Floor Statements

Mr. Speaker, I'm proud to support the bill before us, H.R. 180, the Darfur Accountability and Divestment Act.

It was 3 years ago this month, Mr. Speaker, that Congress passed the historic resolution declaring that genocide was occurring in the Darfur region of western Sudan. This was the first time in the history of this body that genocide was declared as the atrocities were occurring.

The decision to evoke the word ``genocide'' at that time was not taken lightly, but the evidence of vast slaughter, aerial bombardments and forced displacements targeted against the African tribes in Darfur left us with little choice.

No one could claim that they did not understand the gravity of the human rights and the security crisis in Darfur. We read about it in the papers. We saw the images on television. We heard about it from humanitarian groups in the region, and some of us have now even seen it with our own eyes.

It was believed that, by making such a bold declaration, other responsible nations would feel compelled to join the United States in taking firm action to halt this senseless slaughter of innocent civilians in this far off place, but here we are 3 years later and the carnage in Darfur continues.

Hundreds of thousands have been killed, over 2 million others have been forced from their homes. Entire villages have been razed, crops and wells destroyed, and countless young women and girls raped. And here we are again forced to go it alone, for the sake of the victims of genocide in Sudan.

Currently, the U.N. Security Council is once again held hostage to the search for consensus. Council members are engaged in a senseless debate over the latest resolution on Darfur, fighting over whether deploying a truly capable peacekeeping mission, with a chapter 7 mandate to protect civilians, violates the so-called sovereignty of a genocidal regime.

Several of my colleagues and I traveled to the United Nations last week as part of a delegation led by our majority leader, Steny Hoyer. We focused our efforts on securing support for immediate action by the United Nations, but we cannot afford to continue to wait.

I cannot forget the faces of the children and the families in the camps that I visited in April. Their eyes spoke volumes, piercing through our souls, clamoring for the world to help them.

It is, therefore, time once again to take bold action in the hope that it will finally compel the murderous regime in Khartoum to simply end this madness. We need to send a clear message to Khartoum that we are not fooled by their half measures and delay tactics and that we are serious about ending this conflict. And to do so we must speak in language that they will surely understand, the language of economic interests.

This Sudanese regime has proven time and time again that it responds only to real pressure. The only true leverage we have is to strike at their economic interest. H.R. 180 does exactly that. It requires that the Secretary of the Treasury publish and maintain a list of companies or entities whose business dealings directly benefit the regime in Khartoum. It enables State and local governments to divest from those companies and provide safe harbor to fund managers who do divest.

In essence, this allows the contributors to and the beneficiaries of State and local government pension funds to avoid directly or indirectly supporting genocide in Darfur. Divestment campaigns of this nature have drawn criticism by some who fear that they inappropriately violate the sanctity of U.S. markets.

It is true divestments should not be taken lightly. But in the case of genocide, we are bound by conscience and overarching U.S. values to do all that is within our power to intervene. Having served as witness to this catastrophe, I have no hesitation in supporting the cause of divestment.

In fact, it gives me great pride to say that in my own district, south Floridians have joined in this humanitarian effort. It is time to stop funding the war machine in Sudan. Adoption of this legislation today will no doubt put us at odds with a number of our allies, with members of the U.N. Security Council, and those with significant economic interest with Sudan, such as China.

Our labeling of the atrocities in Darfur as genocide also put us at odds with others. But their indifference did not deter us in 2004, and it must not deter us now. I urge my fellow Members to take a stand today on behalf of the people of Darfur and to support this important legislation.

Mr. Speaker, I also rise in support of the bill before us, H.R. 2347, the Iran Sanctions Enabling Act, introduced by the distinguished chairman of the Financial Services Committee, Mr. Barney Frank of Massachusetts.

And I'm proud to cosponsor this bill, Mr. Speaker, because it's based on language that I drafted, and was adopted by the House last Congresses past as part of the Iran Freedom Support Act.

As all of us have heard from the great discussions this morning, Iran's rogue regime has sworn to destroy us, has sworn to destroy Israel, and has throughout decades. It's demonstrated the will and the capacity to do so. It has a long record of pursuing nuclear capabilities and of supporting the extreme elements of Islam, including Hamas, Hezbollah and those who kill and maim Americans in Iraq.

In fact, some have reported that Iran is providing the deep-buried IEDs that are indeed increasing the carnage in Iraq.

No amount of handholding, no amount of dialogue will be able to deter Tehran.

As part of an effort to prevent foreign funds from going to the Iranian regime, the bill before us authorizes State and local governments to direct divestiture and prevent investment in companies with investment of $20 million or more in Iran's energy sector.

And furthermore, the bill requires that a list of those companies that have invested $20 million or more be published biannually.

Furthermore, it protects investment companies and managers from being sued for divesting from companies included in the published list.

And although I fully support this bill, Mr. Speaker, and I commend Chairman Frank for his efforts on this critical issue, as well as Mr. Sherman, who's been a leader on all the bills related to Iran, I'm concerned that this bill merely authorizes divestment from companies investing in Iran, rather than making divestment from those companies mandatory.

