Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume. This trade agreement needs to pass. This trade agreement is so clearly in America's interest. Now, when you look at the total amount of trade between the two countries, it may not…
Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
This trade agreement needs to pass. This trade agreement is so clearly in America's interest.
Now, when you look at the total amount of trade between the two countries, it may not seem like a big deal. A billion dollars, what is that? Four one-hundredths of 1 percent of our economy, $500 million each way. That is no big deal.
But that was my daughter calling, and that is what this is really about. This is about the future; whether we engage with the peaceful and progressive Arab world or whether we blow up the bridges that they are trying to build with America and with the modern Western world.
Oman was the first Arab country to send an Ambassador to the United States. Today, they have the first woman and the only Arab woman Ambassador to the United States. They are showing by their actions that they get it. They understand that when 60 percent of their population is under the age of 18, they have got to go forward, not backward to fundamentalism and to the kind of theocracy that has hampered so many of their neighbors. They need to move forward. But they need the help of the United States to move forward.
Now, as I say, the amount of trade is inconsequential. It is not going to affect organized labor here. It is not going to affect any particular industry, although I have to say that it is pretty much a one-way street. What they buy from us is transport equipment, manufactured products that generate jobs in this country. And what we buy from them is largely natural resources, and some textiles, but mostly oil and gas. They want to be able to buy more. They want to make it easier for us to sell by reducing tariffs and quotas.
But, most importantly, is the larger context of this agreement. Oman sits on the Strait of Hormuz. More than 20 percent of the world's oil supply goes through that strait. Guess who sits on the other side of that strait? Iran. Oman is right next to Saudi Arabia. Saudi Arabia has been the instigator and the promoter of an Arab boycott against Israel, and this relatively small country has dedicated itself to breaking that boycott.
We have a letter from AIPAC here supporting this because Oman has been willing to break the tertiary, secondary and primary boycotts of Israel. Here is the letter right here.
Now, when we were attacked on 9/11/2001, we put together a bipartisan commission of very thoughtful and knowledgeable people, and one of the most important recommendations that that commission came up with was that we as a country need to reach out to the modern, progressive Arab world. We have got to do it. We can't isolate ourselves from a billion- and-a-half Muslims, because then that is going to radicalize people in their country. We have got to walk through these doors that they are willing to open up and show what happens when you trade with the United States, when you trade with progressive democracies. This is exactly what that 9/11 Commission recommended.
I am pleased that we overwhelmingly supported the Bahrain Free Trade Agreement, but this is an even better trade agreement. It is hard to believe that we are questioning the fact that this is in America's interest. It is so overwhelmingly in America's interest.
A couple of red herrings have been brought up; and as much as I respect and admire my colleagues who have brought up these red herrings, we are all entitled to our own opinions, but not our own set of facts.
The facts are that we asked the Congressional Research Service to look into this. They came up with a report that was compelling and definitive: there is no national security interest involved here, because if we decide there is a national security threat, which we self-define, that trumps everything else, and at any time we can raise the essential security justification. No one else has the authority to second-guess what it takes for us to protect our national security, and there is no precedent for any kind of international panel second- guessing us. There is no national security issue here.
The language, the provisions in this treaty, are the same as have been in all the others. It is the same language as Bahrain, the same language as Central America. There is no change here.
In terms of labor law, and I will address this subsequently after people address it on the Democratic side to lay out their objections, but I have read the communication from the Sultan, as I trust others have. He is willing to agree to the labor rights issues. He wants to abide by the International Labor Organization's standards. He wants to do everything it takes to show that he gets it, that he wants a higher quality of life, a better standard of living and more worker protections in Oman than his people have today.
Now, the democratically elected Advisory Council is not in session right now, but within 3 months he will get them all passed. When the Sultan says he is going to do it, that is it. We may prefer the niceties of a democracy and so on, but the reality is that these laws are going to be changed if the Sultan commits to changing them.
So I really urge my colleagues to support this.
One other aspect that I haven't mentioned, and I will get into it in a greater degree later, Oman has a military access agreement with us. They have had it since 1981. They keep renewing it. We keep putting more and more forces through Oman for the war in Iraq. They were of immense help in the Gulf War.
I don't know what one country can do to be more deserving of a trade agreement with the United States.
Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
Mr. Speaker, I want to thank the gentleman from Michigan and the gentleman from Maryland and their colleagues for raising any number of labor issues in their discussion of the markup of the Omani trade agreement. In fact, in large part that resulted in the Sultan issuing a decree that incorporated virtually all of those labor laws that he could decree. And his decree is law.
For example, on July 8, 2006, this decree prohibited forced labor, including coercion by withholding travel documents of foreign employees. It endorsed collective bargaining and the use of strikes as a legitimate tool. It prohibited termination of employment or any other kind of retribution for union activity. It terminated effective immediately the Omani government's representation in union activities. It provided specific enforcement tools for violations of collective bargaining rights, and it provided rights of workers against forced or coerced labor and against child labor.
There are further International Labor Organization standards that the Omani Government intends to pass. It has to wait until its advisory panels meet and puts the implementing regulations into effect. But that will be done in the next 3 months. That is a pretty short period of time. The end of October is when the Sultan committed to implementing all of his labor commitments into effect.
I yield to the gentleman from Michigan.
Those provisions are law but a number require regulations.
The Sultan's decree is law. Mr. Levin, the purpose of a trade agreement is to advance progress and communication and economic interdependence, it seems to me. And to the extent we can, to promote social progress.
There is an enormous, profound agreement here on Oman's part that it
will adopt those standards that you and many others in this body have been urging upon countries like that. They are not perfect. I agree they are not perfect.
