Floor Statements

Madam Speaker, I move to suspend the rules and pass the bill (H.R. 2293) to require the Secretary of State to submit to Congress a report on efforts to bring to justice the Palestinian terrorists who killed John Branchizio, Mark Parson, and John Marin Linde.

Madam Speaker, I ask unanimous consent that all Members may have 5 legislative days in which to revise and extend their remarks and include extraneous material on the bill under consideration.

Madam Speaker, I rise in strong support of H.R. 2293, and I yield myself such time as I may consume.

The legislation the House is considering today will ensure that three brave Americans are not forgotten. I want to thank Chairman Lantos and Ranking Member Ros-Lehtinen and my friend, the ranking member of the subcommittee, Mr. Pence, for their support and cosponsorship of the bill.

Though my belief in the necessity of this legislation is complete, my feelings about the bill are mixed. I am proud that this House will today insist that justice be done for three Americans who died in the service of their country. But I am deeply troubled and saddened that this legislation is even necessary.

On October 15, 2003, John Branchizio, Mark Parson, and John Marin Linde

were killed due to the detonation of a roadside car bomb in Beit Hanoun in the Gaza Strip. These young Americans were providing security to a mission of American diplomats on their way to Gaza to conduct interviews for Fulbright scholars to come to the United States. But they never made it.

Despite the easily recognized vehicles and the diplomatic plates marking them clearly as Americans, despite coordination with the Palestinian security authorities, despite the fact that they were on a mission of kindness and generosity, their lives were ended by a brutal and cowardly act. And ever since then, United States Government employees have been barred from entering Gaza.

Their deaths were tragic. But what followed, however, was a farce.

The attack took place near a manned Palestinian checkpoint; and immediately following the attack, journalists photographed Palestinian police officers standing by as onlookers cheered the attack and roamed the crime scene destroying critical evidence. But within 24 hours, the Palestinian Authority, quite literally, ``rounded up the usual suspects,'' four members of the so-called Popular Resistance Committee, or PRC.

Yasser Arafat's Palestinian Authority, however, never presented a case against them. Held over for a month, the Palestinian court finally announced that the defendants would be released since ``no evidence was offered against'' them. They remained in jail despite the judge's order, however, pending Yasser Arafat's approval of their release. When that approval never came, a mob of PRC members stormed the jail the next month, without resistance, and freed the suspects.

A year later, on September 22, 2004, Arafat's cousin, the head of military intelligence in Gaza, told the Associated Press that though the identity of the killers was known, the United States would have to forgo justice in this case. Speaking of our Nation, he said, ``They know that we are in a very critical position and clashing with any Palestinian party under the presence of the occupation is an issue that will present many problems for us.''

``The Americans,'' he added, ``have started recently to understand our position and I expect that this crisis will also be resolved.''

Six months later, Secretary Condoleezza Rice raised the matter directly with Palestinian President Mahmoud Abbas. I don't know that Abu Mazen, as Abbas is known, told our Secretary of State, but she publicly announced on February 7, 2006, ``We have been assured by President Abbas of the Palestinian Authority's intention to bring justice to those who murdered three American personnel in Gaza in 2003.''

Obviously, we are still waiting and with the Hamas takeover of the Gaza Strip, we may never know the truth, and justice may never be done.

I have been outspoken in my criticism of the administration's failure to use the fresh mandate Abbas had in 2006 to make real progress toward peace. We failed him, as did the Israelis, and we are now confronting the consequences of our shortsightedness. But in this case, in this small but meaningful case, Abu Mazen has failed us.

The case presented an opportunity to establish the Palestinian Authority's writ, to demonstrate that the PA was capable of handling the duties of a state, which above all is obliged to maintain law and order, for visitor and citizen alike.

There is still a $5 million bounty pending, through the Rewards for Justice program, but I doubt it will ever be paid. The Bush administration has been so lack in dealing with this case, so lackadaisical in the pursuit of justice for three Americans who died in the service of this Nation that I believe Congress must step in.

It is not in our power to compel justice, nor can we instill drive, initiative, or energy. But we can maintain accountability, and that is what this bill would do. Thirty days after passage, and every 120 days thereafter, the Secretary of State will have to present Congress with a progress report, and not a short one either. This report would require details, the kinds of sticky uncomfortable deals, the kind of sticky uncomfortable details that will show whether the Department is insisting on the pursuit of justice, or just waiting for it to show up on its own. We are not asking for the impossible. The most important requirement of the report is a specific assessment of whether the Palestinians are making their best effort and possible resolution.

Today, it is hard to say what that would look like. But very deliberately, this report will be prepared every 120 days in perpetuity until the Secretary can certify that the Palestinian terrorists who killed John Branchizio, Mark Parson, and John Marin Linde have been identified, arrested, and brought to justice.

I regret saying it, but justice for these three men was never as great a priority for the Bush administration as it ought to have been.

The vital national security interests of the United States require us to safeguard to the greatest extent possible consistent with their mission United States diploma tics and all embassy and consulate personnel, and to use the full power of the United States to bring justice to any individual or entity that threatens, jeopardizes, or harms them.

Every man and woman working for the United States abroad deserves this commitment. And so many months after their deaths, John Branchizio, Mark Parson, and John Marin Linde deserve this much at the very least. I urge all of my colleagues to vote ``yes'' on this bill.

Madam Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.

Madam Speaker, I yield back the balance of my time.

Mr. Speaker, I rise to call the House's attention to a very sad anniversary. One year ago today, Hezbollah terrorists crossed into Israel to attack Israeli troops patrolling the Israeli side of the border with Lebanon. They killed three Israeli soldiers, wounded two others and kidnaped Ehud Goldwasser and Eldad Regev. Only a few days earlier, on June 25, 2006, Hamas terrorists likewise crossed into Israel and attacked an IDF position, killing two soldiers, wounding a third and kidnapping Gildad Shalit.

Both of these vicious terrorist organizations, which constantly proclaim their adherence to religion and morality, have denied these three Israeli soldiers contact with the Red Cross or Red Crescent, or direct contact with their families. Despite the recent release of an audio tape, it is not in fact known if these three men are currently alive, if they are injured or if they are well. Not content merely to hold these men as hostages, Hamas and Hezbollah insist on torturing their families with the agony of not knowing about the true condition of their loved ones.

This is true measure of the faith and morality of these terrorists. In the name of religion they inflict agony. In the name of the sacred they perpetrate barbarism. In the name of their faith they degrade other human beings.

Thus they show the true content of their beliefs. Thus they show the world what their vainglorious proclamations amount to: cynical cruelty and cold calculation.

