Floor Statements

Mr. Speaker, I ask our colleagues to help stop sexual predators among the United Nations peacekeeping forces and vote in favor of the Hyde U.N. Reform Act of 2005.

It is monstrous that an international organization charged with assisting nations to rebuild after major turmoil has experienced an alarming number of scandals involving sexual harassment, rape, sex trafficking, misconduct, and harassment. Even one instance of these terrible crimes is appalling and unacceptable; but, unbelievably, over the past decade their appearance is frequent.

United Nations peacekeepers, the very people who have been sworn to protect and assist those most in need, in some instances have been the perpetrators of these deplorable crimes against the most vulnerable of our population, refugees. These crimes are yet another example of the ways in which

the U.N. is currently unfit to operate in its current state and must be reformed in order to restore its integrity and its authority.

Through the United Nations Reform Act of 2005, the United States, as the greatest contributor to U.N. peacekeeping, will do away with all of these scandals.

Madam Speaker, I thank the gentleman for yielding me this time.

We are all sinners even though we have the 10 Commandments, but can Members imagine how much more sin we might be committing had those commandments been mere suggestions? That is why the Henry Hyde U.N. Reform Act does have commandments that the U.N. should and must adhere to. I rise in strong support of this bill.

On Monday as we were preparing for the debate on reforming the United Nations, a constituent of mine was at one of the sessions of the Economic and Social Council, one of the many United Nations bodies, and he was immediately struck by the almost Orwellian and secretive nature of the proceedings, as well as by the vitriolic, anti-American attacks in which the chairman and other members of the committee were engaged.

My constituent made several observations to me that reaffirmed that lives, not just policies, are at stake in our efforts to reform the U.N. institutions. This same constituent sent me a postcard like this one that reaffirmed to me the need for this. It had a note encouraging the Congress to overhaul the United Nations, and the picture on the postcard is a sculpture of a broken world, implying that the United Nations is the means by which to fix it.

However, how can the United Nations be considered a legitimate source of stability or an instrument for the protection of the most vulnerable populations or a tool for the promotion of human rights and good governance when it is plagued with graft and corruption, when sexual predators and traffickers in human beings are part of the policing and peacekeeping mission, and when the Human Rights Commission is a country club of rogue states made up of dictators and tyrants and thugs?

Reforming the United Nations is necessary for its survival, and it is long overdue. However, reform must not be limited to rearranging the deck chairs, but instead to correcting the organization's serious institutional and systemic flaws. The U.N. has paid lip service to nominal efforts to reform itself, and the few times that those promises have been kept, it is when the United States has leveraged its financial support for the organization and its specialized agencies.

For this reason, the Henry Hyde U.N. Reform Act of 2005 mandates spending cuts in specific programs, redirects funds to priority areas, and, yes, withholds 50 percent of U.S.-assessed dues if certifications are not made in critical areas. Those commandments must be adhered to.

If we are serious about making the United Nations relevant again, and I think in a bipartisan way we are, if we are serious about restoring it to reflect its core mission, and I think in a bipartisan way we are, if we are serious about saving the United Nations from itself, then we must render our overwhelming support for the Henry Hyde U.N. Reform Act of 2005.

I would just like to close by saying that it is very fitting that this bill before us should have the name of our distinguished chairman of the Committee on International Relations, the gentleman from Illinois (Mr. Hyde), who has been the conscience of the House, the voice of the people for so many years, has had such a distinguished public service career in the House and led us through some very difficult times as chairman of the Committee on the Judiciary as well as chairman of our Committee on International Relations. I am so pleased that this bill before us, which will reform this wonderful peacekeeping institution, will have his name as part of its reform legislation.

Mr. Chairman, I yield myself such time as I may consume.

I rise in strong support of the Henry J. Hyde United Nations Reform Act and would like to provide some insight on the background and the impetus for Title III of the bill that relates, as the Chair pointed out, to the International Atomic Energy Agency.

To put it simply, the catalyst was the Iran case. For at least two decades, the Iranian regime has been pursuing a covert nuclear program. According to the November 2003 report of the IAEA, Iran's deceptions have dealt with the most sensitive aspects of the nuclear cycle. Furthermore, the International Atomic Energy Agency could not disprove that Iran's nuclear program was not for weapons development. In 2004, the IAEA reports enumerated more Iranian breaches, including work on an element that could be used for nuclear explosions. And the response from the Iranian Foreign Minister as well as the Secretary of Iran's Supreme National Security Council was that Iran had to be recognized by the international community as a member of the nuclear club and, ``This is an irreversible path,'' they said.

Fast forward to this year, and the news reports appearing in the last few months state that the Iranian regime plans to install 54,000 advanced P-2 model centrifuges at its facility in Natanz. The Director General of the IAEA has called upon Iran to allow its inspectors full access to the sites in Lavizan and Parchin.

Yet Iran has recently barred the International Atomic Energy Agency from visiting those sites, and Western intelligence sources cited by the media sources suspect that Iran may be experimenting with high explosives appropriate for nuclear weapons.

Just yesterday at the Board meeting in Vienna of the IAEA, it was revealed that Iran had conducted experiments to create plutonium for many more years beyond what it claimed.

All of this, and Iran has yet to suffer any consequences or has been held accountable by the IAEA for its flagrant and indeed dangerous violations and breaches. In fact, Iran recently served on the Board of Governors of the International Atomic Energy Agency because, under the current structure, under its policies, countries that are suspected of breaching their safeguards, they are allowed to serve in leadership positions within the Agency.

