, Representative Joe Crowley, to award the Congressional Gold Medal to Aung San Suu Kyi. We must never forget the strength and hope that she represents. We must never be fooled into believing that this time there really will be change in Burma.

A flawed election process cannot hide the fact that until a sincere, transparent dialogue of political transformation is begun with the opposition, there can be no true democracy and rule of law in Burma. One need only recall that Hitler and Stalin had elections also, and they were just as meaningless.

This raises the whole question of the value of engagement with a regime which hunts down refugees and shells its neighbor in the aftermath of bogus elections. The administration clings to the desperate hope that talking to dictatorial thugs with no preconditions will lead to a world of peace and harmony. The Burmese junta and their bogus elections demonstrate the naive assumption behind this approach to foreign policy.

The release of Nobel Peace Prize Laureate Aung San Suu Kyi from house arrest, however, still leaves one Peace Prize laureate behind bars. That is the recent Prize recipient, Chinese dissident Liu Xiaobo. It seems high time for the rulers in Beijing to follow the example of their Burmese buddies and immediately release Mr. Liu. Governments which fear lone voices of conscience like Aung San Suu Kyi and Mr. Liu can never be truly secure, no matter how much voter fraud they conduct to prop up their regimes.

I strongly and enthusiastically urge my colleagues to stand up for democracy and freedom in the proud ancient land of Burma and to wholeheartedly support this resolution.

I reserve the balance of my time.

I yield back the balance of my time.

I rise in support of the resolution and yield myself such time as I may consume.

Mr. Speaker, 20 years ago, on August 2, 1990, Saddam Hussein's Iraqi regime invaded and occupied nearby Kuwait. In response, the United States stood firmly against this act of aggression and led a strong coalition of responsible nations in making clear that Saddam's actions would not be tolerated. As a result of U.S. leadership, the U.N. Security Council adopted almost a dozen separate resolutions that, among other things, demanded that Iraq unconditionally withdraw from Kuwait and increased economic sanctions and other pressure against Saddam's dictatorship.

On November 29, 1990, the U.N. Security Council authorized the use of all necessary means to compel Iraq's withdrawal from Kuwait. Congress voted on January 12, 1991, to authorize America's Armed Forces to enforce the U.N. Security Council's resolutions with respect to Iraq.

Mr. Speaker, when called to action, our men and women in uniform, almost 700,000 of whom served in the theater, fulfilled their mission in an exemplary manner with valor and honor. Joined by our coalition partners, the U.S. military overwhelmed Saddam's forces and drove them out of Kuwait in a decisive campaign that lasted fewer than 30 days. Sadly, during the Gulf War, 383 Americans made the ultimate sacrifice, giving their lives in service to our Nation, and more than 460 others were wounded.

Among those who died was a young flight surgeon from Rochelle, Illinois, by the name of Dr. Koritz, when his jet aircraft was shot down. Further, over 170,000 returning veterans of the Gulf War have suffered from serious health problems.

In 2001, I authored the Persian Gulf War Illness Compensation Act to make sure that our veterans receive compensation from illnesses as a result of Gulf War syndrome. This legislation garnered the support of more than half the House of Representatives, and it was later signed into law by the President of the United States. It was thanks to the loving dedication of Donna Steele, the widow of Gulf War veteran Dan Steele from Freeport, Illinois, that helped me understand the devastating nature of Gulf War syndrome.

Mr. Speaker, as we commemorate the 20th anniversary of the Gulf War, we must honor the service and sacrifice made by servicemembers and veterans. Further, we must reaffirm our determination to ensure peace and stability in the gulf region which is a key U.S. interest. Accordingly, I am proud to support House Resolution 1672 and thank my friend from Maine (Mr. Michaud) for introducing this measure.

Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. Speaker, it is a real honor and privilege to yield such time as he may consume to the gentleman from Indiana (Mr. Buyer). He is the ranking member of the Committee on Veterans Affairs. He and I are classmates. We trained in school together to run as Members of Congress. He is a dear, dear friend. Our offices are on the same hall. Unfortunately, he is going to be leaving Congress this year.

I yield back the balance of my time.

Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.

I stand in strong support of this resolution, which recognizes the architectural genius of a man who was born over 500 years ago and continues to inspire the work of architects today.

Andrea Palladio was born into a family of modest means and rose through society as a result of his hard work, commitment to learning, and dedication to his trade.

