Mr. Chairman, religious freedom and defending freedom should not be mutually exclusive. America was founded on religious liberty, and it is part of what makes our country so great. The men and women in uniform who have volunteered to keep…
Mr. Chairman, religious freedom and defending freedom should not be mutually exclusive. America was founded on religious liberty, and it is part of what makes our country so great. The men and women in uniform who have volunteered to keep our country safe and to protect our Constitution should not see their own liberties violated.
My amendment ensures that all servicemembers--no matter their religion or rank or leadership--are afforded their constitutional right to free exercise of religion.
One of the driving factors behind recent violations of religious freedom in the military is simply bad rules. My amendment requires the Pentagon to rewrite their rules on free exercise of religion, both for the whole Department of Defense, and particularly for the Air Force.
I would like to thank Chairman McKeon for supporting this amendment, as well as Mr. Forbes and Mr. Fleming, who are cosponsors.
Mr. Chairman, I have an amendment at the desk.
Mr. Chairman, my amendment is very simple. The United States should not be spending money to disarm ourselves--to dramatically cut our strategic nuclear deterrent under the New START Treaty--if the other party to the treaty is not trustworthy.
At the moment, the Russian Federation is clearly not trustworthy.
Let me remind us all of Russia's current record on observing treaties and agreements.
In 1994, Russia, Ukraine, the United Kingdom, and the United States signed the Budapest Memorandum. This agreement included a commitment to ``respect the independence and sovereignty and the existing borders of Ukraine.'' But this agreement did not keep Putin from invading Ukrainian territory.
Strike one.
In January, The New York Times revealed that the Russian Federation was cheating on another treaty--the Intermediate-Range Nuclear Forces Treaty, or INF Treaty. According to the story, our State Department has been raising the INF cheating issue with the Russians for about a year now, with no response.
Strike two.
In 2007, President Putin announced that he was suspending Russian participation in the Conventional Forces in Europe Treaty, or CFE. This came after years of Russian violations of the CFE Treaty.
Strike three.
Is the Russian government trustworthy?
The answer is clearly no.
The question for us tonight under my amendment is whether it makes sense for us to spend money on reducing our nuclear deterrent when the other party to the New START Treaty is not trustworthy. If you trust Vladimir Putin and the Russian government, vote against this amendment. But if you, like me, don't want to put our national security in the hands of a serial treaty violator, please vote for this amendment.
We should not be spending money implementing the New START Treaty, which reduces our nuclear forces, unless and until Russia makes it clear that they are a responsible actor and will abide by the agreements they make.
Mr. Chairman, I reserve the balance of my time.
Mr. Chairman, I want to respond to my colleague by saying there is a flaw in the New START Treaty, in my opinion, in that it originally called for reductions in U.S. nuclear forces and allowed Russia to increase its nuclear forces.
So that right there I think is a problem. But when you have serial violations by the Russian Federation invading Ukraine, in violation of the 1994 Budapest Memorandum, the INF Treaty, and the CFE Treaty, they are not a reliable partner in these treaties.
And so to reduce our forces, how can that be in our interest when the other party to the treaty is not someone who is performing on these other treaties? There could be questions on whether they are even fully complying with the New START Treaty.
Mr. Chairman, I will enter into the Record an article from The New York Times dated January 29 of this year detailing some of their violations of the INF Treaty.
[From the New York Times, Jan. 29, 2014]
U.S. Says Russia Tested Missile, Despite Treaty
(By Michael R. Gordon)
Washington.--The United States informed its NATO allies
this month that Russia had tested a new ground-launched
cruise missile, raising concerns about Moscow's compliance
with a landmark arms control accord.
American officials believe Russia began conducting flight
tests of the missile as early as 2008. Such tests are
prohibited by the treaty banning medium-range missiles that
was signed in 1987 by President Ronald Reagan and Mikhail S.
Gorbachev, the Soviet leader at the time, and that has long
been viewed as one of the bedrock accords that brought an end
to the Cold War.
Beginning in May, Rose Gottemoeller, the State Department's
senior arms control official, has repeatedly raised the
missile tests with Russian officials, who have responded that
they investigated the matter and consider the case to be
closed. But Obama administration officials are not yet ready
to formally declare the tests of the missile, which has not
been deployed, to be a violation of the 1987 treaty.
With President Obama pledging to seek deeper cuts in
nuclear arms, the State Department has been trying to find a
way to resolve the compliance issue, preserve the treaty and
keep the door open to future arms control accords.
``The United States never hesitates to raise treaty
compliance concerns with Russia, and this issue is no
exception,'' Jen Psaki, the State Department spokeswoman,
said. ``There's an ongoing review process, and we wouldn't
want to speculate or prejudge the outcome.''
Other officials, who asked not to be identified because
they were discussing internal deliberations, said there was
no question the missile tests ran counter to the treaty and
the administration had already shown considerable patience
with the Russians. And some members of Congress, who have
been briefed on the tests on a classified basis for well over
a year, have been pressing the White House for a firmer
response.
A public dispute over the tests could prove to be a major
new irritant in the already difficult relationship between
the United States and Russia. In recent months, that
relationship has been strained by differences over how to end
the fighting in Syria; the temporary asylum granted to Edward
J. Snowden, the former National Security Agency contractor;
and, most recently, the turmoil in Ukraine.
The treaty banning the testing, production and possession
of medium-range missiles has long been regarded as a major
step toward curbing the American and Russian arms race. ``The
importance of this treaty transcends numbers,'' Mr. Reagan
said during the treaty signing, adding that it underscored
the value of ``greater openness in military programs and
forces.''
