Floor Statements

Madam Speaker, my constituents have been rightfully outraged to hear that the very unit at AIG that was at the center of that company's failure is being showered with $165 million in bonuses, with some individual bonuses to executives there being upwards of $1 million. Considering that the taxpayers have made a commitment of significant funds to AIG as part of the federal government's efforts to rescue credit markets, extravagant bonuses to these individuals are simply unconscionable.

This afternoon I am introducing The AIG Key Executives Bonus Accountability and Capture Act (TAKE BACK Act) that will tax 100 percent of the bonuses paid out to AIG executives. The tax, which would apply to bonuses paid by TARP money, is being introduced in an effort to ensure taxpayers' dollars are not utilized to fund enormous bonuses paid to companies that receive TARP funding.

The fact that some on Wall Street have sought to exploit the public tax dollars is not only outrageous but is an egregious violation of the public's trust. If the leadership of companies that receive TARP funds are determined to waste taxpayer dollars on extravagant bonuses then I believe we as taxpayers--who significantly subsidize these same companies--have the right to recoup those funds.

Under the TAKE BACK Act, any entity that received assistance under the Emergency Economic Stabilization Act of 2008 would find its bonuses subject to a tax rate of 100 percent.

There are so many people in my community who have lost their jobs and are facing extremely tough times. For taxpayer dollars to go towards bonuses for individuals who have played a key role in our economic downturn is simply unacceptable.

As a vice chair of the Congressional Women's Caucus, I proudly rise today in support of House Resolution 211, honoring the contributions that women have made to history both at home and abroad.

Women have never, ever had it easy, and it is vital that as we continue to move forward, we never forget the contributions of those who came before us. Whether it was Harriet Tubman, repeatedly risking death to lead slaves through the dangers and trials of the underground railroad, or Elizabeth Cady Stanton and Susan B. Anthony organizing, against the wisdom of the day, to convince the male electorate to let women vote, over and over and over again women have stood up and demanded the rights that are due to them. And today, with so much uncertainty in our economy, it is women in households across our country who are pooling together their resources to make sure their families can eat and that their children are on time for school. So let us remember Mother Ruth, Big Mama, Aunt Peaches, and Grandma Helen.

This resolution honors the contributions that women have made through history. But it does more than that. It reminds us of the strength and dignity that we possess in even the most uncertain times, and it urges us to seek out and stamp out injustice against women and their families wherever we see it. I urge support for H. Res. 211.

Madam Speaker, I rise to pay tribute to the internationally renowned dance troupe, Ko-Thi African Dance Company of Milwaukee. In May, 2009, Ko-Thi African Dance Troupe will celebrate its 40th anniversary.

Much of the success of the Ko-Thi African Dance Company can be attributed to its founder and Artistic/Executive Director, Ferne Caulker. Ms. Caulker, born in Sierra Leone, West Africa is a creative genius blessed with the passion and determination needed to create a ``family'' of professional performers. She is a full professor at the University of Wisconsin-Milwaukee in the School of Dance where she has taught since 1971. Ms. Caulker is not only a former Fulbright Fellow but a recipient of numerous award. She has made the music and dance of the peoples of the African Diaspora accessible to all Americans, especially African-American audiences. Twenty years ago she extended that vision to include a children's troupe, Ton Ko-Thi, to instill cultural pride and self-worth to children through the discipline required to create art.

The Company is comprised of both musicians and dancers trained in the history, mythology and techniques of art forms within the African Diaspora. The troupe utilizes a myriad of traditional instruments, authentic costumes, infectious music and extraordinary dance to educate and bridge the gap between cultures. Ko-Thi operates a comprehensive educational outreach program, Drum Talk that works with institutions to assist with expanding and diversifying any curriculum with the history, dance, and drumming of the African continent and its Diaspora. If you have had the privilege of attending a Ko-Thi Dance Company performance, you know it is a tremendous experience to observe their exacting stepping, pulsating vibrant rhythm and hypnotic movement. The Ko-Thi African Dance Company is Wisconsin's regional, national and international touring gem. They have performed in Japan, Canada and many venues throughout the United States.

Madam Speaker, I am proud to say the Ko-Thi African Dance Company hails from the 4th Congressional District and pleased to give praise to Ferne Caulker, the ensemble, and their Board of Directors. I wish them many more years of success.