The Iran case as well as the linkage to the nuclear black market network of Pakistani scientist A.Q. Khan illustrates another grave issue, the need to deny and deprive terrorists, whether state or nonstate actors, the access to the technology, to the parts, and to the materials to develop a nuclear-related arsenal. These dangers prompted the gentleman from Illinois (Chairman Hyde) and me to take immediate steps within the context of the U.N. reform bill to strengthen the International Atomic Energy Agency in the areas of safeguard inspections and nuclear security; also, to effectively use U.S. contributions to deny rogue states and state sponsors of terrorism, such as Iran, such as Syria, the ability to pursue dangerous weapons with virtual impunity.

And title III of this bill thereby translates objectives into concrete actions to achieve U.S.

counterproliferation goals. It seeks the establishment of an Office of Compliance and enforcement within the Secretariat of the Agency to function as an independent body of technical experts that will assess the activities of member states and recommend specific penalties for those that are in breach or violation of their obligations. Also, it establishes a Special Committee on Safeguards and Verification to advise the Board of Governors on additional measures necessary to enhance the Agency's ability to detect undeclared activities by member nations. Furthermore, it seeks the suspension of privileges of member states that are under investigation or in breach or noncompliance of their obligations and the establishment of membership criteria that would keep such rogue states, such as Iran, such as Syria, from serving on the Board of Governors.

The section in this act reinforces our U.S. priorities concerning the safety of nuclear materials and counterproliferation by calling for U.S. voluntary contributions to the Agency to primarily be used to fund activities related to nuclear security.

And, Mr. Chairman, that is why, under the leadership and expertise of the gentleman from Illinois (Chairman Hyde), we understand that the bill before us and especially Title III of this bill translates these objectives into concrete actions, and we hope that the full body will recommend passage of this bill.

Mr. Speaker, tomorrow the House will consider a very important bill that aims to institute long overdue United Nations reform. It is tragic that at a time of numerous scandals that have characterized the U.N. over the past decade, we can see that they have been no accidents. Rather, they have been the result of a flawed structure that gives rise to passing the buck at best, and corruption, profiteering and collusion at worst.

The litany of scandals reads like a rogues gallery, everything from sexual misconduct, rape and sex trafficking to embezzlement, fraud and general mismanagement. Other examples include the notorious oil-for- food scandal or the U.N.'s egregious record of the mistreatment of the State of Israel.

It is clear that at a time when the international landscape is polluted by enemies of freedom who have no interest in world order, the U.N. must seek to distinguish itself by its integrity and leadership, rather than by its misdeeds.

We must save the United Nations from itself. Let us render our strong support for the Henry Hyde United Nations Reform Act of 2005 before us tomorrow.

Mr. Chairman, I thank the gentleman from Virginia for the time.

I, too, rise in opposition to the McDermott amendment. At a time when the promotion of the rule of law and the consolidation of democratic institutions are pivotal to our U.S. national security strategy, we should not and we must not support an amendment that runs contrary to this commitment.

This amendment is proposing that we interfere with law enforcement; that we interfere with the U.S. courts by prohibiting the use of taxpayer funds to prosecute those who are traveling to Cuba in violation of U.S. law. What happened to the separation of powers, an element that is one of the centerpieces of our constitutional system?

As the gentleman from Virginia (Mr. Wolf) pointed out, we had just talked about U.S. fugitives that are given safe haven by the Castro regime in Cuba in an effort to bring them to justice. We want them to come here to the United States. How can we now turn around and support an amendment today that would essentially afford congressional protection to U.S. lawbreakers?

Support for this amendment would empower the enemies of the United States, such as the Castro dictatorship, and we must reject the McDermott amendment.

Mr. Chairman, I thank the gentleman for yielding me this time.

We have heard the proponents of this amendment argue that they want to revoke U.S. policy toward the Cuban dictatorship. They say they are doing it to help the Cuban people. When we

speak of helping the Cuban people, we need to focus on their freedom. Help is liberty. Help is working to ensure that every Cuban can speak their minds and not be imprisoned and not be beaten up for it. True humanitarian assistance is that which is not manipulated by the dictatorship in order to strengthen its own stranglehold on the Cuban people. Providing the tyrannical ruler with an escape valve to the dictatorship, that is not helping the Cuban people.

If we truly want to help the Cuban people, let us do so by working towards the day that Cubans from every background, every race, every ethnicity, and every religion will be able to live freely, free from fear and free from intimidation in a truly democratic Cuba.

Despite years of repression, there is a growing independent civil society movement on the island. Cubans today are trying, against the dictatorship, to organize themselves as independent journalists and independent librarians. Let us help them liberate themselves from totalitarianism, and the way to do that is to send true humanitarian aid, aid that is freedom and liberty and justice.

More than $1 billion is sent annually in funds and goods, sent to Cuba from those living outside of the island through various methods. Castro is making a lot of money, and little of it is going to benefit the Cuban people. So while Castro and his cronies continue to enrich themselves so they can maintain their hold on the Cuban people, what is happening to the Cuban people? They are left to struggle and suffer as a result of the dictatorship's failed policies.

It is not the U.S.'s fault that the Cuban people are in misery; it is Castro's fault. The U.S. policy is to help the Cuban people bring freedom, bring liberty, and bring that voice of justice that they so desperately need. Let us stand with the Cuban people today and reject the Flake amendment.

Mr. Speaker, I would like to thank the leadership for arranging this time and affording me the possibility, the opportunity to discuss with the American public an important piece of legislation that we will be considering here in this body, the Henry Hyde United Nations Reform Act of 2005.

As we can see, Mr. Speaker, the United Nations Reform Act has three basic policies. It is going to have oversight, accountability, and it is going to cut bureaucracy.

Why is it that we need to do that? Because the United Nations has a history of scandals, starting with what we all know is the Oil For Food program, but going on in a litany of scandals, one right after the other. There is virtually no U.N. agency or body that has not been mired in scandal.