But after President Vladimir V. Putin rose to power and the
Russian military began to re-evaluate its strategy, the
Kremlin developed second thoughts about the accord. During
the administration of President George W. Bush, Sergei B.
Ivanov, the Russian defense minister, proposed that the two
sides drop the treaty.
Though the Cold War was over, he argued that Russia still
faced threats from nations on its periphery, including China
and potentially Pakistan. But the Bush administration was
reluctant to terminate a treaty that NATO nations regarded as
a cornerstone of arms control and whose abrogation would have
enabled the Russians to increase missile forces directed at
the United States' allies in Asia.
Since Mr. Obama has been in office, the Russians have
insisted they want to keep the agreement. But in the view of
American analysts, Russia has also mounted a determined
effort to strengthen its nuclear abilities to compensate for
the weakness of its conventional, nonnuclear forces.
At the same time, in his State of the Union address last
year, Mr. Obama vowed to ``seek further reductions in our
nuclear arsenals,'' a goal American officials at one point
hoped might form part of Mr. Obama's legacy.
But administration officials and experts outside government
say Congress is highly unlikely to approve an agreement
mandating more cuts unless the question of Russian compliance
with the medium-range treaty is resolved.
``If the Russian government has made a considered decision
to field a prohibited system,'' Franklin C. Miller, a former
defense official at the White House and the Pentagon, said,
``then it is the strongest indication to date that they are
not interested in pursuing any arms control, at least through
the remainder of President Obama's term.''
It took years for American intelligence to gather
information on Russia's new missile system, but by the end of
2011, officials say it was clear that there was a compliance
concern.
There have been repeated rumors over the last year that
Russia may have violated some of the provisions of the 1987
treaty. But the nature of that violation has not previously
been disclosed, and some news reports have focused on the
wrong system: a new two-stage missile called the RS-26. The
Russians have flight-tested it at medium range, according to
intelligence assessments, and the prevailing view among
Western officials is that it is intended to help fill the gap
in Russia's medium-range missile capabilities that resulted
from the 1987 treaty. The
treaty defines medium-range missiles as ground-launched
ballistic or cruise missiles capable of flying 300 to 3,400
miles.
But because Russia has conducted a small number of tests of
the RS-26 at intercontinental range, it technically qualifies
as a long-range system and will be counted under the treaty
known as New Start, which was negotiated by the Obama
administration. So it is generally considered by Western
officials to be a circumvention, but not a violation, of the
1987 treaty
One member of Congress who was said to have raised concerns
that the suspected arms control violation might endanger
future arms control efforts was John Kerry. As a senator and
chairman of the Foreign Relations Committee, he received a
classified briefing on the matter in November 2012 that dealt
with compliance concerns, according to a report in The Daily
Beast.
As secretary of state, Mr. Kerry has not raised concerns
over the cruise missile tests with his Russian counterpart,
Sergey V. Lavrov, but he has emphasized the importance of
complying with arms accords, a State Department official
said.
Republican lawmakers, however, have urged the
administration to be more aggressive.
``Briefings provided by your administration have agreed
with our assessment that Russian actions are serious and
troubling, but have failed to offer any assurance of any
concrete action to address these Russian actions,''
Representative Howard McKeon, Republican of California and
chairman of the Armed Services Committee, and Representative
Mike Rogers, the Michigan Republican who leads the
Intelligence Committee, said in an April letter to Mr. Obama.
And Senator Jim Risch, Republican of Idaho, and 16 other
Republican senators recently proposed legislation that would
require the White House to report to Congress on what
intelligence the United States has shared with NATO allies on
suspected violations of the 1987 treaty.
Republican members of the Senate Foreign Relations
Committee have also cited the issue in holding up Ms.
Gottemoeller's confirmation as under secretary of state for
arms control and international security.
It was against this backdrop that the so-called deputies
committee, an interagency panel led by Antony Blinken, Mr.
Obama's deputy national security adviser, decided that Ms.
Gottemoeller should inform NATO's 28 members about the
compliance issue.
On Jan. 17, Ms. Gottemoeller discussed the missile tests in
a closed-door meeting of NATO's Arms Control, Disarmament and
Non-Proliferation Committee that she led in Brussels.
The Obama administration, she said, had not given up on
diplomacy. There are precedents for working out disputes over
arms control complaints, and Ms. Gottemoeller said American
officials would continue to engage the Russians to try to
resolve the controversy.
But even with the best of intentions, establishing what the
Russians are doing may not be easy. The elaborate network of
verification provisions created under the medium-range
missile treaty is no longer in effect, since all the missiles
that were believed to be covered by the agreement were long
thought to have been destroyed by May 1991.
At this point I yield 1 minute to the gentleman from Utah (Mr. Bishop), my colleague.
Mr. Chairman, how much time is remaining?
Mr. Chairman, I can't see how it would be in our interest to keep complying with a treaty when the other party to that treaty is not in compliance with so many other things it is supposed to be doing.
This amendment merely calls for a halt in the spending until such time as they come into compliance with all of these other treaties.
We are talking about reducing our nuclear forces. That is a guarantee against the main and only existential threat against the United States: a devastating nuclear attack, God forbid. But why in the world would we want to give up further nuclear forces when the party that is supposed to be working with us on this is not reliable?
I do not understand that. I would ask adoption of this amendment.
Mr. Chairman, I yield back the balance of my time.