H.R. 1357, a bill I introduced earlier this year, along with Minority Whip Roy Blunt, would require divestment of all government pension plans or Thrift Savings Plans. Moreover, H.R. 1357 prohibits all future investments of government and private pension plans.

I strongly believe that we must increase the pressure aimed at isolating Iran's extremist regime, and the bill authored by Chairman Frank is an important step toward achieving this goal, and I commend him for it.

There are currently, also, Mr. Speaker, multiple measures dealing with putting further pressure on Iran including the Iran Counter- Proliferation Act, authored by Congressman Tom Lantos, the chairman of our Foreign Affairs Committee; and we have got to work to have those bills passed and build upon them in order to derail the dangerous ambitions of Iran.

So I urge my colleagues to support this measure. It is part of the effort of many of us to prevent U.S. dollars from enabling and facilitating the murderous efforts of radical extremists who intend to destroy us and our allies.

I thank the gentleman from New Jersey for yielding me the time, and I thank the chairman, Mr. Frank of Massachusetts, for this bill.

Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.

Mr. Speaker, I would like to recognize my good friend from California, Ms. Barbara Lee, for her leadership in introducing this bill, which is intended to deepen our educational cooperation with our neighbors in the Caribbean.

H.R. 176 authorizes the creation of the Shirley A. Chisholm U.S.- Caribbean Educational Exchange Program to help provide U.S. educational opportunities to qualified students from the countries of the Caribbean community.

It also authorizes State and USAID to expand existing primary and secondary school initiatives in the Caribbean to provide programs on teacher training methods, school management,

curriculum development, and increase community involvement in school activities.

Increasing the quality of educational opportunities available to our good neighbors in the Caribbean serves the interests of our entire region, and deepens the goodwill that already exists between the people of our countries.

I want to thank Congresswoman Lee and Chairman Lantos for working with me at the committee level to incorporate language ensuring that state sponsors of terrorism do not receive the benefits provided under this bill. The committee also amended the text to authorize such sums as may be necessary rather than a sum certain for the new programs. This will help ensure that any new activities under the act will not disrupt those educational and exchange programs already being implemented in the region by the State Department and USAID.

Again, I thank my colleagues for their cooperation in preparing this bill for floor consideration.

Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. Speaker, I urge my colleagues to vote ``aye'' on this resolution, and I yield back the balance of my time.

Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.

All of us know, Mr. Speaker, that Iran is a growing threat to the region and to U.S. national security interests.

Iran's record for supporting Islamic extremists is dangerously supplemented by its continued violation of its nonproliferation obligations, its mockery of the International Atomic Energy Agency process, and its continued defiance of the United Nations Security Council's demands to halt its nuclear enrichment and reprocessing program.

Just last week, Iran's chief nuclear negotiator, Ali Larijani, told Britain's newspapers, the Independent and the Guardian, that uranium enrichment was ``like breathing'' for his country, and that Iran would not halt the spinning centrifuges at its main enrichment plant at Natanz, even if the Bush

administration offered security guarantees.

We could just wait for further action from the United Nations to counter the Iranian threat, but even the Iranian regime is aware of the influence of Russia and China at the U.N. Security Council and the refusal of some of our European and Asian allies to sacrifice commercial interests for the sake of nonproliferation.

Just last Wednesday, Iranian leader Ahmadinejad said that U.N. resolutions could not prevent Iran from obtaining nuclear technology. He stated, ``Let's say that they issue Resolution Number 300. What will happen? It should be remembered that Iran is obtaining nuclear technology. They will have to eventually accept that.''

Well, for almost 5 years, Mr. Speaker, Iran has been manipulating the so-called international community buying time to expand, to strengthen and to hide its nuclear activities. In fact, recent public reports further document the construction of a major tunnel complex inside the mountain near the Iranian facility at Natans, near the fortified buildings where the Iranian uranium is reportedly being processed.

This clearly illustrates the frenetic and advanced nature of that regime's nuclear weapon pursuit and should increase our sense of urgency. But the regime's pursuit of these destructive policies has one weakness: Iran's energy infrastructure. Iran's economy and its ability to influence events is heavily dependent on the revenues derived from energy exports. As such, recent U.S. efforts to prevent Iran from acquiring weapons of mass destruction have focused on deterring and prohibiting investments in Iran's petroleum sector.

U.S. law prohibits American firms from investing in Iran. In addition, the Iran Sanctions Act seeks to influence responsible nations to stop their investment in Iran's energy sector, that is the economic lifeline of the regime, by calling for sanctions on those entities. Unfortunately, due to lack of enforcement, lack of commitment from some of our allies, foreign entities which fall outside of the jurisdiction of our country continue to invest in Iran, helping to fill the coffers, enabling the regime in Tehran to pursue not just a nuclear capability, but a chemical and biological program, long-range ballistic missiles and, as all of us know, they are a state sponsor of global Islamic extremism and terrorism.

As part of their effort to isolate Iran and deprive it of its revenues, it needs to fund its nuclear weapons program. My distinguished colleague, Chairman Lantos, and I introduced the Iran Freedom Support Act, which was enacted into law in September of last year. This legislation strengthens sanctions against those who invest in Iran's petroleum sector, the economic lifeline of the Iranian regime. However, the final version of the law did not include language that would make export credit agencies, insurers and other financial institutions subject to sanctions for their facilitation of investments in Iran's oil industry.