Palladio is best known for his work, ``The Four Books of Architecture,'' and by 1554 he was named the chief architect of the Republic of Venice.

Palladio's work defined the renaissance style of architecture. Thomas Jefferson utilized his principles in designing his home at Monticello, as well as when he designed the plans for the University of Virginia.

The Palladian style served as inspiration to many architects during the 18th century when they designed the United States Capitol, where we meet today, as well as other government buildings and monuments in and around Washington, D.C.

Indeed, Palladio's influence goes beyond architecture to touch the lives of countless Italian immigrants in this country. Americans of Italian heritage carry on the Palladio work ethic and commitment to excellence.

In this resolution today, we recall the life of Andrea Palladio and recognize the significant contributions he made to Western architecture and to the cultural heritage of the United States.

I urge my colleagues to join in supporting the adoption of this resolution.

I reserve the balance of my time.

I yield back the balance of my time.

Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume and rise in support of H. Con. Res. 327, a bipartisan measure recognizing the efforts of the USA Bid Committee to bring the World Cup to the United States.

On December 2, the Executive Committee of the International Federation of Football Associations, or FIFA, will be voting and announcing the host countries for the 2018 and 2022 FIFA World Cup competitions.

A month ago, the United States decided to focus solely on its bid for 2022. My colleagues will recall that the U.S. hosted a highly successful World Cup 16 years ago, in 1994.

In addition to holding opening ceremonies and the first match in my home State of Illinois, that tournament set World Cup attendance records, drawing nearly 3.6 million live spectators at matches that were broadcast to billions of viewers around the world. It was a great success for the World Cup and a huge boost for the game in the United States. Since that time, soccer has grown significantly in this country, both as a participant and a spectator sport.

I can think of no better venue for the 2022 FIFA World Cup than the United States of America. We boast the second largest number of players in the world, with over 24 million Americans playing. With nearly 4 million young people playing in more than 6,000 clubs and leagues, the United States leads the world in youth players--those who are most committed and important to the future of the game. With our state-of- the-art stadiums and broadcast facilities, we also have the best possible infrastructure to make the 2022 World Cup accessible to the people of the world.

For these and many other reasons, holding the 2022 FIFA World Cup in the United States would be good for FIFA and good for the economy of the United States. Thus, it is fitting that today we join together across party lines to commend and support the efforts of the USA Bid Committee to bring the World Cup competition to the United States in 2022.

I have no further requests for time, and I yield back the balance of my time.

Mr. Speaker, I speak in favor of the Currency Reform for Fair Trade Act, H.R. 2378.

This day has been long in coming. In 2003, I was one of the first Members of Congress to introduce legislation to stop currency undervaluation, especially by China. There has been some modest progress taking place over the years, but the overall practice continues to the detriment of our manufacturers.

Counties in northern Illinois have a real unemployment rate of somewhere between 18 and 25 percent. We can't wait any longer for more promises to solve this problem in the future.

Just listen to one of my constituents, Jerry Busse from Rockford Toolcraft, who was quoted in the Rockford Register Star on August 30 of this year.

Mr. Busse: `` `We have done work for a big manufacturer in Chicago for 20 years. All of a sudden, we lost a lot of their business because they decided to move the work to China,' Busse said. He asked the Chicago company what he had to do to get the work back.

`` `The prices they were getting from China were close to what we had been getting. I said, I think I can do the work for that amount,' Busse said. But the company refused.

`` `Their management said anyone in America has to be 30 percent under the Chinese price. And I can't do that.' ''

Well, that's about the extent of the valuation of the Chinese RMB.

I support the new version of the legislation to combat exchange rate undervaluation by China and other countries. We have to take a stand to stop China from making their imports cheaper in the U.S. and our exports more expensive going to China.

One study estimates that correction of all the Asian currency undervaluations would cut the global U.S. trade deficit by about $100 billion and generate at least 700,000 American jobs.

This legislation provides another weapon in our trade arsenal to empower trade enforcement officials to confront unfair trade practices by China and others. If you want to stop Chinese imports coming in at predatory prices and give our manufacturers and farmers the chance to fairly compete, then support the currency reform bill.

Mr. Speaker, this day has been long in coming. In 2003, I was one of the first Members of Congress to introduce legislation on this topic to stop this anti-free market practice of foreign governments of deliberately undermining the value of their own currency to make their exports less expensive and foreign imports more costly. We have had some modest progress over the years but the overall practice continues to the detriment of our manufacturers and farmers.