So the Henry Hyde United Nations Reform Act is going to mandate United Nations budget oversight. It is going to insert accountability and ethics into the U.N. It is going to reform the U.N. Commission on Human Rights. It is going to strengthen the International Atomic Energy Agency, and it is going to provide accountability in the peacekeeping operations.

In addition to all of that, it also addresses in one of the amendments that will be proposed tomorrow a problem that Donald Trump has been very interested in. The United Nations is now asking for an incredible amount of money in order to refurbish their facilities in Turtle Bay in New York City, and as Donald Trump said, the United Nations is a mess and they are spending hundreds of millions of dollars unnecessarily on this project.

It is time to reform the United Nations once and for all, and as I said, tomorrow the House will be considering a bill that aims to institute long overdue United Nations reform by shedding light on the fact that the numerous scandals that have characterized the United Nations over the past decade are no accident. Rather, they are a direct result of a flawed structure that gives rise to passing the buck at best and corruption, profiteering and collusion at worst.

The basic structure of the United Nations is broken, and it must be transformed to ensure transparency and that this world body is functioning with integrity.

The United Nations Reform Act of 2005 strategically targets crucial areas to restore this broken organization.

The goals that enshrine the United Nations charter, particularly those regarding international peace and security and the promotion of respect for fundamental human rights, have never been more significant.

Further, with the challenges of the United States and our allies that we are facing in the war on terror, there is an urgent need for an international organization that is both credible and effective, one that can work together with national governments in dealing with concrete problems of terrorism and, most importantly, nuclear proliferation.

As we learned to our horror on September 11, lives, not simply policies, are at stake in our efforts to reform the United Nations and its entities. Take the International Atomic Energy Agency for example. As it is currently structured, the membership criteria allows countries who are suspected of breaching their safeguards obligations, it allows them to serve in leadership positions within the agency.

For example, Iran, a Nation that continues to be under investigation for breaches and failures of its safeguards obligations and has admitted purchasing illicit nuclear materials through the A.Q. Khan nuclear black market network, recently served on the Board of Governors of the International Atomic Energy Agency.

Furthermore, this agency also needs a well-designed system to deter States from both developing nuclear weapons capabilities and colluding with terrorists by diverting nuclear material from the State's national program for terrorist use.

The section in the Henry Hyde U.N. Reform Act dealing with the International Atomic Energy Agency, reinforces U.S. priorities concerning the safety of nuclear materials and counterproliferation by, one, calling for U.S. voluntary contributions to the agency to be primarily used to fund activities relating to nuclear security or nuclear verification and inspections; two, it seeks to prioritize funding for inspections to focus on countries of proliferation concern; and, thirdly, by seeking to prevent proliferators and countries under the International Atomic Energy Agency investigation from benefiting from certain assistance programs.

Furthermore, it seeks the suspension of privileges for member states that are under investigation or are in breach or are in noncompliance of their obligation. And it seeks to establish membership criteria that would keep such rogue states, such as Iran, that I just discussed, and Syria from serving on the Board of Governors of the International Atomic Energy Agency.

The IAEA section of this bill reinforces our U.S. priorities concerning the safety of nuclear materials and counterproliferation. So we are going to make sure that we can close those loopholes.

I was proud to work with the gentleman from Illinois (Mr. Kirk) on an amendment that he will be offering, along with the gentleman from New Jersey (Mr. Andrews), tomorrow on the Small Quantities Protocol. I urge my colleagues to support this amendment because we want to close this loophole from the inspections regime by calling for the International Atomic Energy Agency to rescind the Small Quantities Protocol.

I also urge strong support for an amendment that our distinguished chief deputy majority whip, the gentleman from Virginia (Mr. Cantor), will be offering containing punitive measures against those members of the International Atomic Energy Agency that provide assistance to Iran before it dismantles its nuclear program.

And let me turn to the anti-Israel and anti-Semitic incitement that occurs every day at the United Nations. The discrimination against Israel is another structural and, indeed, a cultural issue that must be addressed. The viciousness with which Israel continues to be attacked at the U.N., and the reluctance of the member states to defend Israel or to accord it the same treatment as other states, suggests that there are considerable anti-Semitic components behind the policies pursued in the United Nations' forums.

In addition to the multiple manifestations of anti-Semitism at the U.N., Israel's temporary membership status in the Western European and Others Group is extremely limited. Israel cannot present candidates for open seats in any U.N. body, it cannot compete for any major U.N. body seat, it cannot participate in U.N. conferences on human rights, on racism, and on many other issues. And despite this gross discrimination directed against Israel, there are several U.N. groups dedicated solely to Palestinian rights and there is a disproportionate representation of Palestinian issues in different committees and in various commissions.

The U.N. Reform Act of 2005 seeks to end this discrimination against Israel. What will it do? It will expand WEOG, the Western European and Others Group, to include Israel as a permanent member, not a temporary member. It will mandate a State Department review of all U.N. commissions, all U.N. committees, all offices focused solely on Palestinian issues in order to eliminate duplicative efforts. Further, it will withhold proportional U.S. contributions to the U.N. until these recommendations are implemented.

I am also working with my colleagues on amendments to the Henry Hyde United Nations Reform Act. For example, we are calling for the issuance and implementation of a directive by the U.N. Secretary General or the Secretariat to establish a series of requirements to fight anti- Semitism at the U.N. and to ensure that all entities and efforts that promote the Palestinian agenda and perpetuate an anti-Israel bias on Israeli-Palestinian issues are addressed here in this bill.