These terrorist groups have sought to transform Gilad, Ehud and Eldad into something they are not: bargaining chips or pawns, a kind of political chattel. Things that can be swapped for favors or sacrificed on a whim. These three men are not things. They are human beings. They have names and they have families. They have rights as captured soldiers and they have rights as human beings.

The House has expressed itself clearly on this matter on March 13th, when it passed H. Res. 107, the bipartisan resolution I introduced demanding the release of these three captives and condemning both the terrorists and their Syrian and Iranian sponsors for their criminal and indecent behavior.

We can not compel Hamas and Hezbollah to release Gilad, Ehud and Eldad any more than we can force them to understand the difference between right and wrong. You can not disgrace someone incapable of shame. But we can stand by our ally, the State of Israel. We can express our sympathy and our concern for the captives and for their families.

We can let the perpetrators of this barbarism know that we have not forgotten what they have done, and what they are continuing to do. We can bear witness. And we can add our voices to all those saying ``Enough. Enough. Let these men go home.''

Madam Speaker, it is with a heavy heart that I rise today to honor the memory of Ruth Zises, a dear friend and role model, who sadly succumbed to illness earlier this year.

Ruth was a unique woman whose presence brightened the faces and warmed the hearts of everyone she encountered. Ruth was a deeply principled woman who wore her passions with profound pride. She was enormously dedicated to her family and friends and intensely devoted to her beliefs. Ruth translated her convictions into action by founding, together with her family, the Genesis Center in Jerusalem, an academy devoted to enhancing the lives of young adults by incorporating Jewish scholarship with civic engagement and political action. Ruth's service and support of countless other institutions, organizations and charities made her a model of generosity.

While Ruth's attention to the needs of her community was commendable, her family was always the focal point of her life. Ruth's devotion to her husband Bernie, sons Selig, Seymour and Jay, her nine grandchildren and six great-grandchildren, inspired all who knew her.

Ruth's life will be celebrated at the Annual Reishit/Genesis Center Dinner on Tuesday, June 19, 2007. In honor of her memory, Reishit students who have completed their study of the entire Mishnah will make a presentation at the event.

Madam Speaker, words can not capture the generosity of spirit and warmth that Ruth Zises exuded. All that can be said is that she will be terribly missed by the scores of people fortunate enough to have had known her.

Madam Speaker, I ask all of my colleagues to join me in recognizing and remembering the exemplary life of Ruth Zises.

Madam Speaker, it is with a heavy heart that I rise today to honor the memory of Ruth Zises, a dear friend and role model, who sadly succumbed to illness earlier this year.

Ruth was a unique woman whose presence brightened the faces and warmed the hearts of everyone she encountered. Ruth was a deeply principled woman who wore her passions with profound pride. She was enormously dedicated to her family and friends and intensely devoted to her beliefs. Ruth translated her convictions into action by founding, together with her family, the Genesis Center in Jerusalem, an academy devoted to enhancing the lives of young adults by incorporating Jewish scholarship with civic engagement and political action. Ruth's service and support of countless other institutions, organizations and charities made her a model of generosity.

While Ruth's attention to the needs of her community was commendable, her family was always the focal point of her life. Ruth's devotion to her husband Bernie, sons Selig, Seymour and Jay, her nine grandchildren and six great-grandchildren inspired all who knew her.

Madam Speaker, words can not capture the generosity of spirit and warmth that Ruth Zises exuded. All that can be said is that she will be terribly missed by the scores of people fortunate enough to have had known her.

Madam Speaker, I ask all of my colleagues to join me in recognizing and remembering the exemplary life of Ruth Zises.

Madam Speaker, Today, I rise to commend Rabbi Jay Rosenbaum and the North American Board of Rabbis (NABOR) on the fifth anniversary of the German-American Jewish youth exchange program.

NABOR has brought together young high school students from Germany for an exchange program with American Jewish youth living in a variety of cities and suburbs throughout the United States. The students have learned about each other's cultures and traditions and in the process established close and enduring bonds of friendship. They meet not only other students participating in the exchange programs but also the larger population of teenagers in their schools. The result is that over tens of thousands of young people in Germany and the United States have been touched by this program which has gone far in increasing understanding of two very rich cultures.

It is with real pleasure that I recognize Rabbi Jay Rosenbaum, who serves as the Spiritual Leader of Temple Israel of Lawrence, the oldest synagogue in Long Island. Rabbi Rosenbaum has been a leader in the Jewish community for over 30 years, and has been recognized for both the outstanding services he provides as a Congregational Rabbi as well as for work on his behalf of International Jewry and human rights. Rabbi Rosenbaum was the founder of the NABOR exchange. He was also among the leaders six years ago of a delegation of 50 Rabbis who visited Berlin to establish a closer relationship with the Jewish community, business community and leaders of the society in Germany.

This year the North American Board of Rabbis is bestowing its Tikkun Olam award to Mr. Jan Carendi, Chairman of Allianz of America, and Mr. Ernst Lieb, President of Mercedes-Benz USA. Both Allianz and Mercedes Benz have distinguished themselves as enlightened companies that have supported the exchange program since its inception. Operating on a global platform, they have a tradition of striving to improve relations and understanding between German and the Jewish communities throughout the world. The award was presented at a ceremony hosted by Dr. Hans- Juergen Heimsoeth, Consul General of the Federal Republic of Germany in New York City, which has also played a prominent role in support of the exchange program.

Madam Speaker, Germany has moved a long way from the dark days of the Third Reich and now has the fastest growing Jewish population in Europe. It is important for students to learn that past but also to develop an understanding of the dynamic positive changes taking place within German society. I therefore am pleased to recognize the great contributions being made by Rabbi Rosenbaum and the North American Board of Rabbis.

Madam Speaker, I rise today in recognition of the retirement of Rabbi Jerome Davidson after nearly 50 years of dedicated service to the community of Great Neck, New York.

Rabbi Jerome Davidson is no ordinary rabbi. He has successfully fused his life as a religious leader and a Jewish mentor together with his commitment to a life of civic engagement and Tikkun Olam, or repairing the world. Throughout his years of service, Rabbi Davidson has effectively transcended the walls of Temple Beth-El of Great Neck in Nassau County, New York, establishing himself as an inspirational leader for both his congregation and community.

