Floor Statements

Mr. Speaker, I ask unanimous consent to place into the Record an exchange of letters with the Judiciary Committee on H.R. 5754.

Mr. Speaker, I include in the Record an exchange of letters.

House of Representatives,

Committee on the Judiciary,

Washington, DC, July 20, 2018.

Hon. Edward R. Royce,

Chairman, Committee on Foreign Affairs,

Washington, DC.

Dear Chairman Royce: I write with respect to H.R. 5754, the

``Cambodia Democracy Act.'' As a result of your having

consulted with us on provisions within H.R. 5754 that fall

within the Rule X jurisdiction of the Committee on the

Judiciary, I forego any further consideration of this bill so

that it may proceed expeditiously to the House floor for

consideration.

The Judiciary Committee takes this action with our mutual

understanding that by foregoing consideration of H.R. 5754 at

this time, we do not waive any jurisdiction over subject

matter contained in this or similar legislation and that our

committee will be appropriately consulted and involved as

this bill or similar legislation moves forward so that we may

address any remaining issues in our jurisdiction. Our

committee also reserves the right to seek appointment of an

appropriate number of conferees to any House-Senate

conference involving this or similar legislation and asks

that you support any such request.

I would appreciate a response to this letter confirming

this understanding with respect to H.R. 5754 and would ask

that a copy of our exchange of letters on this matter be

included in the Congressional Record during floor

consideration of the bill.

Sincerely,

Bob Goodlatte,

Chairman.

Mr. Speaker, I ask unanimous consent that all Members may have 5 legislative days to revise and extend their remarks on H.R. 5754.

Mr. Speaker, thank you for bringing this important and timely legislation to the House Floor.

I want to begin by thanking Rep. Yoho, the Chairman of the Asia and Pacific Subcommittee, for authoring this bill, which is the product of his important oversight work. I would also like to recognize Rep. Alan Lowenthal for his tireless advocacy for this bill, as well as Ranking Member's Engel and Sherman for their strong support.

In four days, Cambodians will vote for a new head of government. Unfortunately, this election will not be legitimate in any way. Hun Sen and his thugs long ago decided the outcome, by marginalizing, beating, and imprisoning members of the opposition.

Since Cambodia's deeply flawed elections in 2013, we have seen intensifying attacks on Cambodians peacefully opposing their government. Hun Sen's thuggish regime continues to crack down on political opposition and other activists who oppose his rule. Freedom House consistently rates Cambodia as ``Not Free,'' noting harassment of the regime's political opposition.

That's putting it mildly. Three years ago, opposition lawmaker and American citizen Nhay Chamreoun was severely and brutally attacked by plainclothes bodyguards, who repeatedly kicked and stomped him. He was hospitalized for months. Several months later, Kem Ley, a popular Cambodian political commentator, was murdered in broad daylight for his outspoken protests of the regime.

Over the last year, Hun Sen has dispatched any notions of democracy in Cambodia. He dissolved the opposition party, CNRP, arrested its leader Kem Sokha--who now faces spurious treason charges--and completely dismembered the political system in Cambodia.

Importantly, the Cambodia Democracy Act of 2018 imposes sanctions on all members of Hun Sen's inner circle for their role in undermining democracy in Cambodia and committing serious human rights violations. Specifically, it bars these individuals from entering the U.S. and blocks any assets or property they may possess.

It will be up to the President to determine who should be designated for these sanctions. But given the brashness of this regime, we do have a good idea of who the President should target:

Hun Sen: Prime Minister, President of Cambodian People's Party (CPP); Sar Kheng: Deputy Prime Minister, Minister of the Interior, Vice President of CPP; Tea Banh: Deputy Prime Minister, Minister of National Defense, Member of the CPP; Aun Pornmoniroth: Minister for Economy and Finance; Koeut Rith: Secretary of State of Ministry of Justice; Sun Chanthol: Minister of Public Works and Transport; Prak Sokhonn: Minister of Foreign Affairs; Om Yentieng: President of Anti-Corruption Unit attached to the Office of the Council of Ministers, Advisor to the Prime Minister; Pol Saroeun: Four-Star General, Member of the Supreme Council of National Defense, Commander-in-Chief of RCAF; Neth Savoeun: Director-General of the National Police, Member of CPP Permanent Committee; Kun Kim: Four-Star General, Deputy Commander-in-Chief of RCAF, Chief of RCAF Joint General Staff, Chief of Personal Advisers and Cabinet of the Prime Minister; Sao Sokha: Four-Star General, Deputy Commander-in-Chief of RCAF, Commander of the National Royal Military Police; Hing Bunheang: Four-Star General, Deputy Commander-in-Chief of RCAF; Choun Sovann: Deputy Chief of National Police and Chief of Phnom Penh Municipal Police; Hun Manet: Deputy Chief of RCAF Joint General Staff; Sok Puthyvuth: CEO of SOMA Group conglomerate; and Hun Mana: Chair of Bayon Height Media System.