The bill before us, Mr. Speaker, H.R. 957 seeks to close this loophole. The imminent need to close this loophole and to compel responsible nations to do the right thing was clearly articulated in February of this year by Ambassador George Schulte, the chief U.S. representative to the International Atomic Energy Agency. Ambassador Schulte called on European governments to stop giving credits to subsidize exports to Iran and to take more measures to discourage investment and financial investment with Iran.

It is my hope that, despite the clarifications included in the suspension text at the request of other committees, that H.R. 957 is applied vigorously against those governments that claim to support our efforts to stop Iran's nuclear pursuit but fail to take tangible actions to deny the regime the resources to continue along this destructive and dangerous path.

H.R. 957 also seeks to expand the activities covered under the law to include petrochemicals and liquefied natural gas. Concerns were raised that existing law required the clarification that sanctions under the ISA should apply to certain foreign subsidiaries of U.S. companies; therefore, H.R. 957 expands and extends the applications to U.S. foreign subsidiaries as defined in the bill.

This is a straightforward bill with a simple purpose: to enhance our ability to deprive Iran of the revenue it needs to fund its nuclear weapons and to secure greater cooperation from European, Asian, Russian and other allies to cut off the flow of funds to Iran. Responsible nations must immediately stop their multi-million, and in some cases billion, dollar investments in Iran's energy sector.

Mr. Speaker, I strongly urge my colleagues to support this critical bipartisan measure to confront the Iranian threat.

Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. Speaker, I am pleased to yield such time as he may consume to my good friend from New Mexico (Mr. Pearce), a member of the Financial Services Committee.

Mr. Speaker, I have no further requests for time, and I yield back the balance of my time.

Mr. Speaker, on that I demand the yeas and nays.

Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.

Mr. Speaker, the sponsor of this resolution, Mr. Chabot, is unfortunately delayed due to airport difficulties, but his statement will be included for the Record.

Confucius once declared that ``greeting an old friend from afar is one of life's greatest pleasures.'' Well, the purpose of this resolution is to carry out this wise saying of Confucius, for the leaders and people of Taiwan have been among the most steadfast friends of the United States in the Asia-Pacific region. From the dark days of the Korean War and the Taiwan Strait crisis of the late 1950s, the people of Taiwan and the people of the United States have stood together against the threat of communist tyranny.

A half century of friendship has developed, with deepening commercial ties, and in more recent years, a shared love of democratic values. It is only natural, as Confucius noted, to warmly welcome the leaders of such close friends to Washington.

But the restrictions placed on travel to our country by democratically elected officials in Taiwan, adopted by a series of U.S. administrations, is a self-inflicted wound. The often-quoted Shanghai communique issued in 1972 contains no such restriction. Nor is there any limitation spelled out in the Taiwan Relations Act. In this regard, the intentions of Congress in the Taiwan Relations Act are clear: ``To promote the foreign policy of the United States by authorizing the continuation of commercial, cultural and other relations between the people of the United States and the people of Taiwan.'' How can such relations be promoted without direct communications between officials of the United States and Taiwan?

No one likes being told whom they can or cannot invite to their own home. Americans consider their home to be ``their castle,'' with a sacred right to decide their own affairs within. No outsider should dictate rules and regulations within the American home.

So let's put out the welcome mat for our friends, the democratically elected officials from Taiwan, by giving overwhelming support to this long overdue resolution. I thank the gentleman from Ohio (Mr. Chabot) for authoring it.

Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. Speaker, I am pleased to yield such time as he may consume to the gentleman from New Mexico (Mr. Pearce).

Mr. Speaker, I yield back the balance of my time.

Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.

I rise also in support of this resolution, which strikes an important balance, protecting the integrity of history and recognizing present- day reality. It also addresses an issue of great significance for the peoples of the Asia Pacific region.

The tragedy of the ``comfort women,'' the thousands of Asian and European women forced into sexual slavery by the Imperial Japanese Army during the first half of the 20th century, was a horrific crime. For the surviving ``comfort women'' these issues are not historical; they are profoundly personal. Some of them were in our Foreign Affairs Committee when this bill was marked up. Attempts to deny or minimize these facts are a disservice to future generations.

The case of Darfur, which we spoke about earlier today, Mr. Speaker, reminds us all that the issue of the use of military force to abuse women, to abuse children through rape and exploitation is one which we need to look at and one which unfortunately continues to this very day.

At the same time, the resolution makes clear that Japan has been a vital ally of the United States and a generous benefactor of the international community through several decades. It has been a strong ally of the United States on issues relating to, for example, nonproliferation.

It was recently reported that three Japanese banks have stopped engaging in any new business with Iran and that Japanese financial institutions are restricting loans and rejecting an Iranian request to pay for oil imports in currency other than dollars.