Jerome Davidson joined Temple Beth-El, a member congregation of the Union for Reform Judaism, as an assistant rabbi in 1958, and became its senior rabbi in 1971. Rabbi Davidson soon impressed the congregation with his dynamic sermons, driven enthusiasm and compelling sense of humor. Rabbi Davidson's brilliance and erudition were key in shaping the congregation's future. The educational opportunities presented by the Temple's comprehensive library and historical museum were central to Rabbi Davidson's success in teaching his congregants. Under his devoted tutelage, Temple Beth-El grew to become a thriving beacon of Jewish life in Great Neck; an arena of countless Bnai Mitzvah, weddings, other life-cycle events and social affairs.

Rabbi Davidson also laid the foundations of a successful Religious School and Early Childhood Education Center that addressed the needs of the diversified and growing congregation. Rabbi Davidson's exceptional creativity and boundless imagination confirmed Temple Beth-El, with its impressive membership of over 1200 families, as one of the most innovative and energetic Reform congregations in America. His uncoupled wisdom and unbridled inspiration served as a source of strength and encouragement in the aftermath of a devastating fire that struck the Temple in 1991.

Rabbi Davidson's steady rise to Jewish national iconography is no surprise considering the unique leadership qualities he demonstrated in serving Temple Beth-El. Rabbi Davidson's service as President of the Synagogue Council of America, as well as past president of the Rabbinic Alumni Association of Hebrew Union College-Jewish Institute of Religion only cemented Rabbi Davidson as a true Jewish leader.

Madam Speaker, Rabbi Davidson's commitment to Reform Judaism informed and complemented his involvement in pluralism and social justice. Rabbi Davidson's multiple terms as President of the Great Neck Clergy Association, and his groundbreaking efforts in developing interfaith dialogue, have served to better the lives of those around him, successfully realizing his lofty goals of building a community of tolerance and understanding. Rabbi Davidson's exemplary interfaith achievements, coupled with his involvement as a founding member of the American Jewish World Service, led the New York Board of Rabbis to honor him ``Rabbi of the Year'' in 1994.

More recently, Rabbi Davidson has been a trailblazer in formally welcoming the gay and lesbian community into Jewish life. He has likewise advocated for religious pluralism in Israel. Today, Rabbi Davidson continues to serve on the faculty of the Hebrew Union College- Jewish Institute of Religion and as a member of its Board of Governors. Rabbi Davidson also serves on the Advisory Board of the Tanenbaum Center for Interreligious Understanding, and is deeply involved in a plethora of other local and national Jewish organizations. Rabbi Davidson's adept ability for translating his values into action by positively affecting the world around him is truly an inspiration to all of those whose lives he has touched.

Madam Speaker, the accolades bestowed upon Jerome Davidson for his almost 50 years of outstanding service to the Long Island community are well deserved. I ask all of my colleagues to join me in honoring Rabbi Jerome Davidson for his outstanding work and wishing him many more years of success as he becomes Rabbi Emeritus of Temple Beth-El of Great Neck, New York.

Mr. Chairman, I offer an amendment.

Mr. Chairman, I yield myself such time as I may consume.

First, I want to congratulate Chairman Lantos and Ranking Member Ros- Lehtinen for producing an excellent bipartisan bill. The Afghanistan Freedom and Security Support Act demonstrates yet again the depth of support in the Congress for our efforts in Afghanistan to defeat the Taliban and al Qaeda and sends a clear message to the Government of Afghanistan and the Afghan people that the United States is committed to the success of a stable, free and democratic Afghanistan.

As the bill also points out, we remain far from that goal, and it is not at all certain we will get there. The amendment I am offering today concerns a problem that if left unaddressed could undercut all of our efforts in Afghanistan, and that is the problem of corruption.

The Government Accountability Office in a recent report said the reform effort in the judicial sector is being ``undermined by systemic corruption at key national and provincial justice institutions.'' The most recent report in Afghanistan from the U.N. Secretary General noted that because corruption influences government appointments, Afghans don't trust local government officials and have turned to making deals with the Taliban for protection of their property. The same report goes on to describe the popular alienation that many Afghans feel towards local governments and asserts that this alienation is a key factor in support for the insurgency.

My amendment adds language to section 302 of the bill to ensure that the Presidential report required by that section includes an assessment of the quality of governments in each province in Afghanistan, focusing in particular on the implementation of the rule of law and its impact on the operation of Afghan society, security forces and the impact of any human rights abuses by Afghan government forces on overall counterinsurgency efforts and the ability of the courts and judicial system to provide an effective justice system in support of Afghan military and police efforts.

Mr. Chairman, the question of corruption in Afghanistan may seem like a small matter when compared with the resurgence of the Taliban and the explosion of narcotics trafficking. But I believe for the Taliban to be defeated and for the narcotics traffickers to be imprisoned, ordinary Afghans must have confidence that their government actually works for them. If the citizens

of Afghanistan believe otherwise, then they will turn to local warlords, drug traffickers and the Taliban for protection. Under that scenario, Afghans can look forward to another generation of civil conflict.

I would urge all of our colleagues to support the amendment as well as the underlying bill.

I would be delighted to yield to the chairman.

I thank the gentleman from California.

Mr. Chairman, I reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. Chairman, despite the fact that this might be a complicated and extraordinary and difficult thing for the President to do, we have every confidence in the President on this side that he will be able to come up at least with some criteria that he at least thinks is objective and report in his own language, using his own complicated or simplistic criteria, whether or not he thinks corruption is prevalent in the various provinces in Afghanistan. We are leaving that up to him. And we will fully understand that in any language that he presents it to us, it will come from him, and that will be his determination.

Mr. Chairman, I reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. Chairman, I yield back the balance of my time.

Madam Speaker, I rise today to honor the lifelong achievements of Rabbi Michael and Elaine Strasberg, of Flushing, New York. The Rabbi and Elaine will be the Guests of Honor at the Seudas Shabbos of Congregation Ohr Moshe in Hillcrest, New York, on May 12, 2007, where they will be honored for their lifelong community service. They will celebrate this joyous occasion surrounded by family and friends.

The Strasbergs have been leaders in their community for more than three decades. Rabbi Michael led the Israel Center of Hillcrest Manor for 30 memorable years, during which he performed the B'nai Mitzvah services for my own children. More recently, he joined Congregation Ohr Moshe, which will be honoring the couple at a gala dinner on May 12.

The Rabbi Strasberg now works at Sinai Chapels as Director of Pastoral Counseling. In this setting, he provides comfort and strength to families who are going through the trying and painful time of the loss of a loved one. The Rabbi also educates the community with his moving shiurim or lectures on the substance and meaning of the Torah. Michael and Elaine actively participate in community events and organizations on behalf of Sinai Chapels, and work to preserve halacha (Jewish law) and Jewish tradition.