Again, thank you Mr. Speaker for bringing up this very important and timely legislation. The people of Cambodia deserve far better than the Hun Sen's despotism. Political pluralism will soon reach Cambodia, and this legislation will not only help Cambodians attain that goal, but will also send a strong signal that Congress will not tolerate these human rights abuses.

Mr. Speaker, I ask unanimous consent to take from the Speaker's table the bill (S. 2779) to amend the Zimbabwe Democracy and Economic Recovery Act of 2001, and ask for its immediate consideration in the House.

Mr. Speaker, I ask unanimous consent that all Members may have 5 legislative days to revise and extend their remarks on S. 2779.

Mr. Speaker, I want to thank Senators Flake and Coons for their leadership and sustained engagement on this issue. I also want to thank Chairman Smith and Ranking Member Bass for their focus on Zimbabwe at the Africa subcommittee.

On July 30th, the people of Zimbabwe will have the opportunity to vote for their next president. As the first election since Robert Mugabe, this is a pivotal moment for Zimbabwe. For 37 years, Zimbabweans have suffered greatly under authoritarian rule and economic devastation. The government drove the economy into the ground and violently suppressed any opposition to their power.

With elections now just days away, the situation in Zimbabwe should be viewed with cautious optimism. I am encouraged by some of the statements and actions taken by the government. President Mnangagwa, along with key opposition candidates, signed a public pledge to ensure peaceful elections. The opposition is allowed to campaign across the country, the voter roll has been released for inspection, and U.S. and international observers will be permitted to observe the elections.

However, reports of voter intimidation, efforts to politicize food aid, and increased military presence in rural polling stations are deeply concerning. The people of Zimbabwe, as well as the international community, remember the horrific violence that occurred during the 2008 elections. That cannot happen again.

That's why this legislation is so critical. This bill makes important changes to update the 2001 Zimbabwe Democracy and Economic Recovery Act. It lays out our expectations for a free and fair election, as well as actions needed to achieve key economic reforms. The expectations of the 2001 legislation hold true today--Zimbabwe must make credible progress towards holding free and fair elections, restore the rule of law, and ensure military subordination to the civilian government, among other desperately needed reforms. These are realistic and universally recognized standards.

Both the government and the opposition must follow through on their statements to hold a free, fair, and credible election on July 30th. This is an opportunity to chart a dramatic new course for Zimbabwe. We urge the next President to take bold and immediate action to address key governance

and economic issues. We stand by the people of Zimbabwe in their efforts to see a more democratic, peaceful, and prosperous Zimbabwe.

Mr. Speaker, I ask unanimous consent that when the House adjourns today, it adjourn to meet at 9 a.m. tomorrow.

Mr. Speaker, we stand here doing what we have done, I guess, 38 times now since 1998, and that is passing an extension of the National Flood Insurance Program without the much- needed reforms that should be in that program. This is unacceptable.

Subsidized flood insurance represents what economists call a moral hazard, and let me tell you why. We tell Americans that if you buy flood insurance from Uncle Sam, no matter how many times your house floods, we will give you money to rebuild it.

We haven't worked to decrease that moral hazard through reform; rather, we have embraced and refueled it, and we make it more difficult for people to move than rebuild.

We fail to encourage communities to mitigate flood risk. We continue to build in high-risk areas. The clearest sign of moral hazard is the number of repeatedly flooded properties that are rebuilt with little deference to mitigation.

I will give you some examples:

A $90,000 home in Missouri has been flooded, now, 34 times, at a cost of more than $600,000;

A $56,000 home in Louisiana flooded more than 40 times at a cost of $430,000;

A $72,000 home in Texas that flooded again last year cost taxpayers over $1 million in payouts.

I came to the floor today hoping to support a bill that Mr. Blumenauer and I authored that would have extended the flood program with what The Wall Street Journal called de minimis policy changes that have broad, bipartisan support, which would do something about the fact that you have got fewer than 2 percent of the 5 million policies that have absorbed more than $8 billion of the payments because we don't have these reforms. That is not in this bill before us.

Unfortunately, I oppose this can-kicking exercise, and I urge my colleagues to do the same.

Mr. Speaker, I move to suspend the rules and pass the bill (H.R. 4819) to promote inclusive economic growth through conservation and biodiversity programs that facilitate transboundary cooperation, improve natural resource management, and build local capacity to protect and preserve threatened wildlife species in the greater Okavango River Basin of southern Africa, as amended.

Mr. Speaker, I ask unanimous consent that all Members may have 5 legislative days in which to revise and extend their remarks and to include any extraneous material in the Record.

Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.