Madam Speaker, I rise to pay tribute to Milwaukee's landmark bookstore chain, Harry W. Schwartz Bookshops. After 82 years of business and service to the entire Greater Milwaukee community, the company will close its doors at the close of business on March 31, 2009.

The chain was founded two years before the Great Depression, in 1927, by Harry W. Schwartz, who opened his first shop on Downer Avenue. Mr. Schwartz soon became known for the books that he chose to sell. He championed then-controversial 20th-century authors such as William Faulkner and Ernest Hemingway. His son, David, took over the business in 1972 and under the younger Schwartz's leadership the company added more stores. New stores were placed in neighborhoods where national chains could not build. Books were carefully selected to reflect local customer preferences and coffee and other soft items were offered. The company began mentoring and assisting other small bookstores including the Cultural Connection Bookstore.

Schwartz unleashed his biggest innovation, readings with big-name authors including President Barack Obama, then Senator Obama, with the introduction of his book The Audacity of Hope, in 2006. Schwartz Bookshops became known for their great author events throughout the national book industry. Schwartz Bookshops' parent company, Dickens Books Ltd., also began an operation that sells business books, which today is a separate division, 800-CEO-Read. Despite the advent of the big box booksellers, Schwartz prospered in the 1980s and 1990s. After the death of David Schwartz in 2004 his widow, Carol Grossmeyer, took over as president and his daughter, Rebecca Schwartz, became chairman of the company.

Booksellers now have competition not only from the national chains, but also from online booksellers, digital books, and the economic downturn that affect how people both read and purchase books. Although the Schwartz brick and mortar Bookshops will close, two of the stores will continue operating under new owners. Ms. Grossmeyer and Ms. Schwartz will continue to run Dickens Books Ltd and the 800-CEO-Read Division which remains profitable.

Madam Speaker, my district and Greater Milwaukee will experience a profound loss with the closing of the Harry W. Schwartz Bookshops; I thank them for their immeasurable achievements and salute their legacy.

Mr. Speaker, I rise today to express my strong support for the National School Breakfast Program, H. Res. 210.

This resolution really elucidates the importance of school breakfast programs and their positive impact on a child's overall academic performance. And, again, I want to thank the Education and Labor Committee for bringing this resolution forward in honor of National School Breakfast Week.

Mr. Speaker, every 35 seconds a child is born into poverty in the United States of America. In fact, as a Nation, we have seen an increase in children living in poverty up to nearly 3 million children, with children representing a disproportionate share of the poor in the United States, as they're 25 percent of the total population but 35 percent of the poor in our population.

And to the extent that the parents of children are responsible for their well-being, the unemployment rate, which has risen from 7.6 percent to 8.1 percent and just in the last month losing 651,000 jobs, 3.6 million jobs lost in the last year, this has caused families to struggle even more to feed their children, and they need to turn to schools for this much-needed assistance.

I can tell you that a study done by the Massachusetts General Hospital in conjunction with Harvard Medical School concluded that children who are at nutritional risk have significantly poorer attendance, punctuality, and grades. But it also showed that these same parents that are responsible for taking care of them self report that food insufficiency means that their children have repeated a grade in school, they have lower scores on standardized tests, lower grades in math, and more days tardy and absent from school.

Studies have also shown that students who fail to eat an adequate breakfast increase their chances for being overweight than children who eat a healthy breakfast on a daily basis.

Fortunately, Mr. Speaker, these data show that providing breakfast in school has been able to improve attentiveness and academic performance while reducing tardiness and disciplinary referrals.

I just want to mention that these school breakfasts must meet the nutritional standards under the dietary guidelines for Americans, which recommend no more than 30 percent of an individual's calories come from fat and less than 10 percent from saturated fat. In addition, breakfast must provide one-fourth of the recommended daily allowance for protein, calcium, iron, vitamin A, vitamin C, and calories. And I mention this because this might be the best meal the children have all day long.

I can tell you, Mr. Speaker, that providing availability, accessibility, and participation in the school breakfast program are some of the best ways to support the health and educational potential of children, particularly low-income children. In my own State of Wisconsin, we saw a significant increase in school breakfast participation with a 25.3 percent growth rate, and this is largely due to our efforts in our State to implement universal classroom breakfasts in most of our Milwaukee public elementary schools.