Currently, counties in northern Illinois have an official unemployment rate of between 8 and 16.4 percent. The unemployment rate in the cities of Rockford, Belvidere, and Freeport are 17.4 percent, 17.8 percent, and 13.3 percent respectively. But if you include those who have given up looking for work, the real unemployment rate for these counties and cities is probably somewhere between 18 and 28 percent. We can't wait any longer for more promises to solve this problem in the future.

I am pleased to support the ``new and improved version'' of the legislation introduced by my fellow co-chair of the House Manufacturing Caucus, Representative Tim Ryan of Ohio, to combat exchange rate misalignment by China and other foreign governments. I am a proud original co-sponsor of this legislation. Regardless of any person's view on free trade, opposing exchange rate undervaluation is an area where both sides of the trade debate should come together. We must take a stand to stop China and other nations from making their imports cheaper in the U.S. and our exports more expensive in their country.

Let me relate the experience of one manufacturer from Rockford, Illinois, Jerry Busse of Rockford Toolcraft. He was quoted in the Rockford Register Star last August saying, ``We have done work for a big manufacturer in Chicago for 20 years. All of a sudden we lost a lot of their business because they decided to move the work to China.'' Jerry Busse asked the Chicago company what he had to do to get the work back. The prices they were getting from China were close to what Rockford Toolcraft had been getting. Jerry Busse thought to himself that he could do the work for that amount but the Chicago company refused. According to Jerry Busse, the management of the Chicago firm said anyone in America has to be 30 percent under the Chinese price. Mr. Speaker, 30 percent is approximately the undervaluation of the Chinese currency. Suffice it to say that Rockford Toolcraft couldn't meet this predatory price and lost a customer.

Despite any differences we may have over trade policy, we should all agree on the need to stop foreign governments from undervaluing their currencies to gain an economic advantage over us by making their goods artificially less expensive in the United States and making our exports more expensive overseas.

This bill is not targeted at one country. Currency undervaluation is not just a problem that plagues our trade relationship with China. About two weeks ago, Japanese monetary authorities sold a large amount of yen against the dollar to stem the Japanese currency's sharp appreciation against the U.S.--the first time since 2004. Other countries have joined in this anti-capitalistic, mercantilist behavior over the years and they should be equally condemned. It is in their long-term self interest to eventually move to a valuation of their currency that is based on the marketplace--not by a government official.

Fred Bergsten, Director of the highly respected Peterson Institute for International Economics, estimated that correction of all of the Asian currency undervaluations would cut the global U.S. trade deficit by about $100 billion and generate at least 700,000 jobs.

This legislation provides another weapon in our trade arsenal to empower our trade enforcement officials to confront unfair trade practices by China and others. The revised bill

gives discretion to the Department of Commerce to consider currency undervaluation as another form of a government subsidy that is eligible for higher countervailing duties.

This legislation is preferable to other bills that would impose blanket, across-the-board tariffs on just Chinese goods that would almost immediately be ruled illegal by the World Trade Organization. This approach is WTO compliant and does not target one specific country over another for currency undervaluation. This bill should unite both spectrums of the trade debate and one that should send shockwaves to capitals of foreign governments that deliberately undervalue their currency for a trade advantage. The frustration level is high among our small manufacturers such as Jerry Busse and the time is ripe for Congress to act.

I'm here as a proponent of free but fair trade in support of this carefully crafted legislation and I urge my colleagues to do the same. If you want to stop Chinese imports coming in at predatory prices and give our manufacturers and farmers the chance to fairly compete, then support this bill. If you don't like government subsidies and interference in the marketplace; if you prefer capitalism to mercantilism; then you vote for this bill.

Mr. Speaker, today we have a unique opportunity to lend a hand to American manufacturers. I'm proud to join my good friend and colleague from Illinois (Mr. Lipinski) in being an original cosponsor of this legislation. And, in fact, when I chaired the Small Business Committee, we had field hearings in both his district and Mr. Davis' centered on the issue of manufacturing in America.

As the cofounder and cochair of the House Manufacturing Caucus, I can't overstate the importance of manufacturing to America. One in six jobs in America is directly related to manufacturing, and one in four in the congressional district that I represent.