Mr. Speaker, the Okavango Delta supports the economic livelihood of a million people in that region. It is in a desert, but the Okavango River flows into that desert and makes a home to the largest remaining population of elephants in the world.

This ecosystem spans three countries. It starts in the highlands of Angola, and it flows through Namibia and Botswana. Like other regions across Africa, there is a challenge here in the poaching and trafficking of threatened species in the delta. That poaching of elephant, black rhino, and hippo is increasing.

I have seen firsthand the devastating impact of poachers and organized criminal networks across the continent. Wildlife trafficking and profits from poaching provide a key funding source for international criminal networks and for terrorists.

These deadly groups undermine regional stability. They spread violence. They disrupt local governance. They have a devastating impact on the economic opportunities for members of the community.

This legislation provided by our good friend here, Mr. Fortenberry, H.R. 4819, is the Defending Economic Livelihoods and Threatened Animals Act of 2018. This DELTA Act is an opportunity to be proactive and protect this part of the world before it is too late. It strengthens coordination among the Governments of the United States and Angola, Botswana, and Namibia to address these poaching threats and to support local communities in this greater Okavango River Basin.

A few months ago, I led a bipartisan delegation to the region, and I saw the critical need for these countries to work together to preserve and protect this magnificent landscape. I had not been in Angola since the beginning of that war, and to go back to see Angola today and have an opportunity to meet with the chairman of the committee responsible for conservation there--she is, in fact, herself a park ranger--and to see how Angola has emerged from years of civil war and unrest and is now looking to the international community for partnership and for support is heartening.

With Angola's immense natural resources, we are already seeing, unfortunately, foreign governments--for example, Beijing--pushing unwise development that threatens to siphon off this critical water source. Obviously, to siphon off this water source, it would devastate the river basin. This is why we must act now to protect the animals and communities that call the region home.

Animals and poachers, of course, know no boundaries. The water doesn't know any boundaries. In order for conservation efforts to be successful, we must take a transboundary approach.

I was proud to be the author of the Congo Basin Forest Partnership Act some years ago. I think it was in 2004 that it was passed. We saw how increased coordination across national borders can be successful in protecting critical landscapes and combating poaching threats.

This DELTA Act looks to build on these proven successes, which have set up national parks now in seven landscapes across Africa. This legislation strengthens the coordination among the Governments, as I said, of the United States, Angola, Botswana, and Namibia. It does that by leveraging partnerships with the private sector, with nongovernment organizations, and with regional bodies. It prioritizes wildlife trafficking and anti-poaching programs in this greater Okavango River Basin. And it promotes responsible economic growth for local communities through responsible natural resource management.

Again, I thank the bill's author, Representative Fortenberry, and our fellow co-chairs of the House International Conservation Caucus, Representatives McCollum and Cuellar, for their leadership and steadfast efforts to keep conservation and anti-poaching efforts alive here in Congress and to help us drive these efforts.

I want to thank Ranking Member Engel and, of course, from New York, Joe Crowley, for their work on this legislation. It is deeply appreciated, and I reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. Speaker, I yield 5 minutes to the gentleman from Nebraska (Mr. Fortenberry), a member of the Committee on Appropriations and the author of this landmark legislation.

Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.

Mr. Speaker, the greater Okavango River Basin is home to the largest remaining elephant population on this planet, but like other regions across Africa, we know that poaching and trafficking of threatened species is increasing. We know that greater transboundary cooperation is essential to protect the basin in order to combat poaching threats and, obviously, to encourage the responsible management of water resources.

The U.S. currently supports programs in Africa to combat poaching threats and promote economic growth, but greater coordination and diplomatic engagement with these governments, these governments working together to streamline these programs and galvanize support from partner countries also in the region, is essential.

We do this not only to protect these threatened species, but also because it is in our national security interest to do so. I urge all of my colleagues to support this important measure.

Mr. Speaker, I yield back the balance of my time.

Mr. Speaker, I move to suspend the rules and pass the bill (H.R. 3030) to help prevent acts of genocide and other atrocity crimes, which threaten national and international security, by enhancing United States Government capacities to prevent, mitigate, and respond to such crises, as amended.

Mr. Speaker, I ask unanimous consent that all Members have 5 legislative days to revise and extend their remarks and to include any extraneous material in the Record.

Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.

Mr. Speaker, it was over 60 years ago that free people around the world pledged to never again stand by in silence as oppressed people are annihilated in a genocide. Unfortunately, since then, we have witnessed mass atrocities and genocide in places such as Bosnia, the Rwandan genocide, Cambodia, Burma, and in the ISIS strongholds in Syria and in Iraq.

The United States has often been a leader in responding to these and other humanitarian crises--not soon enough, in many cases. However, there is more, obviously, that can be done, and U.S. efforts have been largely reactive and disjointed, with little transparency or oversight.