So we are proud of the U.S.-Japan alliance and grateful for the friendship of the people of Japan. At the same time, we should also recognize that the issue of unresolved historic grievances from the Pacific war is one that cannot be ignored. It is through reconciliation of these issues that our Asian allies can work constructively together, as is the case with our European allies, and the achievement of regional harmony is in America's vital national security interests

Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. Speaker, I am pleased to yield such time as he may consume to the gentleman from Virginia (Mr. Tom Davis).

Mr. Speaker, I yield such time as he may consume to the gentleman from New Mexico (Mr. Pearce).

Mr. Speaker, I have no further requests for time, and I yield back the balance of our time.

Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.

Harp seals, which live off of Canada's east coast, are sought for their pelts. Canadian hunters, who are regulated by Canada's Department of Fisheries and Oceans, have killed almost a million seals in the past 3 years. The government set a quota of 270,000 seals for the season of 2007, which is lower than the limit of 335,000 seals set in last year's season. The quota is determined annually by the department and is set based on estimates of the current seal population. Many concerned citizens are quite upset that these seals are killed in an inhumane way, since many

are beaten unconscious and then skinned while they are still alive.

An independent group of veterinarians, invited by the International Fund for Animal Welfare to observe the seal hunt, concluded that the seal hunt was out of compliance with basic animal welfare regulations in Canada. Also, 95 percent of the seals are less than a year old.

This resolution urges Canada to end the commercial seal hunt. Our Canadian friends are good allies and partners in many areas of common interest, and we hope that they will take this important step. Many have raised alarm about this, including our distinguished chairman of our committee, Mr. Lantos, and I thank him for his many years of leadership on the plight of people who have been abused, but also animals who have been mistreated.

I rise in strong support of this resolution, and I urge my colleagues to do the same

With that, Mr. Speaker, I yield back the balance of my time.

Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.

I rise in strong support of H. Con. Res. 188.

Mr. Speaker, 13 years ago, on July 18, a radical Islamist with ties to the terrorist group Hezbollah bombed the AMIA Jewish Community Center in Buenos Aires, Argentina, the heart and soul of the largest Jewish community in South America, killing 85 innocent people. From the beginning of the investigation into this horrific act of anti-Semitism and mass murder, the evidence pointed to the involvement of Hezbollah and its state sponsor, Iran. Moreover, the AMIA bombing opened our eyes, 7 years before 9/11, to the growing threat of radical Islam and Islamic extremists and terrorists in the western hemisphere, our own backyard.

The tri-border area, where Brazil, Paraguay and Argentina meet, continues to be a lawless zone where Islamist terrorist groups meet and engage in arms, drug dealing and contraband smuggling that finances their deadly deeds and aims. It could easily become a base of operations to carry out further terrorist attacks that could even strike on U.S. soil. Therefore, to address this threat to our interests and national security, the United States and our allies must bring to justice those responsible for past acts of terror. We must vigilantly combat radical Islamic terrorist groups before they strike again.

Sadly, Mr. Speaker, for over a decade those responsible for the atrocity at AMIA have not been captured and prosecuted, causing our enemies to be emboldened to strike again. Nonetheless, despite numerous obstacles, the wheels of justice have started to gain momentum.

Last October, the state prosecutor of Argentina concluded that the AMIA bombing was, in his words, ``decided and organized by the highest leaders of the former Government of Iran whom, at the same time, entrusted its execution to the Lebanese terrorist group Hezbollah.''

Last March, acting on the state prosecutor's conclusions, INTERPOL's executive committee recommended the issuance of red notices for five Iranian officials and one Hezbollah operative in connection with the bombing.

Iran, still determined to act with impunity, has appealed the Executive Committee's decision to INTERPOL's General Assembly, which will meet upcoming this November.

It is vital, vital, Mr. Speaker, that INTERPOL's General Assembly uphold the recommendation of the Executive Committee and issue the red notices, which could lead to the arrest of these individuals.

To successfully prosecute this case, Argentina must be able to arrest and extradite the named Islamic militant and Iranian officials.

It is important to note that at least one of the five indicted Iranian officials worked for the Iranian embassy in Buenos Aires at the time of the AMIA bombing.

The evidence appears to indicate that Iran used officials who have diplomatic immunity to help support and plan the attack, and that Iran has used its embassies abroad to further its terrorist plots and radical Islamic goals.

Indeed, all signs show that Iran is vigorously increasing its diplomatic presence in the western hemisphere, seeking to increase its power, to spread its radical Islamic ideology, to undermine the United States, and to wreak havoc throughout the region. These dangerous efforts must be addressed, Mr. Speaker.

Many nations in the hemisphere have joined with the United States and regional organizations to fight the growing threat of Islamic extremists that has become evident since the AMIA bombing. For example, several nations participate in joint counterterrorism training and simulations and have joined counterterrorist protocols and agreements.

Argentina deserves particular commendation. In addition to its significant progress in the AMIA investigation during the past year, Argentina recently approved legislation which criminalizes financing, fund-raising, and money laundering by groups linked to terror.

Mr. Speaker, these nations deserve our continued support and encouragement. However, there is much left to be done.