Let me conclude by saying this and reminding the body of this, Mr. Speaker, that though our country is in the midst of a tough economic time, no child in our community or across the country should ever go to school hungry. When our children are able to eat quality meals in the morning, we see improvements in math and reading scores as well as cognitive skills. If our children are going to be able to compete in a global environment, we need to do everything we can to make sure that they succeed. It's clear that there is a definite need for school breakfast programs right alongside our educational programs.

Madam Speaker, I rise today to recognize a compassionate labor leader and tireless worker, Dan Sherman, who has given 36 years of service to Wisconsin's energy industry.

Dan Sherman has worked as Forester, Lineman and Trouble Shooter for Wisconsin Electric Power Company. Mr. Sherman has given unprecedented service to Local 2150 of the International Brotherhood of Electrical Workers and during his tenure has served as Business Representative, Assistant Business Manager, and Business Manager for Local 2150.

Since 1987, Mr. Sherman has been a member of the State AFL-CIO Executive Board where his leadership has led to greater cooperation within organized labor, and forged stronger relationships with local, state, and federal officials on the importance of issues affecting working families. Mr. Sherman served on the Missouri Valley Board of Trustees that contributed to strong labor-management regarding industry performance, training and safety issues.

Mr. Sherman is a veteran having proudly served as a United States Marine. He is also a devoted family man, who together with his wife, Chris, has raised four children and has been blessed with seven grandchildren.

On March 13, 2009, Dan Sherman will be recognized and thanked for his many contributions to the citizens of Wisconsin and all of Wisconsin by family, friends and colleagues. In fact, Mr. Sherman continues to set a strong example to us all by displaying humor, grace and goodwill to all, in spite of extreme challenges to his own health.

Madam Speaker, for these reasons, I am honored to pay tribute to Mr. Dan Sherman for his contributions to the Fourth Congressional District and the State of Wisconsin. He has helped transform the lives of many people in our community.

Mr. Chairman, I rise to enter into a colloquy with Chairman Frank.

Mr. Chairman, as you know, our State housing finance agencies are frequently the only source of credit for first-time low- and moderate- income home buyers. However, the frozen credit markets have cut off their ability to sell their mortgage revenue bonds that fund their activities, forcing many of them to severely cut back their programs and forcing others to just stop completely.

Additionally, unlike many of the depository institutions that have already accessed the TARP funds from the first tranche but have not passed those funds on to consumers, we know that housing finance agencies will immediately lend any money they receive through the TARP directly on to potential home buyers.

My question, Mr. Chairman, is: Recognizing the vital role that FHAs can play in alleviating the financial credit crisis, I want to first encourage the Treasury Department to use those TARP funds to purchase FHA mortgage revenue bonds, and I want to know if there is any authorization in this legislation to do so.

Well, thank you, Mr. Chairman.

Madam Speaker, Israel is a strong ally of our country and has a right to defend itself and I have voted on a number of times--along with a large majority of my colleagues in the House--to make clear our support of that right. According to one estimate, as many as one million Israelis live in range of rockets that have been fired from Gaza by militants. No one questions the responsibility or right of a sovereign nation to protect its people.

However, the deaths of innocent civilians wherever they may occur concerns me. I join my colleagues in condemning all acts of violence and hostilities against civilians and acts of terrorism. While Hamas may be indifferent to the suffering of Palestinians and Israelis as a result of its actions, the rest of the world must not share that indifference.

It is distressing to see this volatile region again paralyzed by a new chapter of a seemingly endless cycle of retributive violence in which no side really wins and innocent civilians lose the most. We must push to break this destructive cycle. The U.S. regional actors, and the international community all need to move quickly to defuse this situation and help to reach a cease-fire by all sides while addressing the security and humanitarian issues that cannot be allowed to continue to fester.

The unfolding humanitarian crisis in Gaza and the firing of rockets into Israel do not serve the best interest of anyone truly concerned with securing permanent peace in the region. That is why it is even more important that this House take up a resolution that makes a serious call for and helps strongly support ongoing diplomatic efforts to bring an

end to the violence, demands greater U.S. leadership and engagement in those efforts, and recognizes the great loss suffered by the Israeli and Palestinian people as a result of the violence and urges a swift end to that violence. Unfortunately, the bill before us today is not such a resolution.

Hamas' own actions time and time again show that it is a threat to regional and international peace. This is not in dispute. The House has rightly condemned Hamas time and time again including passage last March of H. Res. 951--which I supported.