Elaine Strasberg is well-known for her superb cooking and enthusiastic leadership of Israeli dance classes for the women in the community. Elaine is also frequently at the top of my mind, as the creator of crocheted yarmulke, which I wear most often.

The Strasbergs have always been great supporters of Israel and active in many causes to this end. The Strasbergs take great pride and joy in their family, especially their children and grandchildren. They have five children; daughters Chaya, who is married to Dani; Zahavi, Malka, Rehana, and son Amichai, who is married to Adina. They have four grandchildren and are eagerly anticipating the arrival of the fifth.

Madam Speaker, I want to commend Rabbi Michael and Elaine Strasberg for their years of dedicated commitment to the Flushing and Jamaica communities and their residents. The Strasberg's integrity, selflessness, and good example have made a compelling difference in the lives of those they have touched. I ask my colleagues in the House of Representatives to please join me now in honoring Rabbi Michael and Mrs. Elaine Strasberg.

Madam Speaker, I move to suspend the rules and agree to the concurrent resolution (H. Con. Res. 7) calling on the League of Arab States to acknowledge the genocide in the Darfur region of Sudan and to step up their efforts to stop the genocide in Darfur, as amended.

Madam Speaker, I ask unanimous consent that all Members may have 5 legislative days to revise and extend their remarks and include extraneous material on the resolution under consideration.

Madam Speaker, I rise in strong support of this resolution, and yield myself as much time as I may consume.

Madam Speaker, let me first thank the sponsor of this resolution, our friend and colleague from the Bay Area, Barbara Lee, for introducing this important measure. Let me also acknowledge the leadership on the Darfur issue of our distinguished majority leader, our friend and colleague, Steny Hoyer, who recently returned from a very important and timely mission to the region.

Madam Speaker, we are still haunted by the echoes of the Holocaust, which Congress commemorated last week in the Capitol rotunda. The message from that horrific time is fresh in our minds as we consider another terrible genocide, the slaughter in the Darfur region of the Sudan.

Despite that profound message, the international community has allowed as many as 450,000 people to be killed, by some estimates, in Darfur. The Sudanese Government has been allowed to perpetuate a shocking campaign of terror for too long. And complacent governments around the world have stood on the side lines for too long.

So today, the question faces us, will we again fail to heed the message of the Holocaust? Will we allow Khartoum to keep terrorizing the impoverished and desperate minority there into extinction?

Slight signs of progress have emerged over the past few weeks, even if it has come too late for the dead. The Sudanese Government agreed to let a 3,000 person strong United Nations peacekeeping force to enter the country and join the African Union troops already there. This is meant to be a stepping stone to a larger and more robust force.

But the Sudanese Government made the decision under pressure and only after months of excruciating backtracking and delay. But the Sudanese Government has resisted the U.N.'s efforts to send 20,000 peacekeepers to Darfur. The U.N. has deemed this larger force necessary to protect civilians and to enforce a peace.

I have no doubt that Khartoum will continue to play games until they once again feel the pain of international pressure. As we speak, the government there is deliberately intimidating aid workers in Darfur. Let me be clear: The difference between a small, targeted force and a very substantial deployment is no mere sticking point. It is absolutely essential.

It is essential to stopping the Arab militias from continuing to carry out the government's dirty deeds. It is essential to clearing the path for crucial food and water and health supplies to reach the refugee camps. And it is essential because injustice is only really addressed when it is obliterated, not when it is slowed to a painful trickle of

displacement, harassment and disrupted lives. We must have that bigger U.N. force in the Sudan.

Now, finally, the international community has spoken with one voice. But more pressure needs to be applied. They cannot be allowed to slide backward this time.

The resolution before the House today urges those who may have the most influence, the Arab League and its member states, to take dramatic steps to help bring peace to Darfur.

The resolution urges the Arab states to declare the systematic torture, rape and displacement of Darfurians a genocide, and to support and accept U.N. peacekeepers. It also urges the Arab League to work with the United Nations, the African Union and the United States Presidential Special Envoy for the Sudan, Andrew Natsios, to bring about peace and stability to Darfur, the refugee camps, and along the Chadian border.

I believe it is the solemn duty of all who have said ``never again'' to speak out about genocide, especially this brutal one in Darfur. More importantly, I believe it is our duty in this Congress to do something about it without any delay.

I ask all of our colleagues to vote for this important and timely resolution.

Madam Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.

Madam Speaker, I yield 8\1/2\ minutes to the gentlewoman from California (Barbara Lee), member of the Committee on Appropriations and the main sponsor of this resolution now before us.

Madam Speaker, I yield 3 minutes to the gentleman from New Jersey, Congressman Bill Pascrell, a member of the Committee on Ways and Means.

Madam Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the gentleman from Illinois, the Honorable Bobby Rush, chairman of the Energy and Commerce Subcommittee on Commerce Trade and Consumer Protection.

Madam Speaker, to the Tenth District of Ohio, the Honorable Dennis J. Kucinich, chairman of the Oversight and Government Reform Subcommittee on Domestic Policy, I yield 1 minute.

Madam Speaker, it is now my distinct honor to yield to the gentleman from Maryland, the distinguished majority leader of the House of Representatives, recently returned from leading the delegation in this House personally to see the suffering going on, Mr. Steny Hoyer.

I thank the gentleman for accommodating our Members on the majority side.

Madam Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the gentlewoman from New York (Ms. Clarke), the newest member of our delegation.

Madam Speaker, on that I demand the yeas and nays.

Madam Speaker, I move to suspend the rules and pass the bill (H.R. 1678) to amend the Torture Victims Relief Act of 1998 to authorize appropriations to provide assistance for domestic and foreign programs and centers for the treatment of victims of torture, and for other purposes.

Madam Speaker, I ask unanimous consent that all Members may have 5 legislative days to revise and extend their remarks and include extraneous material on the bill under consideration.

Madam Speaker, I rise in strong support of this legislation, and yield myself such time as I may consume.

Let me first thank the distinguished ranking member of the Africa and Global Health Subcommittee, my very good friend, Chris Smith, for his long-standing leadership in the fight against torture. I am very proud to be a cosponsor of this very important piece of legislation before us today.

The Torture Victims Relief Act of 1998 is a landmark piece of legislation that enshrines the fundamental commitment of this Nation to assist all survivors of torture, wherever and whoever they might be.

The programs supported by the TVRA combat the effects of the most despicable of all human rights violations: The increasing use of torture around the world.

Although exact figures are difficult to ascertain, according to Amnesty International, a well-respected defender of human rights, more than 150 countries worldwide still engage in torture.