H. Con. Res. 188, which I introduced with the distinguished chairman of the Foreign Affairs Committee, Mr. Lantos, seeks to address a number of

issues that we have raised. The resolution condemns the AMIA attacks, honors the victims, and, thirdly, expresses our sympathy to their long- suffering families.

It also calls upon the General Assembly of INTERPOL to issue and implement the red notices supported by INTERPOL Executive Committee, and calls upon responsible nations to cooperate fully with the AMIA investigation.

Mr. Speaker, for years, Chairman Lantos and I have spoken in this Chamber calling for justice to be served in the AMIA case. Finally, those responsible for this atrocity are running scared, recognizing that they may not escape the consequences of their crime, that we are determined to prevent history from repeating itself.

Justice may be delayed, but it must be denied. Therefore, I urge my colleagues to support this resolution

Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.

If I could ask the gentleman to yield for a request.

I have to go to another meeting, and if you would allow me, I would like to yield the balance of our time to Mr. Boozman, a member of the Subcommittee on Terrorism, Nonproliferation and Trade on the Foreign Affairs Committee.

Mr. Chairman, I claim the time in opposition.

Mr. Chairman, I am strongly opposed to this amendment that rewards a state sponsor of terrorism with unfettered access to our banks and increases the threat to our country. It condones terrorist financing through our banking system. We do not allow other state sponsors of terrorism, such as Iran, Syria, Sudan, and North Korea, to have direct access to U.S. banks.

During a visit with Iran's Ayatollah in May 2001, Castro declared that together Cuba and Iran will bring America to its knees. We should not allow the Cuban regime to access U.S. bank accounts.

And then there is the troubling provision to expedite visas for so- called Cuban agricultural inspectors. This would give free rein to any intelligence agent that the Cuban Government designates as an agricultural investigator to come to the United States. We should not open our borders to any Cuban agent to roam freely throughout the United States under the guise of being agricultural inspectors.

Mr. Chairman, I reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. Chairman, I am pleased to yield 1\1/2\ minutes to the gentlewoman from Florida (Ms. Wasserman Schultz), the chairman of the appropriations subcommittee of the Legislative Branch.

Mr. Chairman, I would like to yield 30 seconds to the gentleman from New Jersey (Mr. Sires) who serves on our Foreign Affairs Committee, and this amendment did not go through our committee.

(Mr. SIRES asked and was given permission to revise and extend his remarks.)

Mr. Chairman, I am pleased to yield 1\1/2\ minutes to the chairman of the Republican Policy Committee, the gentleman from Michigan (Mr. McCotter).

Mr. Chairman, I yield the balance of my time to a member of the Rules Committee, my colleague from Florida, a leader on human rights, Mr. Lincoln Diaz-Balart.

Mr. Chairman, I demand a recorded vote.

Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.

Mr. Speaker, as has been said, this legislation cites the fact that the House of Representatives has passed six, one, two, three, four, five, six separate bills prohibiting or expressing opposition to the establishment of permanent military bases in Iraq, including three, one, two, three, which have been enacted into law by the President.

In fact, the language contained in H.R. 2929, which is before us today, is nearly identical to the language adopted under a Republican- controlled Congress in section 1519 of the John Warner National Defense Authorization Act for Fiscal Year 2007.

This is the bill before us today. This is the law.

The fiscal year 2007 bill states:

``No funds appropriated pursuant to an authorization of appropriations in this Act may be obligated or expended for a purpose as follows:

(1) To establish any military installation or base for the purpose of providing for the permanent stationing of United States Armed Forces in Iraq.

(2) To exercise United States economic control of the oil resources of Iraq.''

That is law. That has been passed a couple of times. And now the bill before us this morning says this:

``No funds made available by any Act of Congress shall be obligated or expended for a purpose as follows:

(1) to establish any military installation or base for the purpose of providing for the permanent stationing of United States Armed Forces in Iraq; and

(2) to exercise United States economic control of the oil resources in Iraq.''

Once, twice, three times. We can pass it again. But why are we here? Why are we spending valuable time, Mr. Speaker, debating an issue that the Congress on a bipartisan basis already has agreed to, once, twice, three times, four times, five times, six times? The majority's attempts to score political points on a range of issues, including particularly Iraq policy, has already paralyzed precious months of military planning and congressional business, including the 9/11 bill.

It was only last night when the majority conferees finally agreed to incorporate into the 9/11 conference report critical language offered by the ranking member of the Homeland Security Committee, my good friend Mr. King of New York, which would provide immunity to passengers and commuters who report suspicious activities.

In a post-9/11 world, Mr. Speaker, passenger vigilance is essential to our Nation's security. An alert citizenry is our first line of defense against those who may seek to do us harm.

Yet, some of our colleagues, rather than supporting or encouraging such personal commitment and involvement from our citizens, would have preferred to leave them vulnerable to frivolous lawsuits and, instead, engage in debates on legislative items and policy already enacted into law and discussed once, twice, three times, four times, five times and six times.

However, since we are having this ``Groundhog Day'' discussion, it is important to once again note that there are no permanent United States bases overseas. Rather, the scope and the duration of U.S. basing rights are determined by individual agreements and entered into with host governments throughout the world.