However, I have several concerns about other aspects of the resolution before us today. At a time of increasing international concern about the situation in Gaza highlighted by diplomatic efforts under way at the UN, by the EU, and the Arab League--particularly a proposal put forth by Egypt and France--and the passage just last night by the UN Security Council of a resolution calling for an immediate cease-fire, I fear that his may be the wrong time for a resolution that does little to support efforts to halt the conflict.

The Security Council resolution called urgently for an ``immediate, durable and fully respected cease-fire, leading to the full withdrawal of Israeli forces from Gaza.'' I am disappointed that the resolution before the House today does not support the UN's call for an immediate and verifiable cease-fire by both sides.

When a clear international consensus and diplomatic efforts are beginning to coalesce and work towards a solution, why would the U.S. Congress want to consider a resolution that takes a sharply different tack?

The resolution before us also differs in a number of ways even from a similar resolution that the Senate passed just yesterday. That Senate resolution takes a much more serious approach and puts a greater and much needed emphasis on the proactive role the U.S. needs to play to bring this latest crisis to a close. The U.S. has a vast array of diplomatic and other tools that are at the disposal of the President and his foreign policy advisers to help resolve international crises such as this. Now is the time to open that toolbox and actively use those tools.

If anything has been clear from the last eight years it is that when U.S. does not lead and stay in engaged in regional diplomacy, the situation in the region will not get better.

The EU, the UN, the Arab League all recognize that Israel's military operations must be supplemented and supplanted by a diplomatic resolution that will last. That is why the Egyptians and the French are expending considerable efforts--in the absence of U.S. leadership--to forge a cease-fire agreement that meets Israel's needs, namely ending the firing of rockets into Israel and preventing Hamas from rearming while also addressing the humanitarian needs of Gazans. Just yesterday, Secretary Rice expressed verbal support for this initiative, stating that these efforts ``should not just be applauded, but must be supported'' by the international community. But the resolution fails to even bring it up.

The resolution before the House today also expresses support for ``diminishing the appeal and influence of extremists in the Palestinian territories and strengthen moderate Palestinians who are committed to a secure and lasting peace.'' However, this resolution by its lack of a call for U.S. engagement and lack of recognition of the suffering of civilians actually undermines this goal--one that I have long advocated and supported--both in its tone and substance. The resolution ignores or fails to apprehend the tremendous damage that is being done to the efforts of moderates--either presently or in the future--by the ongoing conflict that according to one report has generated ``incredible bitterness and anger'' in the region. To expect our moderate friends in the Middle East to succeed in such an environment is foolhardy at best.

A cease-fire does not diminish or hinder Israel's right to defend itself. It does help get us back on the path to finding a political and diplomatic solution that will address Israel's security needs and lead to long-term security and peace. A cease-fire is not an end itself but is desirable as a means to halt violence and chaos in the immediate term while creating room to assure humanitarian aid and for renewed and sustained multilateral negotiations for a sustainable peace.

Congress must speak out to help stop this latest crisis in the Middle East but in a way that our message is fair, tough, and smart and that makes clear that the U.S.--while supporting Israel's right to self- defense-- can be and is an honest broker in the region. I fear that this resolution fails to meet that standard.

The best support that we can give our close friend and ally Israel is by being an impartial and honest broker that can work with all interested parties in the region, Israelis and Palestinians alike. I am wary about continuing to take actions that hinder the ability for the U.S. to be seen as such a mediator and which may throw more obstacles in the way of the incoming administration foreign policy aims.

The ongoing military operations by Israel cannot and should not substitute for a credible long-term diplomatic solution reached with the help of the international agreement between the Israelis and Palestinians that meets the needs and aspirations of both sides that will prevent the return to an endless cycle of violence that guarantees that ``security'' and peace remains elusive.

Innocent people on both sides want nothing more than to live normal lives with peace and dignity. While I cannot support this resolution in its current form, I strongly encourage the administration and the international community to undertake robust diplomacy to mediate a cross-border cease-fire and to continue to engage in constructive activities, statements, and resolutions will help bring peace to the region and address Israel's real security needs.

Madam Speaker, I am angry.

I am angry that we have been put in this position by clever financial wizards on Wall Street who operated without the necessary regulations and oversight for the past eight years.

I am angry that we are being asked to clean up a mess that could have been prevented if it weren't for corporate greed and lax government oversight.