The scandals that have plagued the U.S. peacekeeping missions is another important component of this bill, and it is indicative of wider structural deficiencies that must be addressed and are addressed in this bill. Even one instance of this terrible crime is appalling and unacceptable; but, unbelievably, over the past decade their appearance is frequent.

Crimes involving sexual misconduct on the part of U.N. staff is yet another example of the ways the U.N. is unfit to operate in its current state and must be reformed at all costs to restore its integrity and its authority. In the Congo, Burundi, and Sierra Leone, U.N. peacekeepers have reportedly engaged in gross sexual misconduct, exploitation, and even systematic rape.

In Bosnia, the U.N. police mission has been accused of corruption as well as sex trafficking. But thus far the U.N. has squashed an investigation into the involvement of its police in the enslavement of Eastern European women in Bosnia in brothels.

The U.N. Reform Act of 2005 specifically includes provisions to deter the most egregious instances of sexual misconduct that have occurred in recent years. Specifically, we will be mandating the adoption of the minimum standards of qualifications for senior leaders and managers.

Furthermore, the bill will have an adoption of a Uniform Code of Conduct for all U.N. peacekeepers. Also, the institution of educational outreach programs designed to explain prohibited acts on the U.N. peacekeepers to local populations, and providing a means for them to direct complaints or allegations of abuse. And it will establish a permanent professional and independent investigative body dedicated to U.N. peacekeeping.

The U.N. mismanagement of contracts and administration in the Oil- for-Food program is yet another problem that we have seen; and this, combined with Saddam Hussein's abuse of the program through vouchers, surcharges, and kickbacks, enabled the Iraqi regime to make a mockery of the program that was ostensibly set up to help its suffering people by collecting an estimated $20 billion while the U.N. refused to intervene.

Similar scandals have rocked the United Nations in the recent past. Notable examples are in 1995, the Kenya UNICEF office defrauded or squandered up to $10 million in agency funds. In 1996, a senior official was investigated on suspicion of embezzling between $200,000 and $600,000. In 1997, 16 past or current UNDP employees were placed under investigation after more than $6 million was found to have been siphoned off over an 8-year period.

These acts did not occur in a vacuum, but were rather part of a pattern of systematic financial mismanagement and corruption that have been going on for too many years. The Henry Hyde U.N. Reform Act of 2005 has built-in budget certification requirements and accountability provisions that include holding the Secretary General accountable for certifying that the U.N.'s biannual budget is maintained at the approved level.

By requiring transparency within the U.N. budget, creating an Office of Internal Oversight Services, and an Office of Ethics, we ensure that no one in the United Nations, from the most senior officials to the low-ranking employees, will be above the law.

There will be many amendments offered that will help to further strengthen this bill, amendments such as the one that I have had the pleasure of working on with my friend and colleague, the gentleman from Michigan (Mr. McCotter). He is addressing a problem that we have with Syria.

Syria's continuing presence in Lebanon is in violation of the United Nations Security Council 1559 and other applications of international law. This is a test of the effectiveness of the U.N. and a test of the willingness of its leadership to ensure full compliance with U.N. mandates in order to prevent a rogue state, such as Syria, from making a mockery of U.N. Security Council resolutions.

Syria continues to maintain a sizable intelligence presence in Lebanon, and it has recently mobilized to mount an assassination campaign against anti-Syrian-Lebanese political figures. Both Syria and Iran also continue to arm their military proxy, the terrorist group Hezbollah. Absent substantial international pressure, Syria will continue to proceed with its campaign aimed at destabilizing Lebanon's internal affairs in clear violation of the United Nations Security Council Resolution 1559 and in breach of international law.

The McCotter amendment, cosponsored by another great freedom fighter, the gentleman from New York (Mr. Engel), calls on the U.S. permanent representative to ensure full implementation of the United Nations Security Council Resolution 1559, particularly relating to the presence of Syrian security and intelligence personnel and the disarming of Hezbollah and other militias. If compliance is not verified and certified, it calls for an adoption of a resolution by the United Nations Security Council to impose punitive measures on Syria and other foreign forces, such as Iran, who directly, or through their proxies, are interfering with Lebanese political independence and sovereignty.

I am also working with my colleagues on an amendment that calls for the establishment of a U.N. Democracy Fund, and this will assist countries that are emerging democracies or democracies in transition. I request the support of all of our colleagues in this Chamber for these amendments as well as for the underlying bill.

Mr. Speaker, just as the United States took the lead in forging the creation of the United Nations in the aftermath of World War II, we must lead the organization toward greater relevance and capability in this new era. The United States has waited patiently as the United Nations has paid lip service to nominal efforts to reform itself.

Tomorrow, I strongly urge my colleagues on both sides of the aisle to vote in favor of this amendment and this measure, and, in effect, save the U.N. from itself. So I urge all our colleagues to vote in a bipartisan manner and pass the Henry Hyde U.N. Reform Act of 2005.

Mr. Speaker, I move that the House do now adjourn.

The motion was agreed to; accordingly (at 6 o'clock and 43 minutes p.m.), the House adjourned until tomorrow, Thursday, June 16, 2005, at 10 a.m.

Mr. Speaker, systematic mismanagement and corruption within the United Nations organization has been part of the bureaucratic culture as never before. The United Nations is accountable neither to taxpayers nor to voters.

As a safeguard, the Henry Hyde United Nations Reform Act of 2005 targets crucial areas of the United Nations organization to ensure that U.S. taxpayer funds hauled off to Turtle Bay is spent in a deliberative, efficient, transparent and accountable manner.

Additionally, the bill before us this week empowers the administration to fix the United Nations by making it very clear that U.S. funding to that body will be drastically cut unless the United Nations takes the appropriate action to save itself.