It is also important to clarify that a policy position that does not support permanent bases in Iraq does not translate into either a prohibition against the American troop presence in Iraq, we could have that discussion on another bill, or a prohibition against the existence of any U.S. military installation in that country.

But that is not what is before us today. The bill before us in its ``findings'' section states that the Iraq Study Group Report recommends that ``the President should state that the United States does not seek permanent military bases in Iraq.''

Correct.

The bill also specifically highlights the other component of that recommendation, which says, ``If the Iraqi Government were to request a temporary base or bases, then the United States Government could consider that request as it would be in the case of any other government.''

This legislation therefore accepts the prospect of a negotiated agreement for a future relationship with the Government of Iraq to, among other things, allow U.S. military and security forces to operate from U.S. installations within Iraq, including through a possible status of forces agreement that would define the legal status of U.S. personnel in Iraq and would define the rights and responsibilities between the United States and the Government of Iraq. Furthermore, this legislation before us today does not prohibit the United States from entering into the interoperability agreements that allow the United States and Iraq to share common infrastructure and bases.

Mr. Speaker, I do not object to this legislation. We have supported it before and look forward to supporting it again.

Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.

If I could point out that the most recent reincarnation of this very same issue was passed earlier this year in this very House, and I would like to read verbatim what it said. I was proud to vote for it, and I will vote for it.

Sec. 1222. Continuation of prohibition on establishment of permanent military installations in Iraq or United States control over oil resources of Iraq.

Section 1519 of the John Warner National Defense Authorization Act for Fiscal Year 2007 (Public Law 109-364; 120 Stat. 2444) is amended by inserting after ``this Act'' the following: ``or any other Act for any fiscal year''.

Mr. Speaker, with that I am pleased to yield with great pleasure such time as he may consume to a great American, the ranking member of the Armed Services Committee, the gentleman from California (Mr. Hunter), who has also voted for this measure six times.

Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.

Absolutely. I would love to yield you 3 minutes. We have two speakers, Mr. Poe, who is already here, and Mr. Rohrabacher. I just want to make sure that they would have enough time. But once they're done, I would be glad to yield you the time.

Mr. Speaker, I'm pleased to yield such time as he may consume to my distinguished colleague from Texas, a member of our Foreign Affairs Committee, Judge Poe, who is very cognizant of Public Law 109-364, which already says that they will have no permanent military bases in Iraq.

Mr. Speaker, I'm pleased to yield 3 minutes to the gentleman from California (Mr. Rohrabacher), the ranking member on the Subcommittee on International Operations.

Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.

Mr. Speaker, were we seen as occupiers in Haiti, in Bosnia? Do we not, as some have said on Iraq, have a sustained military presence in these countries? Did we not intervene in Haiti to restore democracy and remain to prevent the increased violence?

In fact, as our distinguished Speaker, whom we'll be hearing from in just a few moments, when she argued for a sustained U.S. deployment in Bosnia, Speaker Pelosi said, Is the Bosnian mission without danger and risk? No. With strong leadership there are always risks. These risks have been minimized. They are risks for peace, risks for ending years of bloodshed, risks for freedom. We risk far more by failing to act.

We risk far more if we allow the tenuous peace to collapse and watch the flames of war ignite again. I agreed with Speaker Pelosi then when she said that on December 13 of 1995, and I agreed with her when she said on September 19 of 1994, when advocating for a sustained U.S. presence in Haiti, the Speaker said, setting a date certain for troop withdrawal will unnecessarily endanger both our troops on the ground and our efforts at promoting democracy in Haiti.

I say that we have no less at stake here in Iraq. The bill before us, as we have said before, is a fine bill. We support what it seeks to do because, in fact, it is law. It is already United States law.

We want to make sure that the Iraqi people have the same level of commitment that we have shown to other oppressed people throughout the world. We should not ignore the consequences of a rapid withdrawal from Iraq in a vitally important region of the world.

But, like I have said, this is not the issue addressed in this bill. Some have remarked about the greater issue of Iraq in their discourse today. On the bill before us, it is already public law. We have passed it six times in the House. It has been law three times, and we have no objection to the bill becoming law a fourth time, a fifth time or a sixth time.

With that, Mr. Speaker, I yield back the balance of our time.

Madam Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.

Madam Speaker, I rise today in strong support of H.R. 2293, which would require the Secretary of State to submit to Congress a report on efforts to bring to justice the Palestinian terrorists who killed three Americans on October 15, 2003.

I would like to begin by expressing my heartfelt condolences to the families and loved ones of John Branchizio, Mark T. Parson, and John Marin Linde, Jr., and all United States citizens who have been victimized by the incessant Palestinian terrorist attacks.

These three brave Americans were murdered while accompanying United States diplomats who were going to interview young Palestinians for the opportunity to study in this great country on Fulbright scholarships, offering those youth a chance for a better life.

While I am sickened by this deplorable act, I am surprised that for far too long our State Department and the Palestinian Authority have done little to bring the murderers of these Americans to justice. These families and others who have lost loved ones should not have their grief compounded by the lack of justice from our own system.