I share the sentiments of Meyer Mishkin, who during the crash of 1929 owned a shop in New York that sold silk shirts to working men. He said then that it ``served those rich scoundrels right.''

But a year later, as the Wall Street crash spread to the rest of America, Mr. Mishkin's own store went out of business and he never held a steady job again.

Fast forward to 2008. Meyer Mishkin's grandson, an economist and former Fed Reserve Board member, tells us ``To do nothing right now is to do what was done during the Great Depression.''

Madam Speaker, this is not about Rolex watches and Wall Street. It's about watching out for workers, families, retirees and small businesses in my district who will be up against the wall by this resulting credit crisis as it spreads to Main Street.

If we don't act and the credit markets seize up, we risk a situation in which people can't get mortgages, stores are unable to finance their inventory, local governments are unable to continue to finance services, and employers are unable to make payroll and start laying off workers and dropping shifts. We are already beginning to see the effects in my district and across the country.

We could say ``let's sit back and do nothing''.

But that is taking a huge risk with my constituents' economic futures. Look at it this way: If your foolish neighbor accidentally sets his apartment on fire, you could just let it burn and say that it serves him right. But the truth is, you live in the same apartment building: unless you call the fire department and use taxpayer funds to have it put out, in a short time your apartment is going to be destroyed by that same fire.

This bill is not perfect, but improvements have been made and protections and accountability have been added to it over the past two weeks. Now CEO's will be prohibited from collecting ``golden parachute'' payments or huge bonuses based on their company's stock price if their institutions want to participate. Also, since the federal government will become the owner of many troubled mortgages, the bill directs the Treasury Department to try to help some of those homeowners stay in their homes by easing the terms of the loan in ways that might prevent foreclosure and eviction. And if this works as it should, taxpayer outlays should be recouped--and perhaps even a profit turned--as the federal government sells the mortgages back into the market over time.

Madam Speaker, I had family who lived through the Great Depression, and I know that when the wider economy tailspins into a depression, it is poor and working families who are hit the hardest. I am not willing to stand by and do nothing while this crash spreads to my constituents.

Madam Speaker, I am angry. I am angry that the Nation has been put in this position by clever financial wizards on Wall Street who operated without the necessary regulations and oversight for the past 8 years.

I share the sentiments of Meyer Mishkin who during the crash of 1929 owned a shop in New York and sold silk shirts to working men. He said then that it ``served those rich scoundrels right.'' Of course, his business went under a year later.

Fast forward to 2008. Meyer Mishkin's grandson, an economist and former Fed Reserve Board member, tells us: ``To do nothing right now is to do what was done during the Great Depression.''

Madam Speaker, this is not about Rolex watches and Wall Street, it is about watching out for the workers, families, small businesses and retirees in my district who will be up against the wall as a result of this credit crisis as it spreads to Main Street.

Madam Speaker, I will not stand by and do nothing while this crash spreads to my constituents.

Mr. Speaker, I move to suspend the rules and pass the bill (H.R. 7221) to amend the McKinney-Vento Homeless Assistance Act to reauthorize the Act, and for other purposes, as amended.

Mr. Speaker, I ask unanimous consent that all Members may have 5 legislative days within which to revise and extend their remarks on this legislation and to insert extraneous material thereon.

Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.

Mr. Speaker, I would like to start out by giving sincere thanks to everyone who has been involved in this issue. It has really been a struggle arriving at this point because the ability to determine who is exactly homeless has such infinite proportions that it has been very difficult to come to an agreement. However, the substance of this bill, the majority of the players support this on all sides of the debate. That would be on both sides of the aisle and in both Chambers.

But an enormous amount of thanks is due to certain people. I'm especially grateful to our chairman, Barney Frank; Chairwoman Waters; Representative Andre Carson; Representative Geoff Davis; and, of course, my very good friend and colleague, Representative Judy Biggert; and their staffs, who have done a tremendous deal of work on this bill; and all of the advocates who have worked so patiently with us.

But we wouldn't be here today, Mr. Speaker, if it weren't for the outstanding work of our dear departed colleague, my dear late friend, Representative Julia Carson of Indiana, who worked so hard on this issue for so many years and whose work has brought us to where we are today.