Manufacturing drives innovation by conducting nearly half of all research and development and creating the bulk of technology in our Nation. Nearly 60 percent of exported goods are manufactured goods.

Every $1 in final sales of manufactured goods supports $1.40 in output, which is higher than any other economic sector. If we don't make things in America, then even those service jobs, however, will disappear.

I spent probably two-thirds of my time in Congress studying and working on manufacturing issues, from raw materials and minerals all the way through to export controls. In fact, within the past Congress, working with Congressmen Blumenauer, Crowley, and Sherman, all Democrats, we were able to amend section 17(c) of the Export Administration Act, which has resulted in the additional billions of dollars more of aircraft parts being exported. In fact, I'm probably the only Member of Congress who's ever gone to warehousing school to study the flow of manufactured items to the floor of sales.

Every few years, the manufacturing sector in the U.S. experiences a crisis. The last report that was issued was in 2004. This chart right here represents probably 12 or 14 years of work in my office. We tried to identify the numerous Federal programs and agencies that support manufacturing. People will come to the office, we would add in hand exactly what those are.

It's still difficult to have a central focus point to know who's manufacturing and who's doing research in a particular area. For example, if somebody wants to do research on machining titanium or Inconel, there's no central portal through which that person can go to determine exactly what programs or who's doing that research. That's one of the beauties of the bill that Congressman Lipinski has introduced.

Why is it necessary to have a study? Because Americans need to know the importance of manufacturing. If we don't have manufacturing, agriculture, and mining in this country, we become a Third World nation. If we can't make things with our hands, then we become hindered in maintaining our status as a world leader.

The whole purpose of having a comprehensive strategy in manufacturing is, as Mr. Lipinski said, to call the Nation's importance to the fact that young people need to go into manufacturing, need to go to our community colleges to learn how these sophisticated machines are made.

I've probably been in 500 to 700 factories all over the world studying and analyzing exactly what America needs.

This bill has, as its purpose, to show Americans, but more importantly to bring to the attention of fellow Members of Congress, the absolute importance of protecting manufacturing in this country. It is a great bill because what it will do is it will help identify those programs that exist, those that are working, and those that should be eliminated.

If we pass the National Manufacturing Strategy Act into law, a new Manufacturing Strategy Board will help the President to conduct an in- depth analysis of the Nation's manufacturing sector and develop a comprehensive strategy for enhancing its competitiveness and promoting its success in the global economy.

So I urge my colleagues to support H.R. 4692.

We have a unique opportunity today to boost the U.S. economy and lend a hand to American manufacturers.

The bipartisan National Manufacturing Strategy Act (H.R. 4692) will help American manufacturing rebound from recent economic turmoil to ensure that both our workers and our factories are equipped to thrive in the 21st Century.

The 16th District of Illinois, which I am so proud to represent, is one of the most heavily industrialized Congressional districts in the nation. Winnebago County, in the center of the district I represent, is second only to Wayne County, Michigan, in terms of per capita concentration of manufacturing as a percentage of the local economy. And Rockford, Illinois, is in the center of Winnebago County. There, we make everything from nuts and bolts to the advanced electrical system for the new Boeing 787, the Dreamliner.

I simply cannot overstate the importance of manufacturing not only to northwest Illinois but to the America. The United States has the largest manufacturing economy in the world, producing $1.6 trillion in value annually--that's 11 percent of U.S. gross domestic product (GDP). One in six U.S. jobs is tied directly or indirectly to manufacturing, and strides in productivity have held down inflation and contributed to higher standards of living for hardworking Americans. Manufacturing drives innovation by conducting nearly half of all research and development and creating the bulk of technology in our nation. Nearly 60 percent of all exported goods from the U.S. originate from the manufacturing sector.

In the United States, every $1.00 in final sales of manufactured goods supports $1.40 in output from other sectors of the economy. That multiplier effect on our investment dollars is higher than any other economic sector.

Manufacturing is the lifeblood of the American economy and its continued strength is key to putting Americans back to work. For too long, manufacturing has received second-class treatment from our government. While Washington hesitates to act, American industries are withering under intense global competition and jobs have gone overseas. It's time for the federal government to get serious and implement an agenda to strengthen American manufacturing and restore American jobs, and that's exactly what this legislation will require.