This bill is the Elie Wiesel Genocide and Atrocities Prevention Act. It would correct these deficiencies. This act would require an annual report of administration actions to prevent and respond to potential genocides and mass atrocities, and it would mandate the identification of countries that are at risk of such crimes against humanity.

This act also requires that all Foreign Service officers, who often are at the forefront of U.S. efforts to address atrocities ever since our Ambassador in Armenia was the first to sound the alarm on the Armenian genocide, be trained to deal with early warning signs, conflict assessment, mediation, and other responses.

All of this will better enable our government to develop a coordinated response as a crisis is developing and, ultimately, to save lives.

With its name, this bill honors the legacy of Holocaust survivor and Nobel Laureate Elie Wiesel, and it furthers our commitment to his call, for it was his call for ``never again''--never again by strengthening the U.S. Government's coordination on efforts to prevent, mitigate, and respond to genocide and other mass atrocities.

Mr. Speaker, I urge my colleagues to join me in support of this bill, and I reserve the balance of my time.

House of Representatives, Permanent Select Committee on

Intelligence,

July 17, 2018.

Hon. Edward R. Royce,

Chairman, Committee on Foreign Affairs,

House of Representatives, Washington, DC.

Dear Mr. Chairman: On June 22, 2018, H.R. 3030, the Elie

Wiesel Genocide and Atrocities Prevention Act of 2018 was

referred to the Permanent Select Committee on Intelligence

(the Committee).

In order to expedite the House's consideration of the

measure, the Committee will forgo consideration of the

measure. This courtesy is conditioned on our mutual

understanding and agreement that it will in no way diminish

or alter the jurisdiction of the Committee with respect to

any future jurisdictional claim over the subject matter

contained in the legislation or any similar measure, nor will

this waiver inhibit the Committee's ability to address issues

of concern going forward. I appreciate your support to the

appointment of Members from the Committee to any House-Senate

conference on this legislation.

I also appreciate your including this letter in the

Congressional Record during floor consideration of the bill.

Thank you for your assistance with this matter.

Sincerely,

Devin Nunes,

Chairman.

Mr. Speaker, I yield 4 minutes to the gentlewoman from Missouri (Mrs. Wagner), who is the author of this legislation.

Mr. Speaker, I yield 3 minutes to the gentlewoman from Florida (Ms. Ros-Lehtinen), chair of the Foreign Affairs Subcommittee on the Middle East and North Africa.

Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. Speaker, I yield myself the remainder of my time.

Mr. Speaker, in closing, I thank my colleague, Congresswoman Ann Wagner, for her leadership on this important bill. I also thank the ranking member of the Foreign Affairs Committee, Mr. Engel, for his support, along with Mr. Sherman, on this bill.

Passage of this legislation sends a strong message of the continuing U.S. commitment to respond to genocide and to respond to mass atrocities as they emerge, with effective and coordinated programs that will best protect the most vulnerable. The U.S. must be a world leader in efforts to prevent genocide and crimes against humanity.

Mr. Speaker, I urge my colleagues to support passage, and I yield back the balance of my time.

Mr. Speaker, on that I demand the yeas and nays.

Mr. Speaker, I move to suspend the rules and pass the bill (H.R. 4989) to require the Department of State to establish a policy regarding the use of location-tracking consumer devices by employees at diplomatic and consular facilities, and for other purposes.

Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.

First, I thank Mr. Castro and Mr. McCaul, the co-authors of this legislation. I know Mr. McCaul knows some of the dangers that our diplomats face overseas. In his past service to the United States, he has been in parts of this dangerous world, and this is what our diplomats face. As they work to prevent armed conflict, there are armed combatants on the other side of those issues. As they try to combat terrorism, as they are working out there to empower women or to open new markets for U.S. exports, they are in tough environments. In turn, it is our job to ensure that our diplomats have the information and resources they need to stay safe while they serve our country overseas.

Now more than ever, everyday devices such as smartphones include location tracking capabilities. While these are enormously useful tools, they also, obviously, present security concerns as users' locations can then be tracked by others, by hostiles.

For the thousands of State Department employees who work overseas, this is a real concern. It is a real security risk.

While the State Department has longstanding and thorough policies on the use of these devices while in embassies and in consulates, the Department has no such policy to guide personnel outside Department grounds. And that is where we send them, outside the Department grounds.

So the bill before us today addresses this security gap. It mandates that the State Department develop a comprehensive, modernized policy on devices that contain tracking capability. It also requires that all current and future diplomatic staff be briefed on the new policy and current best practices for using devices that are enabled with local tracking features. The objective is to build in a culture of safety and self-awareness.

Technology is advancing every day, and we must not allow our agencies to expose personnel to new risks.

I urge my colleagues to support this act, and I reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. Speaker, I yield 3 minutes to the gentleman from Texas (Mr. McCaul), chairman of the Committee on Homeland Security, a senior member of the Foreign Affairs Committee, and the coauthor of this measure.

Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.

Our diplomats serve in some of the most dangerous parts of the world. They advance U.S. interests overseas, and while they serve our Nation overseas, it is our job here to ensure that they have the information and resources that they need to stay safe. So I urge my colleagues to vote in favor of this timely bill.

I yield back the balance of my time.

Mr. Speaker, on that I demand the yeas and nays.

Mr. Speaker, I move to suspend the rules and pass the bill (H.R. 5105) to establish the United States International Development Finance Corporation, and for other purposes, as amended.

Mr. Speaker, I ask unanimous consent that all Members may have 5 legislative days to revise and extend their remarks and to include any extraneous material in the Record.

Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.

Mr. Speaker, this is the BUILD Act. Across the globe, lack of access to capital is constraining economic growth, especially in the world's least developed countries.

According to the International Finance Corporation, micro, small, and medium-sized enterprises have an unmet financing need of more than $5 trillion every year in emerging markets, depriving them of the capital that they need to grow. Foreign investment is critical to empowering entrepreneurs, critical to creating jobs and to reducing poverty.

Our country has an undeniable interest in supporting the development of vibrant and stable economies around the world. Healthy private sectors promote good governance and support thriving civil societies. It helps reduce civil strife. The resulting stability is good for our national security and also benefits U.S. exports and jobs.

Increasingly, other countries are working to advance their economic and political interests by shaping overseas markets. China's One Belt, One Road initiative is estimated at $1 trillion. This dwarfs the size of the Marshall Plan that rebuilt war-torn Europe in the 1940s and 1950s.

Across Africa, Asia, and beyond, Beijing is making massive investments in new construction and infrastructure projects, from the headquarters of the African Union to a port in Djibouti, where both the U.S. and China now have military bases. Beijing now owns 80 percent of this strategically located African nation's foreign debt.

As the president and CEO of OPIC, the Overseas Private Investment Corporation, testified to the Foreign Affairs Committee, his words: ``A condition of many of these loans is that Chinese firms, and labor, get the business. . . . This state-directed approach is not consistent with our values, which incorporate the high standards of international financial institutions related to governance, transparency, debt sustainability, environmental, and social safeguards.''

Chinese development practices have often left countries worse off-- and I have seen this with my own eyes--putting some countries into debt distress. Last December, Sri Lanka gave control of the strategic Sri Lankan port to Beijing for 99 years after it could not repay the Chinese-backed loans to fund it. That granted Beijing a foothold in the Indian Ocean and its critical shipping lanes.

And due to Beijing's ``no strings attached'' financing, some of Africa's most brutal regimes have been thrown an economic lifeline that undermines democratic governance. Unlike the United States, Beijing does not have an anti-corruption standard. It is willing to fund just about any government, from Venezuela to Sudan.

The U.S. cannot and should not match China's investments dollar-for- dollar, but we can and should do more to support international economic development with partners who have embraced the private sector-driven development model.

However, America's development finance tool kit, which is spread across multiple agencies, is limited, it is duplicative, it is uncoordinated. So the BUILD Act will address these shortcomings. It will modernize America's antiquated development finance capabilities to address the challenges of this century. Specifically, it will merge OPIC and USAID's development credit authority into a standalone U.S. international development finance corporation with new authorities.

Among these new authorities will be the ability to cofinance projects with our allies like the U.K.

What this is going to do, just on the U.S. side, is this is going to double their book of business.

Through the provision of loans and guarantees and limited equity investments and feasibility studies, political risk insurance, and other investments of support, the new Development Finance Corporation will mobilize private capital to provide countries a competitive alternative to the state-directed approach of Beijing and Moscow.

I am pleased that this bill doesn't just merge existing functions together but also includes critical reforms to protect taxpayers, to improve government efficiency, and to make America's development finance toolkit very effective. Notably, it adopts many of the same principles as the Millennium Challenge Corporation, including the constraints analysis, which directs investment to where it will have the most impact.

This bill will create a dedicated inspector general of the new corporation. It will require that the corporation prioritize support in the poorest countries and those making continual progress towards economic policies that support free enterprise, and it will create lasting institutional linkages between the Development Finance Corporation and other development agencies.

This bill has got strong support from the White House, which made it a priority in its National Security Strategy and 2019 budget.

In short, the BUILD Act represents a major opportunity for this Congress and the executive branch to transform and modernize our Nation's tools to support global development and increase opportunities for American entrepreneurs in these emerging markets.

Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.

House of Representatives, Committee on Transportation and

Infrastructure,

Washington, DC, July 16, 2018.

Hon. Ed Royce,

Chairman, Committee on Foreign Affairs, Washington, DC.

Dear Chairman Royce: I write concerning H.R. 5105, the

Better Utilization of Investments Leading to Development Act

of2018. This legislation includes matters that I believe fall

within the Rule X jurisdiction of the Committee on

Transportation and Infrastructure.