We need to keep in mind the enormous scope of this problem in light of the housing rescue issue that we are dealing with here in this House either tonight or tomorrow. This credit crisis hits the poorest among us. We are expecting no less than 6\1/2\ million foreclosures in the next few years, and these families, of course, are at grave risk of becoming homeless. Whether they're doubled up with a family member, sleeping in a shelter, or spending the nights on the street, our cities and towns are due to face a tidal wave of people in need. At the same time, we know that 1.6 million people already experience homelessness at some point in a given year.

The mobility of kids due to housing insecurity and the education they receive is another huge problem. It is nearly impossible for a child to receive a quality education when they aren't sure where they'll be sleeping at night or even which school they will be attending in the morning. I think about the at-risk status of families and children in my own district, where 80 percent of the kids in our school system are eligible for free or reduced lunch. This bill provides a great deal of support for these families.

First, we expand HUD's definition of homelessness. This bill includes all families who are due to lose their current housing within a 14-day period because they're doubled up or because they've received a notice that they must move. We have doubled the amount of time that HUD currently recognizes these families under that standard from 7 days to 14 days. This bill specifically clarifies that anyone fleeing a domestic violence situation is homeless. We provide double funding for the Emergency Solutions Program, up to 20 percent of all funds, and then require that at least half of that money be spent on so-called homelessness prevention activities, which would be those who are ``couch surfing,'' that is, they are spending the night from couch to couch; they're doubled up; or otherwise fall outside of HUD's current definition. We also provide localities with additional flexibility to use up to 10 percent of their continuum of care funding to serve doubled-up families. Finally, we have provisions to include children and their families who are defined as homeless under other Federal statutes.

This bill is not perfect, but few pieces of legislation are.

House of Representatives,

Committee on Energy and Commerce,

Washington, DC, October 1, 2008.

Hon. Barney Frank,

Chairman, Committee on Financial Services,

Washington, DC.

Dear Chairman Frank: I write regarding H.R. 840, the

``Homeless Emergency Assistance and Rapid Transition to

Housing Act of 2007''. The bill includes provisions

concerning grants to provide health services to homeless

individuals.

The Committee on Energy and Commerce has a jurisdictional

interest in such provisions. I support H.R. 840 and do not

intend to seek a sequential referral of the bill. My

understanding is that you acknowledge the jurisdiction of the

Committee, and you agree with me that my decision to forgo a

sequential referral does not in any way prejudice the

Committee with respect to any of its jurisdictional

prerogatives, including the appointment of conferees, on this

bill or similar legislation in the future.

I request that you send a letter to me confirming my

understanding regarding the bill, and that you include our

letters on this matter in the Congressional Record during

consideration of the bill on the House floor. I appreciate

your cooperation.

Sincerely,

John D. Dingell,

Chairman.

Again, I want to thank my colleague for all of her hard work. But in addition to thanking her, I think it's really important to acknowledge Senator Jack Reed and Senator Allard, who put a great deal of time into this as well.

It's worth mentioning that we have made one change to the introduced bill. Concerns had been raised about the factors in the bill, and whether they would result in adverse changes to certain communities and the funding formula.

We fully accounted for those concerns by using more generic language that reinforces the goals and objectives of the bill.

Mr. Speaker, I would now yield 5 minutes to my colleague, Chair of the Subcommittee on Housing and Community Opportunity, Representative Maxine Waters of California.

I would yield an additional 2 minutes to the gentlelady.

Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. Speaker, I have no further speakers, and I reserve the balance of my time in pursuit of eagerly hearing from other speakers that Mrs. Biggert may bring forth.

Mr. Speaker, I yield back the balance of my time.

Mr. Speaker, on that I demand the yeas and nays.

Madam Speaker, I ask unanimous consent that the Committees on Financial Services and Energy and Commerce be discharged from further consideration of the bill (H.R. 7198) to establish the Stephanie Tubbs Jones Gift of Life Medal for organ donors and the family of organ donors, and ask for its immediate consideration.

Madam Speaker, I ask unanimous consent that the Committee on Ways and Means be discharged from further consideration of the bill (H.R. 7222) to extend the Andean Trade Preference Act, and for other purposes, and ask for its immediate consideration in the House.

Mr. Speaker, on rollcall No. 666, had I been present, I would have voted ``yea.''

Madam Speaker, I don't have to remind anyone about the serious need to address service and treatment gaps that our men and women in uniform are experiencing regarding Post Traumatic Stress Disorder.