There are numerous existing federal programs to support American manufacturing, but our national manufacturing policy is disjointed and reactionary. Other nations proactively support their industrial base through programs and policies. If we pass the National Manufacturing Strategy Act into law, a new Manufacturing Strategy Board will help the President to conduct an in-depth analysis of the nation's manufacturing sector and develop a comprehensive strategy for enhancing its competitiveness and promoting its success in the global economy.

The aim of the strategy and the quadrennial review is to harmonize manufacturing policy across the government and ensure that it is unified, innovative, and results-oriented.

As noted in recent committee testimony from AAM president Scott Paul, Alexander Hamilton himself constructed America's first industrial policy in 1791. Our founding fathers recognized that a robust industrial base is vital to both our national security and a flourishing economy.

Instead of wallowing in anxiety over the fate of our economy, Congress needs to demand action that will produce results. America's manufacturers are among the most innovative and productive in the world, but they aren't getting the support they need from their government. By developing a long-term plan with input from a wide range of stakeholders and experts, the National Manufacturing Strategy Act will ensure that we are doing absolutely all that we can to help this vital industry.

Mr. Speaker, we on the Financial Services Committee have spent nearly 2 years holding hearings to determine the appropriate course of action for financial reform.

In September, the committee began marking up legislation to try to address failures in the financial market and plug the holes. The problem is that the two big culprits here, Fannie Mae and Freddie Mac, now taken over by the government, could cost the American taxpayers $1 trillion. Those two entities simply are not even--nothing happens to them in this new bill, the guys that caused the problem.

Maybe you could take this 2,000-page bill and gel it into one sentence: you can't buy a home unless you can afford it. That's what caused the problem in the first place.

No credit standards, so-called ``liar loans'' where people were allowed to buy homes when others sat at the closing table knowing full well the new buyers couldn't even make the first payment. So it took the Fed I think 2 years to come up with a rule that says, oh, by the way, if you buy a house, you have to have written proof of your earnings.

I mean, why did we need 2,000 pages of a bill--and none of it's addressed to the GSEs--simply saying Freddie Mac and Fannie Mae won't take the assignment of the mortgage unless the mortgage is sound. That won't solve the problem. We wouldn't have had the complete collapse of the system that we have today. But instead we just created an agency, the Consumer Financial Protection Bureau. What are these guys going to do besides adding hundreds of more bureaucrats, maybe build a new building somewhere, and they're going to impose regulations in nearly every sector of the economy.

What are they going to say?

All they have to say is, ``If you can't afford to buy a house, you can't have it.'' That should be the extent of the regulations. Yet what do we have now? Instead of one sentence, we have 2,000 pages.

Mr. Speaker, as the senior Republican on the Asia Subcommittee of the House Foreign Affairs Committee and as the co-chair of the Friends of Thailand Caucus, I rise in favor of H. Res. 1321, which expresses support for resolving the political situation in Thailand through non-violent, democratic means. The relationship between the United States and Thailand goes back over 175 years to when the U.S. signed its first agreement with an Asian nation as part of the Treaty of Amity and Commerce with Siam. Thailand is one of America's closest friends and dependable ally. In fact, the King of Thailand generously offered President Abraham Lincoln a supply of elephants to help Union forces win the Civil War. Thailand has also contributed troops and supplies for U.S. military engagements in Korea, Vietnam, the Persian Gulf, Afghanistan, and Iraq for which we are forever grateful. After several decades of mostly military dictatorships, by the early 1990s, Thailand established democratic rule, furthering bolstering its status as a partner of the United States. As a result, in 2003, the U.S. designated Thailand as a major non-NATO ally. Thailand has also grown to be a significant trading partner of the United States. In fact, exports from Illinois to Thailand were one of the few bright spots during this recession--increasing 8.1 percent between 2008 and 2009. Thailand is one of the top 25 export markets for Illinois products. I was pleased and honored when the Ambassador from Thailand came to visit northern Illinois last April to learn more about what America has to offer.

However, ever since 2006, the political situation inside Thailand has been a state of turmoil. We have all been pained to see the media images of violence and burned-out buildings. Obviously, only the Thai people can resolve their own internal conflicts. I hope that this resolution can play a constructive role in helping to encourage all sides to resolve their differences peacefully. I trust that the 5-point national reconciliation plan proposed by the Prime Minister of Thailand and highlighted by this resolution is fully implemented.