The discrimination against Israel is one of the many problems in the United Nations. The viciousness with

which Israel continues to be attacked at the U.N., and the reluctance of many member states to defend Israel or to accord it the same treatment as other member states, suggests that there is considerable anti-Semitic components behind the policies pursued in the U.N. forums.

I believe that in the Henry Hyde United Nations Reform Act this week we will make sure that everyone will be on record to say that it is unacceptable that Israel, the only true democracy in the Middle East, should remain ostracized by the community of nations, and I urge my colleagues to pass the Henry Hyde U.N. Reform Act this week.

Mr. Speaker, I appreciate the opportunity to speak to the Members about the United Nations Reform Act of 2005, which the House will be considering on Thursday of this week. I would like to commend the gentleman from Illinois (Chairman Hyde), whose skillful leadership was essential in both crafting and moving this important bill through committee, and I would like to thank the House leadership, whose commitment and support to this legislation of global importance has been critical to moving it swiftly to the House floor for consideration.

The United Nations Reform Act of 2005, Mr. Speaker, aims to institute long-overdue U.N. reforms by addressing and correcting the numerous scandals and institutional failings that have characterized the United Nations, a flawed structure that gives rise to discrimination and negligence at best, and corruption, profiteering, and collusion at worst.

The Oil-for-Food scandal is a primary example of these failings. As a result of the mismanagement of the contracts, out right graft and corruption when the administration of the Oil-for-Food program by the U.N. staff and by Saddam Hussein was implemented, it not only made a mockery of the humanitarian aid program, but it collected an estimated $20 billion while the U.N. turned its head. Yet the Oil-for-Food program is but one example of an institution that is rife with financial scandal.

Some other notable examples include in 1995, for example, scandal consumed the Kenya office of UNICEF, the U.N. body created to provide assistance to the world's disadvantaged children, when that office defrauded or squandered up to $10 million in agency funds. Another example, in 1996, a senior U.N. official at the United Nation's Conference on Trade and Development, the body providing technical assistance for the least developed countries, was investigated on suspicion of embezzling between $200,000 and $600,000.

Another example, in 1997, 16 past or present employees of the United Nations Development Programme, which was created to help countries design and carry out development programs in poverty eradication, employment creation, and sustainable livelihoods, they were placed under investigation after more than $6 million was siphoned off over an 8-year period.

To combat these deficiencies, the United Nations Reform Act before us this week has built in budget certification requirements, accountability provisions to address the mismanagement and the corruption, including: holding the United Nations Secretary General accountable to certify that the United Nations' budget is maintained at the approved level; two, requiring that the U.N. budget be more transparent by requiring more details on the budget categories; three, creating an Office of Internal Oversight Services and the Board of External Auditors, including the ability to appoint a special investigator and staff to investigate matters involving senior United Nations officials and also creating an Office of Ethics which will be responsible for creating and managing a code of ethics for all United Nations employees, including education and annual training and publishing of U.N. staff salaries.

The scandals involving U.N. peacekeeping are even more horrible than these. One example, Mr. Speaker, while

I finish this Special Order, of these terrible crimes is appalling and unacceptable, but, unbelievable, the appearances of crimes involving sexual misconduct on the part of U.N. peacekeepers over the past decade have become frequent to include incidents of, for example, the Congo, where the U.N. peacekeepers and civilian personnel stand accused of widespread exploitation in a sexual manner of refugees; two, Burundi, where two U.N. peacekeepers were suspended following allegations of sexual misconduct; three, Sierra Leone, where U.N. peacekeepers were accused by Human Rights Watch of systematic rape of women; and, four, Bosnia, where the U.N. police mission was accused of misconduct, of corruption, and sexual trafficking.

This is just horrendous. The U.N. repeatedly and reportedly quashed an investigation into involvement of U.N. police in enslavement of Eastern European women in Bosnian brothels.

In response, the bill before us, Mr. Speaker, is going to have some provision to deter these horrible incidents and bring a level of respect to the United Nations, and I hope that our colleagues will support this Hyde bill this week.

Among others, it includes provisions that mandate the: adoption of a minimum standard of qualifications for senior leaders and managers; adoption of a uniform Code of Conduct which applies equally to all personnel serving in U.N. peacekeeping operations regardless of category or rank; written acknowledgement by personnel sent as peacekeepers that misconduct may include immediate termination of participation in an operation; and establishment of a permanent, professional, and independent investigative body dedicated to United Nations peacekeeping.

It is monstrous that an international organization charged with operating peacekeeping missions around the world and with assisting nations to rebuild after major turmoil has experienced an alarming number of scandals involving sexual exploitation, rape, sex trafficking, misconduct, harassment, and other criminal acts.

However, not only has systemic mismanagement and corruption been a recurring characteristic of the United Nations, but the U.N. organization is being corroded by discrimination against Israel and anti-Semitism as never before.

The viciousness with which Israel continues to be attacked at the U.N., and the reluctance of Member states to defend Israel or to accord it the same treatment as other countries, suggests that there is a considerable anti-Semitic component behind the policies pursued in U.N. forums.

In addition to multiple manifestations of anti-Semitism at the U.N., the most notorious being the 1975 U.N. General Assembly resolution equating Zionism, the national liberation movement of the Jewish people, with racism, Israel continues to be subject to debilitating forms of discrimination within that organization.

Israel is not allowed to present candidacies for open seats in any U.N. body, is not able to compete for major U.N. bodies, and cannot participate in U.N. conferences on human rights, racism and a number of other issues.

By contrast, there are several U.N. groups devoted to ``Palestinian Rights,'' and a disproportionate representation of Palestinian issues through different committees and commissions.