The virtual impunity afforded the certain terrorists sends the wrong foreign policy signal, not only to the American people and our allies in the region, but to the terrorists themselves. Recently, Palestinian Authority President Mahmoud Abbas established an emergency government in the West Bank, with an independent, Salem Fayyad as Prime Minister. Abbas and Fayyad have made statements opposing terrorism, violence and militia rule that pervades both the West Bank and Gaza. But they must follow up their words with actions.

Not only do Abbas and Fayyad need to crack down on terrorism and dismantle all militias within the West Bank, but they must locate, detain, and turn over to U.S. custody the murderers of John Branchizio, Mark Parson, and John Marin Linde so that they can be charged and brought to justice in an American court. They cannot fulfill their responsibility for stopping terrorism in the future without taking action against those who have perpetrated terrorism in the past.

Madam Speaker, we have a great responsibility to those Americans who have lost their lives to Palestinian terror. Therefore, our government should consider conditioning any aid to the West Bank emergency government upon that government showing concrete actions in resolving this case. We must end the message that we as a country are fully committed in our resolve to investigate and prosecute the murder of innocent Americans abroad.

Again, I strongly condemn the attack on United States citizens by Palestinian terrorists and reiterate our demands that the administration do more to bring their killers to justice.

H.R. 2293 is a major step in the right direction, and I am proud to have cosponsored it. For their leadership in introducing this bill, I thank my good friends and colleagues, the chairman and the ranking member of the Subcommittee on the Middle East and South Asia, Mr. Ackerman and Mr. Pence. I urge my colleagues to join us in supporting this critical legislation.

Madam Speaker, I have no further requests for time, and I yield back the balance of my time.

Madam Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.

Madam Speaker, I rise in support of H. Res. 208, which recognizes the 25th anniversary of the founding of Operation Smile, a private nonprofit founded by Dr. and Mrs. William Magee of Virginia in 1982.

Madam Speaker, the volunteers for Operation Smile provide reconstructive surgery and other health care to needy children in the United States, as well as in developing countries. They particularly help children with a cleft lip or cleft palate, congenital birth defects that occur as frequently as one in every 600 births.

Clefts can cause multiple physical and mental health problems for children and adults, including feeding and speech difficulties, ear infections that can lead to deafness, and low self-esteem, as well as alienation from others.

Children worldwide need not, and must not, suffer from these health problems simply because they were born with clefts. Surgery in infancy, adolescence or young adulthood can correct clefts and avert resulting medical and psychological difficulties.

Sadly, many families who seek medical care and surgery for children born with clefts are turned away, both in the United States and abroad, due to lack of funds or shortages of medically trained professionals who can provide the care that these children urgently need.

Fortunately, the outstanding medical professionals at Operation Smile have, for a quarter of a century, volunteered their time and effort to help save these children and their families. They have provided free reconstructive surgeries to over 100,000 children and young adults in this country and worldwide. They educate and train thousands of health care professionals across the globe. Just as importantly, they are developing future generations of volunteers for this noble cause.

Young men and women at more than 450 Operation Smile student associations in the United States and abroad are fund-raising, building awareness and encouraging their fellow students to take charge, to lead and to volunteer their time to help others. In all of these ways, these volunteers demonstrate the potential that volunteers and nonprofits have to change lives, to tackle global problems and to significantly improve the world around them.

Because of their 25 years of service, many children and young adults who were born with cleft lip or palate can look at themselves in the mirror with pride, and so can volunteers at Operation Smile.

This resolution, offered by my good friend and colleague from Virginia (Mrs. Drake) sends the right message by recognizing and encouraging outstanding volunteers and achievements in the private and the nonprofit sector.

Therefore, Madam Speaker, I urge the House to adopt this resolution, H. Res. 208.

Madam Speaker, I have no further requests for time, and I yield back the balance of our time.

Madam Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.

I would like to thank my colleague from California, Ambassador Watson, for introducing this important resolution, House Resolution 294, which commends the Kingdom of Lesotho for enacting a law to improve the legal status of married women.

Historically, a married woman in this African country was considered a minor under the law, and, as such, was unable to enter into contracts without her husband's consent and was severely restricted in economic activities and had no legal standing in the courts. This was the case, despite that women have traditionally borne a disproportionate share of responsibility for the health, the welfare, and the education of the family in Lesotho.

They are in the fields, in the markets, in the classrooms, and in the clinics. They run the home and provide the food, care and education essential for the survival of their families. Women serve as the backbone of society in Lesotho. Yet under the law, they have been considered only half a person.

Obviously, this was a grave social injustice that required remedy. I commend those in the government and in civil society who began pressing for greater gender equality in Lesotho as early as 1992.

But it is important to realize that gender inequality in Lesotho, and throughout Africa, is not just an issue of human rights. This is a development issue and an issue of national security.

Over half of the population lives below the poverty level. Yet a government cannot responsibly expect to lift its people out of poverty while legally excluding half of the most productive segment of society from the economy.

Further, at 29 percent, Lesotho has one of the highest HIV prevalence rates in the world. Life expectancy already has plummeted to 36 years, and prevalence rates are expected to climb to a staggering 36 percent in the next 15 years.