This resolution is important to reaffirm our support for democracy, non-violence, and the people of Thailand. I urge the government of Thailand to follow through on its commitments as outlined in their 5- point plan. I also urge all parties in Thailand to join in this effort and settle their differences peacefully. Therefore, I encourage my colleagues to vote in favor of H. Res. 1321.

Madam Speaker, as the senior Republican on the Asia Subcommittee of the House Foreign Affairs Committee, I rise in support of recognizing the 60th anniversary of the Korean War and reaffirming the U.S.-Korea alliance. During this time of anxiety on the Korean peninsula, it is critical that Congress sends a bipartisan message of solidarity with our friends in South Korea.

The Korean War started on June 25, 1950, when communist North Korean forces crossed

the infamous 38th Parallel in the attempt to force South Korea to submit to their regime. The U.S. and other allied nations successfully stopped and reversed the invasion by pro-communist forces but at a high cost--over 54,000 American deaths. It led to a divided peninsula that is still with us today.

However, the 1953 Armistice agreement allowed a pocket of freedom to bloom. South Korea is now a fully-fledged democracy, with competitive, freely held elections. In addition, South Korea is now the world's 14th largest economy. Three years ago, I had the honor of hosting the South Korean Ambassador in northern Illinois. I was impressed with his quest to personally thank and honor as many Korean War veterans as possible for their service and sacrifice.

Unfortunately, South Korea is once again threatened with war from the North if the United Nations reprimands North Korea for sinking a South Korean warship. This is outrageous. The U.N. should not be intimated by such bellicose rhetoric. That is why this resolution is so important to reaffirm our commitment to the alliance with the Republic of Korea for the betterment of peace and prosperity in the Korean peninsula. I urge my colleagues to support S.J. Res. 32.

Madam Speaker, I rise in support of recognizing the 50th anniversary of the U.S.-Japan Treaty of Mutual Cooperation and Security. This agreement laid the cornerstone for reintegrating Japan into the community of free nations and helped insure Japan's long-term security and prosperity. It also resulted in formerly establishing an alliance that facilitates the forward deployment of about 36,000 U.S. troops and other U.S. military assets in the Asia-Pacific to undergird U.S. national security strategy in the region. Too many times, we take our friends for granted. It wasn't obvious 50 years ago that this agreement would pass the Japanese Diet. But on June 19, 1960, this agreement became operational after much boisterous opposition.

Thus, it is appropriate that the House recognize and thank our Japanese friends for the role this agreement has played in advancing peace, prosperity, and security in the Pacific Rim. It allowed a country devastated by war to eventually become the fourth largest economy in the world and the fourth largest export market for U.S. products.

I deeply appreciate and value our strategic and economic relationship with Japan. Despite the change in the Japanese government, this agreement still remains as a cornerstone of our relationship. I was greatly honored that the Japanese Ambassador paid a visit to northern Illinois last April where we saw first-hand the role that Japanese foreign investment played in saving many jobs in this region, such as the Nissan forklift manufacturing facility in Marengo. We also examined possible new opportunities for trade and investment.

I want to commend my ranking Member, Representative Ros-Lehtinen, for bringing this resolution to the floor today. I urge my colleagues to support H. Res. 1464.

Madam Speaker, on Thursday, June 10, 2010, I inadvertently missed this vote. I would have recorded a ``no'' vote on rollcall No. 349.

Amendment No. 9 Offered by Mr. Turner

Madam Speaker, on Monday, May 24, 2010, and Tuesday, May 25, 2010, I missed a series of votes because I was recovering from an illness. If I had been here, I would have voted ``yea'' on rollcall No. 291, ``yea'' on rollcall No. 292, ``yea'' on rollcall No. 293, ``yea'' on rollcall No. 294, ``yea'' on rollcall No. 295, ``yea'' on rollcall No. 296, ``yea'' on rollcall No. 297, ``yea'' on rollcall No. 298, ``yes'' on rollcall No. 299, ``yea'' on rollcall No. 300, and ``yea'' on rollcall No. 301.

Madam Speaker, on Tuesday, May 18, 2010, I missed a series of votes because I was not feeling well. If I had been here, I would have voted ``no'' on rollcall No. 273, ``yea'' on rollcall No. 274, and ``yea'' on rollcall No. 275.

Mr. Speaker, on Thursday, March 25, 2010, I missed a series of votes because of a health emergency. If I was here, I would have voted ``no'' on rollcall No. 190, ``no'' on rollcall No. 191, and ``yea'' on rollcall No. 192.