This Act seeks to end discrimination against Israel in the United Nations system and ensure fairness and objectivity in the United Nations' handling of Israeli-Palestinian issues by: expanding WEOG to afford Israel permanent membership in this group with full rights and privileges; mandating a State Department review and assessment of the work performed by the various United Nations commissions, committees, and offices focusing exclusively on the Palestinian agenda, followed by the submission of a report recommending areas for reform, including proposals for the elimination by the U.N. of such duplicative entities and efforts; and withholding proportional U.S. contributions to the United Nations until such time as the recommendations are implemented.

The Commission on Human Rights and its feeder body, ECOSOC, are also emblematic of these deficiencies within the U.N. system.

There remains great difficulty in securing support for condemnations of gross human rights violators, when the worst offenders sit on the actual Committee, dictate the agenda and block any meaningful resolutions from being adopted.

Yet, there have been few condemnations and measures, if any, addressing the continuing gross human rights violations by serial abusers such as Iran and Syria.

While gross human rights offenders such as Syria, Libya, Iran, and Saudi Arabia have been members of this U.N. human rights body, these regimes have not been censured, condemned, or held accountable in any way for their deplorable human rights record.

In response, among other provisions, this Act stipulates that: a Member State that fails to uphold the values embodied in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights or are under U.N. Security Council sanctions be ineligible for membership on any United Nations human rights body; secret voting in the Economic and Social Council should be abolished, and a recorded vote must be conducted to determine such membership of the Commission; and countries that meet that criteria should be ineligible for membership on the Commission.

Similarly at the IAEA we remain concerned that serial proliferators continue to be accorded full rights and responsibilities within this organization.

A few years ago, proliferators such as Iran and Iraq, who was under Security Council sanctions at the time, were scheduled to serve as Chairs of the Conference on Disarmament.

Iran, a nation who continues to be under investigation by the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) due to its breaches and failures of its safeguards obligations, served on the Board of Governors of the IAEA.

Countries who are in non-compliance of their obligations under international agreements and in violation of the rules that serve as the basis for individual U.N. bodies, cannot and must not be entrusted with the enforcement of those very rules and obligations.

This Act addresses these and other concerns by seeking the establishment of: an Office of Compliance and Enforcement within the Secretariat of the lAEA to function as an independent body of technical experts that will assess the activities of Member States and recommend specific penalties for those that are in breach or violation of their obligations; and a Special Committee on Safeguards and Verification to advise the IAEA Board of Governors on additional measures necessary to enhance the agency's ability to detect undeclared activities by member nations.

Furthermore, it seeks the suspension of privileges for Member States that are under investigation, or are in breach or non-compliance of their obligations, and seeks to establish Membership criteria that would keep such rogue states as Iran and Syria from serving on the IAEA Board of Governors.

The IAEA section of this Act reinforces U.S. priorities concerning the safety of nuclear materials and counter proliferation by: calling for U.S. voluntary contributions to the lAEA to primarily be used to fund activities relating to Nuclear Security or Nuclear Verification and inspections; by seeking to prioritize funding for inspection to focus on countries of proliferation concern; by seeking to prevent states-sponsors of terrorism, proliferations, and countries under IAEA investigation from benefiting from certain IAEA assistance programs.

The United Nations Reform Act of 2005 also ensures transparency in the IAEA budget process by calling for a detailed breakdown of expenditures.

The U.N. is accountable to neither taxpayers nor voters.

As a safeguard, the United Nations Reform Act of 2005 targets crucial areas of the U.N. organization to ensure that U.S. taxpayer money hauled off to Turtle Bay is spent in an efficient, transparent, and accountable manner.

Additionally, the bill empowers the Administration to fix the U.N. by making it very clear that U.S. funding to that body will be drastically cut unless the U.N. takes the appropriate actions to save itself.

I look forward to Thursday's debate and ask my colleagues to render their full support to this much-needed legislation.

Madam Speaker, I move to suspend the rules and agree to the concurrent resolution (H. Con. Res. 44) recognizing the historical significance of the Mexican holiday of Cinco de Mayo.

Madam Speaker, I ask unanimous consent that all Members may have 5 legislative days within which to revise and extend their remarks and include extraneous material on the concurrent resolution under consideration.

Madam Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.

Madam Speaker, I rise in support of the resolution offered by the gentleman from California (Mr. Baca), and I commend the gentleman from Illinois (Chairman Hyde) for helping to bring this measure to the floor of the House today.

The Cinco de Mayo holiday commemorates May 5, 1862, the date on which the battle of Puebla was fought by the Mexicans against an invasion of their country by France. Led by Mexican General Ignacio Zaragoza Seguin, a lightly armed group of Mexican patriots, estimated at 4,500 men, was able to stop and defeat a well-outfitted French army of 6,500 soldiers. Although President Abraham Lincoln was sympathetic to Mexico's cause, the U.S. was fighting our Civil War and was unable to provide any direct assistance. After the Civil War ended, however, the U.S. began to provide more political and military assistance to Mexico, which finally succeeded in expelling the French in 1867.

Celebrating Cinco de Mayo has become increasingly popular along the Mexico-U.S. border and in parts of the U.S. where Americans of Mexican heritage live. This holiday is a celebration

of Mexican culture, food, music, and customs unique to Mexico.

Increasingly, people across our country are joining our countrymen of Mexican descent in celebrating Cinco de Mayo. Not unlike St. Patrick's Day, which has become a popular celebration of Irish heritage, Cinco de Mayo is a day in which we can all join in celebrating Mexican heritage.

It is very fitting that Congress here in the United States should approve this measure. I ask my colleagues to join me in supporting this resolution which recognizes the historical significance of the Mexican holiday of Cinco de Mayo.

Madam Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.