But Oman is not known in the Arab world or to anybody that knows Oman, as a particular violator of labor rights. I do not know of any of these kinds of forced labor places that have been referenced. I have been to Oman. I have read everything that I could.
They want to get better, but I do not think to suggest that the fact that they are not perfect now is reason to destroy, to vote against an agreement that would substantially advance the cause of labor protections.
Mr. Speaker, reclaiming my time. You know as well as I do that it would be better if we could make labor protections a more integral part of many of these trade agreements. But I would also suggest that anybody that looks at this trade agreement with an open and objective mind would come to the conclusion that this is substantial advancement, that this is not only consistent with prior trade agreements, but this is better than prior trade agreements, and that this will create a more prosperous, a more open society in the Middle East, and that Oman is an ally that has always been dependable.
On July 8, the Sultan made these labor protection law.
The Sultan has never said anything with regard to use of troops, with regard to economic agreements, with regard to trade with Israel, which they do conduct despite all of the pressure on them from Saudi Arabia and other countries where he has not kept his word. In every instance, he has kept his word.
It seems to me that is a relevant consideration.
Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.
Mr. Speaker, in response to my good friend from New Jersey, and also in response to my good friend from Michigan (Mr. Levin), who asks about, and makes accusations with regard to, the situation in Oman, I should remind them that there were 33 strikes in 2004, more than 6,000 workers went on strike. Strikes continue to this day with no repressive tactics, no government reprisals.
And the Omani Government has representatives of the International Labor Organization on the ground in Oman working with them to develop more and stronger standards.
I will shortly. I am about out of time. If you can refute that, I will yield 15 seconds to the gentleman.
Yes, I am, because the fact that a government takes your passport, any number of governments do that. The German Government used to do it. I don't know if they do it now. That doesn't mean that is forced labor. They hold your passport, but that doesn't mean that you can't get it when you want to leave the country.
But the fact is that now the decree has been issued, and that tactic cannot be used.
It is no longer legal to use such a tactic. It is not used. That is the kind of progress we are wanting to achieve, and I thank Mr. Pascrell's help in achieving that.
Mr. Speaker, I yield 3 minutes to the gentleman from New York (Mr. Meeks).
Mr. Speaker, may I inquire how much time is left on each side?
Mr. Speaker, under those circumstances, I reserve the balance of my time.
Mr. Chairman, in the first place it is not some other panel. It is the U.S. and Oman, and we have the right to determine what is in our security, but having said that, I reserve the balance of my time.
And I am reserving because I have so little time left, as the gentleman knows, so I am trying to be strategic with my time.
Mr. Speaker, I yield myself the balance of my time.
Mr. Speaker, I think it is important, with what little time I have left, to recapitulate what has been said in this debate. In the first place, there is no dis agreement that Oman is located in a highly strategic area, right at the Strait of Hormuz. More than 20 percent of all the world's oil supply goes through there. It is right across the strait from Iran. Very critical position.
It has also been completely agreed that Oman has been a principal ally to the United States. Everything we have asked them to do since 1833, 173 years, Oman has stood up there in a very difficult part of the world and said to the world ``We are America's ally.''
When we asked Oman for a military agreement so we could stage troops and provide logistical support in the Persian Gulf War, and now in the Iraq war, they said, ``Yes, you can do that and we will protect them.'' And they have all been protected. Our troops have never had a problem in using Oman. Oman has come under pressure, but they have protected American troops in every possible way. No disagreement.
We all agree that almost two-thirds of Oman's population is under the age of 18, so we know that Oman is entering a period of unstability unless there is economic opportunity.
We also know that while there isn't a whole lot of trade, what Oman is buying from us generates jobs in the United States. We get oil from Oman in return.
So what is at dispute is whether this is a national security threat and whether this is an issue with regard to labor rights. Well, in the first place, with regard to national security, there is no question, according to the Congressional Research Service, that if there is a national security issue that the United States raises, that that trumps everything else. And these panels that my friends and colleagues have been referring to, these are panels of American and Omani negotiators, and if an American negotiator says, we think this is a security interest, it is dead. The language that is in contention is reciprocal language we wanted because we have U.S. companies who would like possibly to buy port facilities there. That was our doing. But it can be preempted by national security concerns.
So, on national security, the Congressional Research Service tells us that there is not a security threat. CFIUS will determine if foreign investment in U.S. parts is a security threat and can block the purchase if it comes to that. But there is not going to be any international panel second-guessing this determination, let alone overruling it.
Now, in terms of labor, we passed a Bahrain trade agreement a short while ago, almost by voice vote. No discussion. The labor guarantees in that agreement were not nearly as strong as the ones in this agreement. This is the strongest labor agreement we have seen.
Now, it may not be completely to my liking, but, you know, every one of the issues that the Ways and Means Democrats raised have been addressed by the Sultan of Oman, and not like Bahrain, where they said, well, we will put these to Parliament for consideration and pass them. Oman accepted every one of these recommendations, and you can check again with the Omani Ambassador, who happens to be a woman, the only female ambassador from an Arab country. And of course they were the first Arab nation to send an ambassador to the United States, incidentally.
But every Ways and Means Democrat's recommendation the Sultan put in the decree. This is law now. They can continue to collective bargain. They're are going to protect workers' rights. There will be no repercussions. They are going to eliminate any forced labor, if you can find it. And, in fact, they have invited the International Labor Organization personnel, ILO professionals to Oman, and they are working with them on the ground as we speak. And by October 31, they are going to put all these protections into law, anything that hasn't been fully implemented by the decree by the Sultan.
I don't know what more they can do. They have done everything we have asked.
This is a good trade agreement and, it is in the interest of the United States to pass it. I hope this body will.