An estimated 400,000 to 500,000 foreign torture victims reside in the United States, and over 100 million may exist worldwide. More than 250 treatment centers operate internationally with the sole purpose of providing medical, psychological and social services to torture survivors. These crucial facilities provide a distinctive type of treatment to those victims.

In the U.S., the Center for Victims of Torture, located in Minnesota, was the first of its kind in the United States and the third torture victims treatment center in the world.

The personal ramifications of torture are beyond the comprehension of those who have not gone through it. Torture leaves no victim unscarred. It shapes the remainder of their lives. While physical wounds may ultimately heal, torture survivors need ongoing psychological services and therapy to cope with post-traumatic stress that afflicts them daily. Recovering from torture is a long-term process. It can take years before torture survivors can once again feel emotionally stable and comfortable in society.

The bill before the House today funds our very important fight against torture, both nationally and internationally. For international programs, this legislation authorizes $12 million per

year for centers and programs administered through USAID's Victims of Torture Fund. It also authorizes an additional $12 million a year for centers and programs administered through the U.N. Voluntary Fund for the Victims of Torture.

Domestically, our legislation authorizes $25 million annually for the Department of Health and Human Services so that HHS can assist domestic treatment centers fully and sufficiently.

The sad truth is that torture is not waning; if anything, it is on the rise. As a moral force and a Nation that exhibits empathy to those in most need, it is our firm responsibility to help the victims of torture with these comprehensive programs. The funds authorized are urgently needed to achieve this goal. I strongly support this legislation, and encourage every Member of the House to do so as well.

Madam Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.

Madam Speaker, to the gentlewoman from the 18th District of Texas, the chairwoman of the Homeland Security Subcommittee on Transportation Security and Infrastructure Protection, and also a member of the Foreign Affairs Committee, Sheila Jackson-Lee, I yield 3 minutes.

(Ms. JACKSON-LEE of Texas asked and was given permission to revise and extend her remarks.)

I thank the gentleman. I yield 2 minutes to the gentlewoman from California (Ms. Woolsey), the chairwoman of the Education and Labor Subcommittee on Workforce Protections and a member of the Foreign Affairs Committee.

If the gentleman will yield back the balance of his time, we are prepared to do so as well.

I yield back the balance of our time.

Madam Speaker, on that I demand the yeas and nays.

Madam Speaker, I move to suspend the rules and agree to the resolution (H. Res. 125) expressing deep concern over the use of civilians as ``human shields'' in violation of international humanitarian law and the law of war during armed conflict, including Hezbollah's tactic of embedding its forces among civilians to use them as human shields during the summer of 2006 conflict between Hezbollah and the State of Israel, as amended.

Madam Speaker, I ask unanimous consent that all Members may have 5 legislative days to revise and extend their remarks and include extraneous materials on the resolution under consideration.

Madam Speaker, I rise in strong support of this resolution and yield myself such time as I might consume.

Last year, we witnessed a tragic conflict in Lebanon, instigated by Hezbollah's unprovoked cross-border raid into Israel. This Hezbollah action resulted in the killing of eight brave Israeli soldiers and the kidnapping of two others, Ehud Goldwasser and Eldad Regev.

The suffering of the Lebanese people was immense as thousands fled their homes in the subsequent fighting. Many homes were damaged or destroyed, and lives were lost.

The key reason that civilian areas were destroyed was the cynical strategy of Hezbollah guerrillas to stage their attacks from the middle of towns and residential areas.

The use of civilians as human shields is reprehensible and is in direct violation of all the laws of warfare. Indeed, the Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court provides that such conduct is a serious violation of the laws of war and should be prosecuted.

This resolution properly condemns the use of human shields and, in particular, the conduct of Hezbollah in this bloody conflict. Let us make no mistake. The loss of civilian life in Lebanon was due solely to Hezbollah's cruel and uncivilized use of civilian areas as military bases. Meanwhile, Hezbollah used rocket fire to murder Israeli civilians indiscriminately and to destroy Israeli civilian areas that were of no military value whatsoever.

This resolution calls on all responsible nations to condemn such heinous acts and to work to eliminate them. No nation that calls itself a member of the international community can engage in such barbaric practices. In conflicts all over the globe, human shields have been used for various purposes. None of them are acceptable.

Let us urge the President and our friends and allies to join us and do their utmost to stop the use of human shields once and for all.

Madam Speaker, I urge all of our colleagues to support the resolution.

Madam Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.

Madam Speaker, I yield 5 minutes to the distinguished gentleman from Ohio (Mr. Kucinich), the chairman of the Oversight and Government Reform Subcommittee on Domestic Policy.

Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I might consume.

To my good friend from California, as well as my good friend from Ohio, I would address the following observations and concerns. First, I would like to thank each of them for their support for this resolution condemning Hezbollah for their actions.

But I would like to note for the record that there is a tremendous difference between a perpetrator and a victim. A perpetrator is the one who initiates the act. The victim is the one who is victimized by the act. Very often, in an act of violence, murder, mayhem, the victim fights back. The victim has every single right in the world, legally and morally, to defend itself against violence. Some might argue sometimes that in defense of oneself, the victim goes too far. The woman being raped tries to scratch out the eyes of the rapist. Who is to blame her?

I thank my two friends for also pointing out that there is a difference in systems, that there is a difference in moral values between that which the Hezbollah does and the response of the Israelis. I appreciated the fact that the gentleman from Ohio brought in part of a weapon of destruction that was used in self-defense, but I am also happy that we did not bring in gory pictures of Israeli children and women on their way to school or working on farms or in their villages, who every day are subject to attacks and missiles fired by Hezbollah as they go about their daily, innocent lives.

I thank the gentleman from California for calling to the House's attention in so eloquent a way of what is rarely government and governance and society and what Israel is all about, who points out graphically and with the evidence he brought before us the fact that it was an Israeli human rights defender who called out to the Israeli soldiers whose conduct he properly called into question, that they have no right to do that and that there are laws against it.

Where were the Lebanese people calling out to the Hezbollah who invaded their homes and their neighborhoods and took over and used them, sometimes willingly, sometimes not, as human shields, and said to them, we forbid you to do this, it's against our human rights, and it's against our laws? Not once.

I thank the gentleman from California for pointing out the Israeli system of justice, which stands basically equal to ours. We, too, in the pursuit of terrorists and evildoers, as the President would call them, sometimes unfortunately commit acts in that pursuit and in defense of ourselves against the terrorists, where civilians are hurt and civilians do die. But that is not our purpose. When the Hezbollah does that, that is their intention for the civilians to die.