The HIV pandemic is obliterating a generation of the most productive people in Africa. In South Africa, for example, factory managers routinely complain that they have to hire two people to fill a single position due to absentee rates related to HIV.

When a man dies, who is left to provide for his family? His wife. But if a wife and a mother cannot secure even basic inheritance rights and has no standing in civil court, then how is she to provide for the next generation? The traditional safety net provided by the extended family has been eroded, and coping mechanisms have been exhausted by the HIV pandemic.

Women whose husbands have died are suspected to carry the virus themselves and are often shunned by their extended families and communities. Thus, high death rates associated with HIV/AIDS and gender inequalities are leaving behind a generation of impoverished, disaffected youth who are susceptible to criminal activities and radical acts.

In recognition of the links between gender inequality, poverty and HIV/AIDS, the Millennium Challenge Corporation made gender issues a high priority in its negotiations with Lesotho.

In a letter to the Government of Lesotho, the CEO of MCC asserted that the potential impact of a development compact between Lesotho and the MCC focusing on public health and sustainable water and private sector development would be undermined if the issues of gender inequality were not addressed.

Shortly thereafter, the Parliament passed the Legal Capacity of Married Persons Act, which has significantly enhanced the legal standing of women in Lesotho. To its credit, the MCC has provided assistance to support meaningful implementation of the act.

I strongly encourage the government of Lesotho to continue demonstrating its commitment to improving gender equality in the interest of human rights, economic development, and national security. I hope that other countries in the region will follow suit.

Madam Speaker, I yield back the balance of my time.

Madam Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.

Madam Speaker, I rise in strong support of House Resolution 378 introduced by my good friend and colleague from Puerto Rico (Mr. Fortuno).

This resolution commends the humanitarian efforts of Red Cross, Red Crescent and Magen David Adom societies worldwide on the occasion of World Red Cross Red Crescent Day.

These organizations and their 97 million volunteers worldwide make invaluable contributions every day. They provide relief and humanitarian assistance to the world's most vulnerable people, alleviating the suffering of citizens afflicted by war, natural disasters and other crises.

More than 233 million people worldwide received assistance from Red Cross, Red Crescent and Magen David Adom societies each year. When a tsunami hit southeast Asia in 2005, those societies were there. When hundreds of millions of children require vaccination against measles and others diseases, those societies are there. When the need arises in the future for humanitarian aid and relief, those societies will be there.

As a Member of Congress from Florida's 18th District, I have witnessed firsthand the good works of the Red Cross throughout its efforts to help the victims of numerous hurricanes and tropical storms that have afflicted the residents of south Florida.

I have also witnessed firsthand, in my numerous trips to Israel, the relief work and the humanitarian assistance that the Magen David Adom has provided to so many, including, tragically, the many innocent victims of terror.

Therefore, I am particularly pleased that in 2006, in a long overdue development, the International Committee of the Red Cross officially recognized Magen David Adom as Israel's national aid society. With much appreciation for the good work of Red Cross, Red Crescent and Magen David Adom societies everywhere, I urge the House to adopt House Resolution 378, introduced by my good friend, Mr. Fortuno.

Madam Speaker, I yield back the balance of our time.

Madam Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.

I rise in support of Senate bill 966, the Passport Backlog Reduction Act. All of us have heard from our constituents. Millions of Americans are facing unprecedented delays in the processing of their passport applications. As weeks become months, these painful holdups have wrecked long-planned travel, job opportunities, and family obligations for thousands of our fellow citizens. This situation is incomprehensible and inexcusable. Officials should have anticipated and planned for this increased demand when the new travel security requirements were legislated 3 years ago.

Furthermore, the State Department has been collecting additional surcharges under authority granted by Congress 1\1/2\ years ago for the express purpose of meeting the increased demand for passports. But as we learned at last week's hearing before the Foreign Affairs Committee, officials did not adequately prepare for the increased demand that everyone knew would be coming, and there is no good explanation why.

At the same time that the planning was botched by their superiors, I want to praise the dedicated and hardworking individuals who have been working on an extended and overtime schedule to address this backlog. Madam Speaker, I am particularly impressed by the men and women of the Miami passport processing center who have maintained their professionalism and their courtesy even in this high pressure situation.

The bill before us will help in a limited but an important way to restore the timely passport processing that the American public has every right to expect. By easing certain reemployment restrictions, it will enable retired Foreign Service officers to come back to work on passport and visa processing on more than a part-time basis. It will also allow them to assist with passport fraud investigations which have not kept pace with the dramatic increase in passport applications.

Of course, this bill is only a temporary measure that will ease but will not fix the larger problem. Senate bill 966 is no substitute for the budgeting, hiring, and training that must be part of the Department's annual and long-range planning. We appreciate the solemn assurances at last week's hearing that the Departments of State and Homeland Security are now treating these problems with the seriousness that they deserve. I have no doubt that the Committee on Foreign Affairs under Chairman Lantos' leadership will follow up to ensure that the current problems are remedied promptly and avoided in the future.

The bill before us, Madam Speaker, is a small part of that remedy and deserves our unanimous support.

Madam Speaker, I yield back the balance of my time.