Madam Speaker, I have no additional requests for time, and I yield back the balance of my time.

Madam Speaker, I move to suspend the rules and agree to the resolution (H. Res. 282) expressing the sense of the House of Representatives regarding manifestations of anti-Semitism by United Nations member states and urging action against anti-Semitism by United Nations officials, United Nations member states, and the Government of the United States, and for other purposes.

Madam Speaker, I ask unanimous consent that all Members may have 5 legislative days to revise and extend their remarks and include extraneous material on the resolution under consideration.

Madam Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.

I would like to thank the leadership, the gentleman from Illinois (Mr. Hyde), chairman of the Committee on International Relations, as well as the gentleman from California (Mr. Lantos), our wonderful ranking member, for their efforts in bringing to the floor House Resolution 282.

The resolution, Madam Speaker, expresses the sense of the House of Representatives regarding manifestations of anti-Semitism by United Nations member states and urges action against anti-Semitism by United Nations officials, United Nations member states, and the government of the United States, and for other purposes.

My utmost appreciation goes to the gentleman from California (Mr. Lantos), the ranking member of the Committee on International Relations, for his work on this resolution, for his commitment to combating the scourge of anti-Semitism, and for being an example of courage in the face of the most deplorable anti-Semitic acts. I thank the gentleman from California.

As we prepare to consider U.N. reform legislation, Madam Speaker, before the full Committee on International Relations tomorrow, the discussion of this measure is timely and it illustrates an important component of our multilateral strategies. For far too long, the United Nations has permitted itself to be used as a battleground for political warfare against Israel led by Arab states and others. Six of the 10 emergency sessions of the United Nations General Assembly have been devoted to criticisms of and attacks against Israel.

During the 1991 session of the United Nations Commission on Human Rights, for example, the Syrian representative to the U.N. repeated the outrageous blood libel that Jews have killed Christian and other non- Jewish children to use their blood to make Matzoth.

In 1997, another terrible example, the Palestinian observer at the Human Rights Commission charged that the Israeli government had injected 300 Palestinian children with the HIV virus. This baseless charge was not challenged by the president of the Human Rights Commission or any other U.N. official.

Another example, the goals of the 2001 U.N. World Conference Against Racism were undermined by hateful anti-Jewish rhetoric and anti-Israel political agendas, prompting both Israel and the United States to withdraw their delegations from the conference.

While recent efforts have been made to address this problem, Madam Speaker, such as the U.N.-sponsored conference on anti-Semitism or the session earlier this year to commemorate the 60th anniversary of the liberation of Auschwitz, much more needs to be done.

In response, the resolution before us, Madam Speaker, calls for the United Nations to officially and publicly condemn anti-Semitic statements in all U.N. meetings and hold accountable member states who make such statements.

It calls for the United Nations Educational, Scientific, and Cultural Organizations, known as UNESCO, to develop and implement Holocaust education programs throughout the world as part of an effort to combat the rise in anti-Semitism.

Further, Madam Speaker, it calls for the United States Ambassador to the United Nations to continue working toward further reduction of anti-Semitic language and anti-Israel resolutions.

House Resolution 282 requests the Secretary of State to include in the Department of State's annual Country Reports on Human Rights Practices and annual Report on International Religious Freedom information on activities regarding anti-Semitism at U.N. bodies by each of the countries included in these reports; and, further, it requests that projects under the Middle East Partnership Initiative and that U.S. overseas broadcasts include programs that educate Arab and Muslim countries about fighting anti-Semitism, about fighting religious intolerance and fighting incitement to violence.

As we have witnessed, historically and in today's world, such charged rhetoric as anti-Semitism invites violent action. There must, therefore, be renewed vigilance against purveyors of anti-Semitism, and the United Nations must be an integral component of any comprehensive strategy. It must help build a culture of tolerance. The United Nations must hold countries and their representatives accountable. It must make hateful rhetoric and incitement politically and culturally unacceptable, instead of offering an environment that enables the proliferation of anti-Semitism.

As was noted in a meeting last month with Natan Sharansky, strong U.S. leadership in placing human rights front and center on the diplomatic agenda has the potential to bring about dramatic political and social change. We must be willing to take a similar stance regarding anti-Semitism at the United Nations.

Let us begin by rendering our unequivocal support to this resolution and send a clear message to the United Nations and to its member countries

that we are resolute in our commitment to fighting this evil.

Madam Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. Speaker, I yield 10 minutes to the gentleman from California (Mr. Lantos) and ask unanimous consent that he be permitted to control that time.

Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.

Mr. Speaker, I would just like to thank our wonderful friend, the gentleman from California (Mr. Lantos), for his leadership on this resolution, as well as the chairman, the gentleman from Illinois (Mr. Hyde). I urge all of our colleagues to adopt this resolution today.

Mr. Speaker, I yield back the balance of my time.

Mr. Speaker, I rise today on behalf of Congresswomen Brown-Waite, Solis, Capps and the entire Congressional Caucus for Women's Issues to recognize the 8th Annual Women in the Military Wreath Laying Ceremony hosted by the Caucus at Arlington National Cemetery. The purpose of this event is to honor our nation's servicewomen and female veterans for their courage and achievements, and to remember women who have died in service to the United States.

Today, we have the opportunity to recognize five outstanding female servicewomen, one selected from each branch of the military. These women serve their respective branches with honor, dignity, and courage. These highly decorated leaders chose to defend our freedom and embody the spirit of those that served before them.

From the United States Navy, we will honor Force Master Chief Karen H. O'Connor, who currently serves at the Commander, Naval Surface Force, U.S. Pacific Fleet representing 40,000 enlisted sailors.