In order to expedite floor consideration of H.R. 5105, the

Committee on Transportation and Infrastructure will forgo

action on this bill. However, this is conditional on our

mutual understanding that forgoing consideration of the bill

does not prejudice the Committee with respect to the

appointment of conferees or to any future jurisdictional

claim over the subject matters contained in the bill or

similar legislation that fall within the Committee's Rule X

jurisdiction. Further, I appreciate your agreement to

incorporate changes suggested by the Committee on

Transportation and Infrastructure into the bill prior to

floor consideration. Finally, should a conference on the bill

be necessary, I ask that you support my request to have the

Committee represented on the conference committee.

Please place a copy of this letter and your response

acknowledging our jurisdictional interest in the

Congressional Record during House Floor consideration of the

bill. I look

forward to working with the Committee on Foreign Affairs as

the bill moves through the legislative process,

Sincerely,

Bill Shuster,

Chairman.

Mr. Speaker, I yield 4 minutes to the gentleman from Florida (Mr. Yoho). He is the chairman of the Foreign Affairs Subcommittee on Asia and the Pacific, and he is the author of this legislation.

Mr. Speaker, I ask unanimous consent that all Members have 5 legislative days to revise and extend their remarks and include extraneous material on H.R. 4989.

Mr. Speaker, I continue to reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. Speaker, I ask for an ``aye'' vote on the bill, and I yield back the balance of my time.

Mr. Speaker, I move to suspend the rules and pass the bill (H.R. 5480) to improve programs and activities relating to women's entrepreneurship and economic empowerment that are carried out by the United States Agency for International Development, and for other purposes, as amended.

Mr. Speaker, I ask unanimous consent that all Members have 5 legislative days to revise and extend their remarks and to include any extraneous material in the record.

Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.

Mr. Speaker, I am the author of this measure. It is the Women's Entrepreneurship and Economic Empowerment Act, and I want to thank those members on the staff that worked on this measure: Amy Porter, Joan Condon, Jessica Kelch, and Emily Cottle, and I thank them because around the globe, women make up the majority of the world's poor. This is due, in part, to gender constraints that in some places deny women access to basic financial services, like savings accounts.

Today, more than 1 billion women remain left outside of the formal financial system, and women-owned, small-and medium-sized enterprises face a $300 billion credit gap. A 2014 analysis found that closing the gender gap and access to credit for small- and medium-sized women-owned businesses would increase per capita GDP by 12 percent in developing countries. That is because when women exercise greater influence over finances, literally, everyone benefits.

Childhood survival rates, food security, children's education, economic opportunity for families, all of that increases. Investment in women yields results for entire communities. Indeed, countries with high female labor force participation rates are more resilient to economic shocks and suffer fewer slowdowns in economic growth.

A 2016 report estimated that achieving global gender parity in economic activity by 2025 would add as much as $28 trillion to annual GDP, an amount equal to the combined economies of the United States and China.

Confronting the barriers that keep women from being able to fully participate in their local markets is key to generating sustainable, economic growth. And this means not only expanding women's access to the financial system, but also, as cell phones become more and more available, expanding their access to new financial technology like mobile money.

The Women's Entrepreneurship and Economic Empowerment Act addresses barriers to women's economic inclusion in developing countries by requiring that all USAID strategies and projects and activities be shaped by a gender analysis and by expanding the agency's microenterprise assistance authorities to support small-and medium- sized women-owned businesses. This is critical as small- and medium- sized enterprises create four out of five new jobs in developing economies.

So the bill is the result of the committee's extended focus on empowering women and girls through U.S. foreign policy, which has been the subject of five full committee hearings and other subcommittee hearings in recent Congresses. Our women's empowerment initiative has produced significant legislation including: the Girls Count Act of 2015, the Protecting Girls' Access to Education in Vulnerable Settings Act, and the Women, Peace, and Security Act of 2017, among others.

Mr. Speaker, I believe that we should invest our limited foreign assistance dollars wisely, and I have seen the good things that happen when we focus on empowering women. That is what this bill does, and I ask for my colleagues' support in helping to make it happen.

Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. Speaker, I yield the balance of my time to the gentlewoman from Florida (Ms. Ros-Lehtinen), chairwoman emeritus on the Committee on Foreign Affairs, and I ask unanimous consent that she may control that time.

Mr. Speaker, as leaders gather at the North Atlantic Treaty Organization Summit this week, it is important that we send a strong message of support and commitment for trans-Atlantic security.

For more than six decades, the NATO alliance has promoted peace, freedom, and prosperity in Europe and the United States. Its continued strength is vital to America's national interests.