I thank the gentleman from California for pointing out that this went through the Israeli justice system because it is contrary to the laws of the democracy of the democratic State of Israel. It went to the Supreme Court of Israel, and that court found, in full view, because Israeli television shows showed their soldiers doing something wrong, and they were charged, and the court found them guilty, and the court banned it.

People were held responsible in a responsible society. That did not happen with the Hezbollah. That did not happen in Lebanon. It happened in Israel where people paid the price, where the military officers who were in charge of the operation were found guilty.

That is the difference between a democratic, humane society, where there are innocent victims of self-defense, who unfortunately, as individuals within the military, sometimes get carried away. That happens in every army in the history of the world. But holding people responsible for those individual actions is a sign of a true democracy.

That did not happen with the Hezbollah. That did not happen with Lebanon. That is the difference between democratic, humane societies and terrorist organizations.

I thank our two colleagues for bringing this to the attention of the House so that we might highlight the differences between two societies, Hezbollah, governed by terror, whose only purpose is to wreak havoc upon civilian populations, and a democracy like Israel, who responds to terrorism and sometimes have unfortunate incidents for which they hold individuals responsible and who pay the price.

Mr. Speaker, I have no further speakers on our side, and I yield back the balance of my time.

Mr. Speaker, I move to suspend the rules and agree to the resolution (H. Res. 240) urging all member countries of the International Commission of the International Tracing Service (ITS) who have yet to ratify the May 2006 Amendments to the 1955 Bonn Accords Treaty, to expedite the ratification process to allow for open access to the Holocaust archives located at Bad Arolsen, Germany.

Mr. Speaker, I ask unanimous consent that all Members may have 5 legislative days to revise and extend their remarks and include extraneous material on the resolution under consideration.

Mr. Speaker, I rise in strong support of this resolution, and yield myself such time as I may consume.

Mr. Speaker, it is a distinct honor to introduce H. Res. 240, a resolution urging the immediate ratification of the amendments to the 1955 Bonn Accords. This treaty would open the immense records of the Holocaust to Nazi war crime victims in Bad Arolsen, Germany. I would like to thank my good friend from Florida, Representative Alcee Hastings, who introduced this important resolution of which I am a proud cosponsor.

Mr. Speaker, the horror of Nazi crimes perpetrated on Jews and others across Europe were accompanied by meticulous recordkeeping that was maintained by the Third Reich throughout the reign of its terrible regime. These accounts include listings of victims, medical records, transport notes and other details that often provide the only history of millions of innocent people who perished at the hands of the Nazis.

An abandoned S.S. barracks at Bad Arolsen became the repository for many of these records, where they remained under the control the Allied Forces, and then under a consortium of 11 nations since the end of World War II, some 62 years ago.

Throughout those years, these records have been closed to the public. Most survivors' requests have been met with reluctance or disappointing bureaucratic neglect, resulting in some 500,000 legitimate requests for information that were outstanding by the year 2000, some of them made by people who are no longer with us today.

Bad Arolsen contains the records of 17.5 million individuals, and I have been told by experts at the Holocaust Museum here in Washington that almost every person to have known to have been a part of that terrible time can be found in those records, victims including Anne Frank, marks of saviors such as Oskar Schindler's famous list, and my octogenarian friend and constituent, Jacob Rosenthal of Long Island, and probably information on my own family members.

Mr. Speaker, there is a picture that hangs in my den. It used to hang in my mother's house. The color of the picture is completely in sepia, as was traditional for the time in which it was taken in Poland. It is a picture of the wedding party of my grandfather and grandmother, the grandmother whom I am named after and never met. It is a very old picture. The corners are turned down. It is starting to fade.

In front of the entire wedding party sits a whole group of young children sitting on the ground. My mother would point to this picture and point to the little children and say, ``This is my Uncle Chaim, and this one is my Aunt Rachel.'' I would ask, ``Mom, they are only children. How can they be your aunt and your uncle?'' And her response was, ``They will always be children.''

My mother never knew what happened to them. She would have liked to have known. Maybe those records will tell us what happened to them.

For survivors of the Holocaust, such as our good friend and colleague and chairman of the Foreign Affairs Committee, Tom Lantos, time for answers, for truth, for recognition that our loved ones existed and mattered is running out. We need these archives opened now, not next year, not a decade from now when fewer survivors will be here to find peace and possibly a strong degree of closure in the material in these archives. And perhaps opening these archives of over 17 million people will in part answer those evil people like the President of Iran, Mr. Ahmadinejad, who claims that the Holocaust never existed.

Our good friend from Kansas spoke on another bill and he cited scripture from Isaiah saying ``you be my witness.'' The Nazis were their own witnesses and documented in tremendous detail the lives of all of these people, as well as their deaths.

The 1955 Bonn Accords Treaty governs these records. The 11 countries that signed that treaty agreed in 1998 to open these records to the public, but it did not happen. Last year, these nations agreed to ensure not only the opening of the records, but also the sharing of digitized copies and access for researchers.

Diplomatically, substantial progress has been made in recent years in achieving international agreement. Four countries have ratified the 2006 amendments: the United States, Israel, Poland and the Netherlands. With this resolution, Congress urgently encourages the remaining seven countries to ratify the amendments by May of 2007. Next month is the deadline, and we insist we make the digital archives records available as soon as they are ready this summer.

Mr. Speaker, I strongly support this resolution, and urge all of our colleagues to do the same.

Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. Speaker, to the gentleman from Florida, chairman of the Rules Subcommittee on Legislative and Budget Process, the initiator, sponsor, motivator of this legislation to whom we owe a debt of gratitude, Representative Alcee Hastings, I yield 5\1/2\ minutes.

(Mr. HASTINGS of Florida asked and was given permission to revise and extend his remarks.)

We thank everybody for everything as well, including the Speaker. I have no further speakers. I yield back the balance of our time.

Madam Speaker, I would like to call the House's attention to an important human rights case in Azerbaijan. Mr. Farhad Aliyev, the former minister of economic development and a leading pro- West reformer, has been arrested and charged with planning a coup, though I think his true crime was speaking truth to power in Azerbaijan. Too often, the United States has allowed immediate interests to blind us to the long-term risks associated with ignoring or downplaying significant human rights violations abroad. There is enormous potential in U.S.-Azeri relations, and I want to see this relationship continue to blossom. But we risk implanting a fatal flaw in this development if we are not frank about our concerns about human rights and the rule of law.

I submit a March 17, 2007, article from the Washington Times, ``Ex- Azeri official held for 17 months'', by Jason Motlagh, detailing Mr. Aliyev's case for the Congressional Record with my remarks.