My colleagues also know--either through efforts to help their own constituents who have served or from media reports--of the numerous barriers to access encountered by soldiers in need of services to deal with PTSD.

The RAND Corporation's Invisible Wounds of War report found that, despite the efforts of the Defense Department and Department of Veterans Affairs, a ``substantial unmet need for treatment of PTSD and major depression'' exists among our soldiers.

As many as 300,000 of the 1.64 million men and women who have served in Iraq or Afghanistan currently suffer from PTSD, depression, or other conditions.

The American Psychiatric Association reported this year that while 6 in 10 soldiers said their deployment in a war zone caused them to suffer from negative experiences associated with stress, only 10 percent had sought treatment, 60 percent said they avoided seeking help because they fear doing so would impact negatively on their career.

I am concerned that without continued active leadership and the willingness to try new approaches to meet escalating needs and make improvements to help our soldiers receive care when they need it, we will be committing a great disservice to the men and women of our Armed Services and their families. We would be, in effect, turning our backs on them.

The bill I am introducing today would attempt to attack a commonly identified barrier to seeking care for PTSD among members of our military: stigma. According to the Defense Department's Mental Health Task Force's July 2007 report, ``Evidence of stigma in the military is overwhelming.''

As a result, too many servicemembers are reluctant to seek counseling and other services for fear of negative career repercussions. Our soldiers are worried that seeking treatment for PTSD won't be confidential and will affect future job assignments and military-career advancement rather than focusing on getting help.

A number of experts have called on the Defense Department to consider changing its policies to ensure that there are no perceived or real adverse career consequences for those who may seek treatment.

Defense Secretary Gates recognized this problem earlier this summer when he made changes to the Department's security clearance process to ensure that the act of simply seeing a counselor does not become a black mark against those seeking a security clearance or advancing into a position in which such a clearance is needed.

As a result of this common sense move, military members and civilian defense employees will no longer have to identify that they received mental health services when they fill out security clearance forms, unless the treatment was court-ordered or involved violence.

While this is a welcomed step, the Defense Department can go further to help reduce perceived fears that seeking mental health treatment will negatively affect one's career.

It is time that DoD policies reflect the reality that receiving treatment is not itself a sign of dysfunction or poor job performance and may have no impact on a person's ability to do their job or deploy with their units.

My bill would require the DoD to go further to address other policies that intentionally or unintentionally promote fears that seeking health care will damage career prospects.

It would require DoD to set up a demonstration project at multiple sites to explore options to ensure members can have access to DoD- funded off-the-record, off-base counseling services which protect the confidentiality of those receiving treatment.

The bill would also establish a special working group, heading by the Assistant Secretary of Defense for Health Affairs, to review all current and relevant DoD policies regarding disclosure of mental health visits by service members whether on their military records or to commanders and to identify changes that would help protect member confidentiality.

It would also include an evaluation component to allow us to see whether these changes are effective in increasing access, increasing quality of care, and reducing stigma while not compromising the ability of military commanders to be aware of the deployablity of their soldiers.

The goal is simple: to promote early intervention and access to health care for those who, because of fears about how such visits are perceived by the military, would otherwise not seek care.

Increasing access to confidential treatment has the potential to increase the use of mental health services and to increase total-force readiness by encouraging individuals to seek needed health care before problems deteriorate to a critical level.

This demonstration project would help us to show, whether with the right policy flexibility, we can help to break down more of the institutional barriers that act to promote stigma. It leaves it up to the DoD to try and find that right balance within established guidelines.

Army Lt. Colonel Thomas Languirand, the head of the Army's efforts to combat rising suicide rates, recently noted in a fax to all of our offices that ``one key thing that will help soldiers seek the care they need is changing the stigma associated with seeking behavioral health care. It is critical for soldiers, family members, and Army civilians to know that seeking help during times of stress is a sign of strength, not weakness.''

We know that effective treatment is available, that soldiers are in need and the need is growing. This amendment simply attempts to try and remove barriers to care--while providing important safeguards--that have been identified.

Our military mental health care system must transform from one where ``If we build it, they

may come . . .'' or ``If we build it, they should come . . .'' to one where ``If we build it, our servicemembers feel welcomed.''

Madam Speaker, we need a system that makes members of our Armed Services feel welcomed and we can begin today by supporting this legislation. While providing important safeguards, this bill simply attempts to try and remove barriers to care that have been identified.