Mr. Chairman, I offer an amendment. Mr. Chairman, I yield myself 2 minutes. Mr. Chairman, my amendment redirects funds in the defense authorization bill from new nuclear weapons to conventional programs that meet the same threats. The…
Mr. Chairman, I offer an amendment.
Mr. Chairman, I yield myself 2 minutes.
Mr. Chairman, my amendment redirects funds in the defense authorization bill from new nuclear weapons to conventional programs that meet the same threats. The amendment that I am offering with the gentleman from Missouri (Mr. Skelton), the gentleman from Massachusetts (Mr. Markey), the gentleman from South Carolina (Mr. Spratt) the gentleman from Washington (Mr. Dicks) and the gentleman from Maine (Mr. Allen) transfers funds for the Robust Nuclear Earth Penetrator and advanced concepts to, instead, improve conventional capabilities and intelligence required to defeat hardened targets.
The President called for international cooperation to control the proliferation of weapons of mass destruction in a February speech at the National Defense University, but his vision is directly undermined by the contents of this defense bill. By calling for new, more usable nuclear weapons, the United States sends a message to the world that nuclear weapons are legitimate weapons that should be acquired. Resorting to nuclear weapons to destroy hardened targets is a disproportionate response with too many negative ramifications and little benefit.
There are several reasons not to consider new nuclear bunker busters. Here are a few:
First of all, the military has not asked for them.
Second, they will produce massive collateral damage and expose our own troops to massive doses of radiation.
Third, a nuclear strike against a WMD stockpile could release deadly agents into the atmosphere.
Fourth, even the most powerful nuclear weapons cannot destroy bunkers over a certain depth, and rogue regimes will just dig deeper to avoid them.
Fifth, an RNEP will cause mass casualties miles away from the targeted bunker and potentially harm our allies.
And sixth and furthermore, developing new nuclear bunker busters would undermine decades of United States leadership aimed at preventing non-nuclear states from acquiring nuclear weapons and encouraging nuclear states to reduce their stockpiles.
They are also unnecessary because the United States already has conventional programs to defeat hardened targets.
My amendment strengthens these conventional programs and improves intelligence needed to get at hardened targets. The costs of missing the target with a conventional weapon is bad enough, but missing it with a nuclear warhead is far worse. Even the hawkish Defense Science Board that advises the Pentagon recently stated that U.S. interests are best served by preserving into the future the half-century-plus nonuse of nuclear weapons.
I urge my colleagues to support this amendment.
Mr. Chairman, I reserve the balance of my time.
Mr. Chairman, I yield 30 seconds to the gentleman from Missouri (Mr. Skelton), the ranking member of the full committee.
Mr. Chairman, I yield 1\1/2\ minutes to the gentleman from the State of Washington (Mr. Dicks).
Mr. Chairman, I yield 1 minute to the gentleman from Utah (Mr. Matheson).
Mr. Chairman, I yield 1 minute to the gentleman from Maine (Mr. Allen).
Mr. Chairman, I yield 1 minute to the gentleman from Washington (Mr. Dicks).
Mr. Chairman, I yield 1 minute to the gentleman from South Carolina (Mr. Spratt), another cosponsor of the amendment.
Mr. Chairman, as our final speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the gentleman from Massachusetts (Mr. Markey), a cosponsor of the amendment.
Mr. Chairman, I demand a recorded vote.
Mr. Chairman, I rise in opposition to the amendment.
Mr. Chairman, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
Mr. Chairman, I commend the gentleman from Tennessee (Mr. Wamp) for trying to fix the Sick Worker Compensation program at the Department of Energy. His State of Tennessee has 3,000 claims from sick workers pending, and I have two facilities in my district where workers are waiting for their claims to be processed.
This amendment primarily increases the rate of pay for DOE to attract more doctors to review claims in the physicians panel, which is useful but does not fix structural flaws in this program.
The GAO panel has found that even after claims go through a physicians panel, there is no willing payer and that by order from DOE, that is no one to pay these claims for at least 20 to 33 percent of valid claims.
When there is no willing payer, as we have in States like Alaska, Colorado, Ohio, Iowa, Missouri and Kentucky, and we have workers in Nevada, construction workers in New Mexico, Idaho, California and in most other States that DOE cannot find willing payers, without a willing payer, workers who get a finding from the physicians panel will have a piece of paper from DOE saying their illness was caused by exposure to radiation at DOE sites, but they will not get paid.
I support an amendment offered by the gentleman from Ohio (Mr. Strickland) that fixed this problem, but it was rejected by the Committee on Rules.
DOE also does not have a clear mechanism to value claims, inviting additional litigation when the goal of Congress was to take DOE out of the business of fighting sick workers who have served our Nation by building our Cold War deterrent.
This amendment does not fix that either. The Department of Energy's record is catastrophic. Two and a half years into the program, of the 23,000 people who have applied for compensation, the Department of Energy has rejected 5 percent of them and completely processed about 6 percent of them. In other words, 94 percent of applicants are still waiting for their cases to be addressed.
Sick workers were told help was on the way. Four years later, DOE is projecting its caseload will not be completed for at least another 3\1/ 2\ years. I reluctantly oppose this amendment, as it offers a minor technical fix to a program that remains structurally flawed. Throwing more money at DOE only rewards it for failing to compensate sick workers and will make it harder in the future to make real improvements to the program.
There is a bipartisan amendment on the Senate side that I hope many of our colleagues will be able to support in conference. In the meantime, I reluctantly call on my colleagues to oppose the Wamp amendment.
Mr. Chairman, I reserve the balance of time.
Mr. Chairman, I yield the balance of my time to the gentleman from Ohio (Mr. Strickland), the author of the amendment that I wish I could have supported.