[From the Washington Times, Mar. 17, 2007]

Ex-Azeri Official Held for 17 Months

(By Jason Motlagh)

Baku, Azerbaijan.--The view from Sabina Aliyeva's balcony

commands the skyline of this reborn boomtown and the Caspian

Sea beyond, but for the past 17 months one stark gray

building off to the right has loomed large.

Inside, her husband, Farhad Aliyev, the former minister of

economic development and a leading pro-West reformer, remains

locked in solitary confinement, charged with planning a

coup--though no evidence of it has been put before a court of

law.

International human rights groups and U.S. lawmakers say

Mr. Aliyev is a political prisoner whose rights have been

violated as he awaits due process. According to Azeri law, a

judge must hear his case by April or release him from

pretrial detention.

The high-profile case comes amid efforts by the Bush

administration to secure closer ties with the oil-rich

nation, considered to be of increasing importance in a

sensitive region. Critics counter that better bilateral

relations must be in step with U.S. demands for democratic

reform, and not allow a convenient foreign policy to obscure

a grim human rights record.

Azerbaijan is a secular Muslim country on the western shore

of the Caspian Sea, wedged among Iran, Armenia, Russia and

Georgia. U.S. officials have stressed its value as a reliable

energy supplier, citing continued Azeri oil and natural-gas

deliveries to Europe as a counterweight to Russia's state-

owned energy giant Gazprom.

President Ilham Aliyev--no relation to the accused--has

also been a willing partner on security issues. One of the

first foreign leaders to contribute troops to missions in

Iraq and Afghanistan, he granted U.S. pilots overflight

rights in Azeri airspace, and the Pentagon is sponsoring an

upgrade of a former

Soviet airfield for potential use by American forces.

Some observers also point to the sizable and at times

restive Azeri minority in Iran as a potential tool if a

conflict with the United States or its allies broke out.

Azerbaijan insists it will have no part in any military

action against the Islamic republic.

Azerbaijan has a reputation of being heavy-handed toward

its citizens. Before its November 2005 parliamentary

elections, condemned by international observers as flawed,

riot police reportedly beat up protesters in the streets and

arrested hundreds.

Farhad Aliyev, his younger brother Rafig, former head of

the leading Azeri oil refiner, Azpetrol, and a handful of

other officials were summarily arrested on charges of

plotting a coup.

The vote itself was marred by irregularities, ballot

stuffing and intimidation, according to the Organization for

Security and Cooperation in Europe.

Still, President Aliyev was invited to the White House last

April. Washington justified his first meeting with President

Bush on the basis that his regime is in a different class

than autocracies like those in Belarus and Uzbekistan, thus

should be engaged rather than left to gravitate toward Moscow

or Tehran.

Opponents say corruption and ongoing crackdowns on civil

freedoms could have a destabilizing effect in Azerbaijan.

They say Farhad Aliyev challenged the political establishment

to make free-market reforms, to better integrate with the

West, and is now being denied U.S. support.

``We're defending Farhad Aliyev because we defend the ideas

he represents,'' said Murad Saddadinov, an Azeri human rights

activist and former political prisoner. ``If we do not

support him, we will soon lose everybody like him in

Azerbaijan.''

Mr. Saddadinov said he fears the emergence of a more

radical brand of Islam if democratization does not take hold,

noting the growing attendance at Wahhabi mosques in the

capital. One Western official said he saw ``the potential,''

but doubted such an outcome in the foreseeable future.

Appointed by President Ilham Aliyev's father, post-Soviet

strongman Heydar Aliyev, who died in 2003 at a U.S. hospital,

Farhad Aliyev led a broad campaign to open the economy and

reduce the power of state-affiliated monopolists that had

long controlled the flow of imports and exports in

Azerbaijan.

One of Farhad Aliyev's top priorities was an overhaul of

the state customs committee, considered by the Azeri public

and business community as a corruption machine. Azerbaijan

ranked 130th among 163 countries in Transparency

International's latest corruption index.

``Corruption is endemic in this country . . . [and the

customs] department has been at the top of the list,'' said a

European official working in Azerbaijan who deals directly

with the government on reform matters.

Farhad Aliyev ``was generally regarded as a fair and good

businessman, even among a disillusioned Azeri public. The

West rightfully saw him as someone to work with--someone with

a promising political future.''

An intense rivalry soon developed between Farhad Aliyev and

customs chief Kamaleddin Heydarov, whom Mr. Aliyev accused of

stifling economic growth by making it hard for new business--

foreign or domestic--to enter Azerbaijan's markets.

Both men used the press to try to win over the public and

President Aliyev. Azeri news reports agree that state

interference was reduced in entrepreneurial activities and

certain meddlesome agencies were abolished.

Ali, 23, a university student who asked that his full name

not be made public, said Farhad Aliyev was well liked at a

time most Azeris had tuned out politics.

``He came across as someone who actually cared about people

and change, not his bank account,'' said Ali. ``His

popularity was definitely growing . . . and is probably why

he was removed.''

Farhad Aliyev went out on a limb when he said that as far

as Azerbaijan's social and economic development are

concerned, ``Russia is Azerbaijan's past, the West is its

future.''

On Oct. 19, 2005, weeks after he had told the prosecutor

general's office that unspecified criminal groups had

threatened to kill him, he was arrested for conspiring to

overthrow the government. A corruption charge was later

added.

Officials accused Farhad Aliyev of paying supporters of

Rasul Guliyev, the exiled chairman of a major opposition

party, to stir unrest upon his return from the United States

to run in the elections. The charge was based on the

confession of ousted Finance Minister Fikrat Yusifov, a

reputed co-conspirator, who was released two months later.

Mr. Guliyev has categorically denied the claim or that he

ever met Farhad Aliyev. Analysts queried in the capital

agreed that such an association was highly unlikely, given

their opposing party affiliations.

Charles Both, an American lawyer who represents Farhad

Aliyev and his brother, says that since their arrest, the

original charges have not been declared in court; no evidence

in support of the charges has been offered; no public hearing

has been held; and no trial date set.

Azerbaijan's law stipulates that pretrial detention can

last a maximum of 18 months, meaning the government has until

next month to hear the case.

Farhad Aliyev suffers from heart problems, including

hypertension and hypertrophy, but has been denied sufficient

medical attention, according to the International League for

Human Rights.

To date, his wife and two children have had no contact with

him. They say they have been subject to harassment and

surveillance by authorities--notably on the day of his arrest

when their home was stormed by armed men and valuables were

stolen. The family has since moved to a guarded apartment in

view of the National Security Ministry, where the brothers

are being held.

Meanwhile, the business interests of the Aliyev brothers

have been confiscated and sold off to ``pro-Russian business

enterprises favored by the Azeri authorities,'' according to

a study by Mr. Both, the American lawyer.