Mr. Speaker, I've just returned from an important trip to the Nordic and Baltic regions, where I met with partners who are facing increasing pressure from Russia. Russia's naval vessels in the Baltic Sea are ratcheting up their aggression. Russian jets frequently violate Baltic airspace. Recently, Russia conducted its largest land based military exercises to date along the border with our Baltic allies, the ``ZAPAD'' exercises.

General Pavel, Head of NATO's Military Committee, stated that the ZAPAD exercises appeared to be a ``serious preparation for big war,'' and raised concerns that Russia's lack of communication with NATO forces nearby greatly increased the possibility that human or technological error could cause skirmishes and lead to a full-scale conflict.

After announcing its intention to increase collaboration and military exercises with U.S. Marines, Norway was directly threatened by Russian leaders that it would suffer ``consequences'' for that decision.

And our allies in the region that are not formal members of NATO, Finland and Sweden, are also feeling the pressure.

In fact, last year Sweden discovered that Russia had covertly stationed a submarine just off the coast of Stockholm.

Russia has combined its traditional military with asymmetric hostile actions, including by leveraging energy supplies for political influence as well as increasing the frequency and scope of propaganda among minority populations to destabilize and weaken Eastern and Central European countries.

House Resolution 256, authored by Congressman Steve Cohen of Tennessee, sends a strong message of support to our allies in the region that are confronted by this increasing pressure from Russia.

Specifically, it condemns any threat to the sovereignty and territorial integrity of NATO allies and pledges that the U.S. will continue to maintain strong leadership and its commitments to the alliance.

It condemns Russia's ongoing illegal occupation of Crimea and supports maintaining related U.S. sanctions on Russia until Ukraine's sovereignty over that region is restored.

House Resolution 256 also calls for keeping related strong sanctions on Russia for its illegal and aggressive actions in the Donbas region of eastern Ukraine, and for the full implementation of the Minsk agreements which, among other things, calls for the full removal of Russian military equipment, as well as illegal armed groups, fighters and mercenaries from Ukrainian territory . . .

This resolution also supports the U.S. European Deterrence Initiative program of military support to our Eastern European and Baltic allies, and calls on our European allies to make the promised investments in their individual, regional and collective defenses in accordance to the NATO guidelines for membership.

Finally, this measure acknowledges the valuable contributions by Central and Eastern European allies to NATO's collective security and peace operations around the globe, such as ongoing operations in Iraq, Afghanistan, and Kosovo.

This is an important message to send to our allies at a critical moment in history. I encourage my colleagues to join me in support.

Mr. Speaker, I ask unanimous consent that the

Committee on Foreign Affairs be discharged from further consideration of the resolution (H. Res. 256) expressing support for the countries of Eastern Europe and the North Atlantic Treaty Organization, and ask for its immediate consideration in the House.

Mr. Speaker, I have an amendment to the text at the desk.

I have an amendment to the preamble at the desk.

Mr. Speaker, I move to suspend the rules and pass the bill (H.R. 5626) to amend the Intercountry Adoption Act of 2000 to require the Secretary of State to report on intercountry adoptions from countries which have significantly reduced adoption rates involving immigration to the United States, and for other purposes, as amended.

Mr. Speaker, I ask unanimous consent that all Members may have 5 legislative days in which to revise and extend their remarks and to include any extraneous material in the Record.

Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.

Mr. Speaker, I rise today in support of this measure. It is the Intercountry Adoption Information Act, H.R. 5626.

Here in Congress, I have been honored, as has my friend here, Doug Collins, the author of this measure, to help bring families together through overseas adoptions.

These children are deeply loved by American parents from all different backgrounds who give them incredible care and give them opportunity. Sadly, international adoptions do not always go as planned.

Over the years, I have met with countless families who were matched with a child, bonded with that child, financially supported that child, only to have their child's adoption stalled or, worse, stopped completely due to policy changes in the child's birth country. Obviously, this is devastating, devastating to the child, devastating to the families involved.

In September of 2013, President Joseph Kabila of Congo suspended exit permits for more than 1,000 children already adopted by international couples, mainly from the United States and France. These adoptions had already been approved by the Congolese courts. The children had been issued passports from their new countries. Parents had come to spend time with those children, but without the exit visas from the Congolese Government, they could not leave. The children could not leave.

Families were forced to spend thousands of dollars, travel across oceans, and navigate foreign courts to fight to bring those adopted children home. Making matters worse, many children had serious medical issues. Tragically, I have to report to you that 25 died while stuck in this bureaucratic chokehold. They were living in horrid conditions, lacking the most basic care.

Thankfully, through a coordinated push by the previous administration and Congress, hundreds of children in the DRC were freed to come home to the United States. It took multiple trips to get the job done. I personally traveled to the Democratic Republic of the Congo to raise these issues at the highest levels of the Congolese Government. Within 60 days afterward, more than 400 children were released to their adoptive American families.