Force Master Chief O'Connor has served the Navy in a variety of duty station and capacities such as Command Master Chief in the USS BONHOMME RICHARD (LHD 6), completing an accelerated deployment in support of Operation ENDURING FREEDOM in 2002 and then deploying 14 months early in support of Operation IRAQI FREEDOM in January 2003. During this tour Bonhomme Richard received two Battle ``E'' awards and two consecutive Edward F. Ney awards for Food Service Excellence.

Force Master Chief O'Connor has repeatedly demonstrated outstanding performance, leadership, and devotion to the U.S. Navy as is evidenced by the numerous personal awards she has received such as the Defense Meritorious Service Medal, Meritorious Service Medal, and various campaign and service awards.

Force Master Chief O'Connor continues to distinguish herself as an invaluable leader in the Navy, and it is a honor for each Member of the Congressional Caucus for Women's Issues to recognize the courage and commitment of Force Master Chief O'Connor and all women in the military.

Mr. Speaker, I rise today on behalf of Congresswomen Brown-Waite, Solis, Capps and the entire Congressional Caucus for Women's Issues to recognize the 8th Annual Women in the Military Wreath Laying Ceremony hosted by the Caucus at Arlington National Cemetery. The purpose of this event is to honor our nation's servicewomen and female veterans for their courage and achievements, and to remember women who have died in service to the United States.

Today, we have the opportunity to recognize five outstanding female servicewomen, one selected from each branch of the military. These women serve their respective branches with honor, dignity, and courage. These highly decorated leaders chose to defend our freedom and embody the spirit of those that served before them.

From the United States Air Force, we will honor Master Sergeant Susan M. Piasecki, who currently is assigned to the 305th Civil Engineer Squadron (CES), McGuire Air Force Base, New Jersey, as First Sergeant.

Master Sergeant Piasecki has repeatedly demonstrated outstanding performance, leadership, and devotion to the U.S. Air Force as is evidenced by the honors and decorations she has received. In April 2005, she was honored as a nominee for Air Mobility Command's 12 Outstanding Airmen of the Year in the First Sergeant Category. Her decorations include the Air Force Meritorious Service Medal, the Air Force Commendation Medal with four Oak Leaf Clusters, and the Air Force Achievement Medal with one Oak Leaf Cluster.

Master Sergeant Piasecki continues to distinguish herself as an invaluable leader in the Air Force, and it is an honor for each Member of the Congressional Caucus for Women's Issues to recognize the courage and commitment of Master Sergeant Piasecki and all women in the military.

Mr. Speaker, I rise today on behalf of Congresswomen Brown-Waite, Solis, Capps and the entire Congressional Caucus for Women's Issues to recognize the 8th Annual Women in the Military Wreath Laying Ceremony hosted by the Caucus at Arlington National Cemetery. The Purpose of this event is to honor our Nation's servicewomen and female veterans for their courage and achievements, and to remember women who have died in service to the United States.

Today we have the opportunity to recognize five outstanding female servicewomen, one selected from each branch of the military. These women serve their respective branches with honor, dignity, and courage. These highly decorated leaders chose to defend our freedom and embody the spirit of those that served before them.

From the United States Marine Corps, we will honor Sergeant Major Ramona D. Cook who was deployed to Kuwait in February 2003, to join her unit, Marine Heavy Helicopter Squadron 462 (Heavy Haulers), in support of Operation Iraqi Freedom. The Heavy Haulers remained there until September 29, 2003.

On October 15, 2004 SgtMaj Cook and members of the Heavy Haulers again deployed in support of the war on terrorism, this time to Bagram, Afghanistan in support of Operation Enduring Freedom.

SgtMgt Cook has repeatedly demonstrated outstanding performance, leadership, and devotion to the U.S. Marine Corps, as is evidenced by the awards she has received, which include two Navy Marine Corps Commendation Medals, and four Navy Marine Corps Achievement Medals.

SgtMgt Cook continues to distinguish herself as an invaluable leader in the U.S. Marine Corps, and it is an honor for each Member of the Congressional Caucus for Women's Issues to recognize the courage and commitment of SgtMgt Cook and all women in the military.

Mr. Speaker, I rise today on behalf of Congresswomen Brown-Waite, Solis, Capps and the entire Congressional Caucus for Women's Issues to recognize the 8th Annual Women in the Military Wreath Laying Ceremony hosted by the Caucus at Arlington National Cemetery. The purpose of this event is to honor our nation's servicewomen and female veterans for their courage and achievements, and to remember women who have died in service to the United States.

Today, we have the opportunity to recognize five outstanding female servicewomen, one selected from each branch of the military. These women serve their respective branches with honor, dignity, and courage. These highly decorated leaders chose to defend our freedom and embody the spirit of those that served before them.

From the United States Army, we will honor Drill Sergeant Jennifer R. Fowler. Drill Sergeant Fowler has served in the Army in a variety of duty stations and capacities. Her deployments include: Operation Distant Haven-Suriname, and Operation Safe Haven Panama.

Drill Sergeant Fowler's awards and decorations include the joint Meritorious Unit Award, Meritorious Service Medal, Army Commendation Medal, Army Achievement Medal, Good Conduct Medal, Army Reserve Component Achievement Medal, Global War on Terrorism Service Medal, and the Army Overseas Service Ribbon.

Drill Sergeant Fowler has repeatedly demonstrated outstanding performance, leadership, and devotion to the U.S. Army as is evidenced by the fact that she was recently selected as the 2004 RC TRADOC Drill Sergeant of the Year.

Drill Sergeant Fowler continues to distinguish herself as an invaluable leader in the Army, and it is an honor for each Member of the Congressional Caucus for Women's Issues to recognize the courage and commitment of Drill Sergeant Fowler and all women in the military.