He said the charges against the pair are ``the direct

result of Farhad Aliyev's position in open favor of

[Azerbaijan's] integration into the international community,

closer ties with the United States, [the] European Union . .

. and successful implementation of economic reforms and anti-

monopoly policy, all of which run counter the interests of

many powerful domestic players.''

Mr. Speaker, I move to suspend the rules and agree to the resolution (H. Res. 107) calling for the immediate and unconditional release of Israeli soldiers held captive by Hamas and Hezbollah, and for other purposes, as amended.

Mr. Speaker, I ask unanimous consent that all Members have 5 legislative days to revise and extend their remarks and include extraneous materials on the resolution under consideration.

Mr. Speaker, I rise in strong support of this resolution, and I yield myself such time as I may consume.

Mr. Speaker, I would like to first thank Chairman Tom Lantos and ranking minority member Ileana Ros-Lehtinen, as well as the ranking minority member on the Subcommittee on the Middle East and South Asia, Mike Pence. These Members joined with me at the very outset of the Congress to introduce H. Res. 107. The resolution is an exercise in compassion and it expresses the sense of the House regarding the three Israeli soldiers who were kidnapped last summer.

As of today, Gilad Shalit has been a captive for 261 days, roughly 8\1/2\ months; Ehud Goldwasser and Eldad Regev have been captives for 244 days. That is a day more than 8 months. To date, there has been no access to these men by medical personnel or the Red Cross or Red Crescent.

They have not been permitted to send mail to their loved ones. We don't know if they are ill, we don't know if

they are wounded, we don't know for certain that they are still alive.

Mr. Speaker, their captors have sought to turn these three men into something they are not: Bargaining chips, pawns, a kind of political chattel, things that can be swapped for favors or sacrificed at whim. These three men are not things. They are human beings. They have names and families. They have rights as captured soldiers, and they have rights as individuals. And they also have rights under international law.

The organizations that have taken these men captive have shown their true character. Withholding doctors and medicine, withholding the Red Cross and Red Crescent visits, withholding basic communications with their families, even just the information that they are still alive, these choices and these acts show what kind of men run Hamas and Hezbollah: They are religious, but they are deeply immoral. They are self-righteous, but they are profoundly cruel. They are blustery and proud, but they are sneaky and manipulative. Decent human beings do not behave this way.

Mr. Speaker, decency doesn't depend on international law or multilateral agreements, nor does it depend on nationality. And I am not aware that withholding medical care or basic contact with the outside world is a requirement of either Shia or Sunni Islam, or any of the world's great religions.

This kind of brutality and malice is, unfortunately, typical of these organizations and their state sponsors, Syria and Iran. Syria is a thuggish dictatorship which believes its appetite for the Golan Heights legitimizes any crime or cruelty.

And Iran's repressive theocracy is both the world's leading sponsor of terrorism and its most dangerous proliferation threat. Viciousness is standard operating procedure for both regimes.

We cannot compel such parties to release Gilad, Ehud, and Eldad any more than we can force them to understand the difference between right and wrong. You cannot disgrace someone who is incapable of shame.

But we can and we must stand by our ally, the State of Israel. America has had painfully similar experiences at the hands of the same culprits.

Out of our own bitter experience, we can express our sympathy and our concern for the captives and for their families. We can let the perpetrators of this barbarism know that we have not forgotten what they have done, and what they are continuing to do. We can bear witness, and we can add our voices to all those who are saying, ``Enough, enough. Let these men go home.''

Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. Speaker, we have no further speakers. If the gentleman will yield back his time, we are prepared to do so.

Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentleman from Arkansas for his leadership and helping shepherd this on the floor today.

Mr. Speaker, I yield back the balance of my time.

Mr. Speaker, I move to suspend the rules and agree to

the resolution (H. Res. 64) expressing the sense of the House of Representatives that the Government of Bangladesh should immediately drop all pending charges against Bangladeshi journalist Salah Uddin Shoaib Choudhury, as amended.

Mr. Speaker, I ask unanimous consent that all Members have 5 legislative days to revise and extend their remarks and include extraneous material on the resolution under consideration.

Mr. Speaker, I rise in strong support of this resolution, and yield myself such time as I may consume.

Mr. Speaker, I would first like to commend my friend and colleague Mark Kirk from Illinois as well as that of Mrs. Lowey of New York for their leadership on this important human rights case.

With passage of this resolution, Congress will firmly indicate its view that the government of Bangladesh should immediately release a Bangladeshi journalist whose only apparent crime is to attempt to visit the democratic nation of Israel.

Mr. Speaker, Bangladesh has undergone great political turmoil in recent months, and the nation is now being ruled by a caretaker government. As Bangladesh moves towards a new round of elections, it is imperative that the rule of law and freedom of the press be preserved.

The current government has set out an agenda to reform Bangladesh's political system and to stem corruption. We have seen lately the arrest of many previously high-ranking government officials. It is my sincere wish that the standards of responsible governance survive under the caretaker government until free and fair elections take place, elections that I hope will happen in the near term.

In this time of great political turmoil in Bangladesh, it is truly inexplicable that the government would focus its scarce resources on prosecuting a journalist.

Mr. Choudhury believes in interfaith dialogue between Jews and Muslims as an alternative to religious extremism, and has been commended by the international community for such bravery of thought.

Gaining the respect and concern of organizations like the United States Commission on International Religious Freedom, Mr. Choudhury has shown immense resiliency after facing numerous political and physical threats.

Mr. Choudhury's actions are courageous, not criminal, and it is time for the government of Bangladesh to take decisive action and drop all pending charges. The political leadership of Bangladesh should focus on getting its own house in order instead of mindlessly prosecuting someone for trying to promote international peace and stability.

Mr. Speaker, I urge all of my colleagues to support this legislation.

Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. Speaker, it is my pleasure to yield such time as she might consume to the gentlewoman from New York (Mrs. Lowey), the distinguished Chair of the appropriations subcommittee on Foreign Operations and the cosponsor of this resolution before us.

Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of our time.

Mr. Speaker, I want to express my gratitude to Mr. Boozman, the gentleman from Arkansas, for his expeditious handling of this on the floor. I want to thank both Mr. Kirk and Mrs. Lowey for bringing this resolution to our attention and to also note the great spirit of nonpartisanship that we have on this matter and hope that that could splash over and spill over and overwhelm some prevailing attitudes on both sides so that we might bring this kind of approach and dedication to all of the legislation that we have before us this session.

Mr. Speaker, I yield back the balance of my time.