But still, many children remain at risk worldwide. We do not know exactly how many children are waiting to be united with their families in the U.S. and elsewhere. The Intercountry Adoption Information Act introduced by our colleague from Georgia, Doug Collins, seeks to lessen this problem by enhancing the information available to families who are adopting.

Those families wish to adopt overseas, and they need to know. They need to know the situation. This bill requires the State Department to include in its existing annual report information on countries that have enacted new laws or policies that would impact intercountry adoptions.

This information would have been helpful, for example, when the Congo and Ethiopia imposed sweeping new policies that put a hold on adoptions for American families.

With the passage of this legislation, families could see not only how many children are being adopted by American families from certain countries and how long these adoption proceedings are taking, but if the country has recently changed its laws or if policies have been changed by a head of state that could make adoption more difficult or shut it down completely.

Just as importantly, this legislation would also require that the annual report include what positive steps the U.S. Government is taking to reduce the burdens or barriers on stalled adoptions to unite children with their families.

I urge my colleagues to support the passage of the Intercountry Adoption Information Act, and I reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. Speaker, I yield 3 minutes to the gentleman from Georgia (Mr. Collins), who is the author of this bill.

Mr. Speaker, I continue to reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.

Mr. Speaker, in closing, let me just thank my colleagues; the ranking member of the Foreign Affairs Committee, Mr. Eliot Engel; as well as Congressman Collins, the author of this bill; and two other Members who worked hard on it, Congressman Kinzinger and Congressman Schneider. They made improvements to the legislation during markup.

In closing, I urge my colleagues to support the Intercountry Adoption Information Act. I think it is very important.

Mr. Speaker, I yield back the balance of my time.

Mr. Speaker, I move to suspend the rules and agree to the resolution (H. Res. 644) strongly condemning the slave auctions of migrants and refugees in Libya, and for other purposes, as amended.

Mr. Speaker, I ask unanimous consent that all Members have 5 legislative days to revise and extend their remarks and to include any extraneous material in the Record.

Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.

Mr. Speaker, let me start by thanking Congresswoman Bass, the ranking member of our subcommittee on Africa, Global Health, Global Human Rights, and International Organizations. I thank her for authoring this important resolution, because modern-day slavery continues to devastate the lives of tens of millions of human beings around the world. The perpetrators of these dastardly, disgusting acts prey on the defenseless. They prey on those without power, including preying on young children.

I think many of us have had an opportunity or a responsibility to work with survivors of human trafficking in our districts. I can tell you that one of the things that it taught me was the horror of trafficking lies not in statistics; it lies in stolen lives.

These crimes are common for one reason: they are profitable and people get away with it. The International Labor Organization estimates that there is $150 billion in illegal profit made from forced labor each year, making human trafficking the third most valuable criminal enterprise on the planet and providing fuel to violent extremist organizations.

Unfortunately, Libya has become a major center of human trafficking. The country continues to be a fractured and failed state. There is no government to control its territory. This vacuum, when combined with Libya's proximity to Europe, has made Libya the primary transit hub for migrants from sub-Saharan Africa attempting to reach Europe.

Various bad actors, including extremist groups, have taken advantage, profiting from the unrest by mercilessly preying on migrants and refugees from some of the poorest and most war-torn countries in the world. News reports tell of people being forced to work without pay; others have shown people being sold at slave auctions in Libya.

The resolution before us today rightfully condemns these dehumanizing acts and calls on all parties in Libya to investigate these crimes and to hold perpetrators accountable. It urges the United Nations to investigate and to impose sanctions against those responsible for these abuses, and it calls for greater access for the U.N. High Commissioner for Human Rights to monitor and publicly report on refugees and migrants in Libya.

Finally, the resolution calls on the administration to address these issues in a strategy to tackle Libya's political and security challenges, and to ensure

that the Department of State's annual Trafficking in Persons Report fully reflects the situation in Libya.

The Government of National Accord in Tripoli has made some encouraging steps toward investigating some of these crimes, but all parties, nationally and internationally, must do more to stop this exploitation.

Mr. Speaker, I urge my colleagues to support this bipartisan resolution, which puts the House on record as standing against modern- day slavery and other forms of human trafficking in Libya.

Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. Speaker, I continue to reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. Speaker, I continue to reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. Speaker, I yield myself the balance of my time.

In closing, I thank the author of this measure. I thank Representative Karen Bass for her work on this resolution. She is the ranking member of our Subcommittee on Africa, Global Health, Global Human Rights, and International Organizations. I also thank Ranking Member Engel for his work on this resolution.

The world was shocked by the videos of the slave auctions in Libya. The videos are proof that slavery and human

trafficking exist, despite efforts to eradicate these evils. The resolution before us now shines a light on this human trafficking in Libya.

Mr. Speaker, I urge my colleagues to support this bipartisan resolution, and I yield back the balance of my time.