Mr. Speaker, if the gentleman would yield, I guess the question then comes down to what the definition of ``know'' is then. Is that really the problem? I know what the Vice President meant by ``know.'' It was clear from any fair reading of…
Mr. Speaker, if the gentleman would yield, I guess the question then comes down to what the definition of ``know'' is then. Is that really the problem?
I know what the Vice President meant by ``know.'' It was clear from any fair reading of this situation that when a person knows that the person they are trying to punish was an agent for the CIA and was involved in giving that information to a subordinate who destroyed the career and outed a security agent of the United States Government, and then would not want the public to know he was involved in that despicable act, he would say ``I do not know Joe Wilson,'' even though he knew Joe Wilson's name, what his wife did for a living, that she worked for the CIA, and, if he disclosed that, it would destroy her career and out an intelligence agent of the United States of America.
He may not have known him and shaken hands with him, but he departed from the truth on a most grievous matter involving the intelligence service of the United States of America.
Well, Mr. Speaker, if I may, speaking from the State of Washington, what is happening right now is that a young man that I watched growing up, my neighbor's son, I watched him growing up, playing football, spunky, hard-working young man, he is due to go to Baghdad in January; and we all are obviously concerned about it. He is proud of his service. We are proud of his service. We wish the best for him. But it gives a personal dimension to what we are talking about here tonight. Because the reason that this young man that I watched grow up is going into the killing fields of Baghdad is because an administration started a war based on false information.
So this is a very personal matter as well as a public matter in my neighborhood; and it seems to me that, under those circumstances, for him and his mother and his father and his neighbors and all of the other young sons and daughters that could be in Iraq for we do not know how long, this administration owes it to come clean with the American people to tell us how this debacle happened, that they sent our sons and daughters into war based on a falsehood.
They have not done that yet. They have not come clean. And I want to note why this is so important.
I just had dinner with the Chief of Operations for the U.S. Navy, and one of the things we talked about was the need to improve our human intelligence. It has been debased over the years. We have just lost the spies, the old-fashioned spies we have had; and we thought we could do it all electronically. That does not work.
We talked about the need to increase our human intelligence, to do old-fashioned networks of spies. What does it do to our ability to recruit spies when it comes out that the Chief of Staff of the Vice President of the United States, at least under this assertion, was involved with outing the intelligence agency of the United States, which also exposes every single person that Ms. Plame had dealt with when she was overseas. Everyone she had ever met is now under suspicion as well.
What does that do to our ability to recruit new spies internationally? And what does it do to the sons and daughters we are sending to Iraq?
The administration still has not come clean. And let me just make a suggestion for the administration's own benefit, for their own benefit. We have seen this same error repeated over and over again, of administrations that get their hand caught in the cookie jar. What do they do? They get in the bunker. They start trying to hide the ball. They do not come clean. And these things drag out for years.
You know, if the Vice President or President had come forward 2 years ago and said, this is how this happened. This is where the intelligence came from. This is what Scooter Libby said. This is what Karl Rove said. I insist that they tell the truth, and I am going to insist on that or I am going to fire them on the spot. Forget the grand jury. This could have been over with 2 years ago. Instead, we are here talking about it tonight.
Now I want to mention one other thing I think is important in this. We are not sitting here as some criminal tribunal. We are Congressmen and women. We are not jurors. There is this grand jury and this pending indictment. There is a presumption of innocence. Mr. Libby is still presumed innocent in the eyes of the law, and I am going to treat it as such.
But what we are here to do is to make sure that if an administration, Republican or Democrat, tells us tomorrow that Iraq has nuclear weapons and we have to do something about it, that we can trust our administration with this information.
And I got to tell you, I cannot trust my executive branch of the Federal Government now to tell me what is going on in Iraq, Syria or Korea or anywhere else, because the President still has not come clean fully about what happened in Iraq, and that is very, very important.
I used to prosecute cases. I was a prosecutor, just misdemeanors. They were not higher-level felony cases. But I learned one thing in talking to police officers, and that was that there are certain things when you watch people that can indicate that they are up to no good, and one of those things is what is called furtive behavior. The gentleman from Massachusetts (Mr. Delahunt) is an old prosecutor. He knows about this.
Furtive behavior means when somebody does something that looks they are trying to hide. When you do something that looks like you are trying to hide, it makes you think that person thinks that they have something to hide, which suggests that they are up to no good.
Well, let me suggest that there are two things that give me a little pause here. Mr. Libby, when he was talking to all of those reporters, according to Judith Miller, Judith Miller said that Mr. Libby said, hey, when you identify me as the inside source of all of this information, do not identify me as Chief of Staff of the Vice President, or even the executive branch, call me an ex-Congressional staffer.
Now if that is not furtive behavior I do not what is.
The second thing that causes me pause is that on September 14, 2003, we have got it up on one of those charts, Tim Russert, who is interviewing the Vice President of the United States, asks the Vice President, says, Mr. Wilson came back from Niger and said that in fact he could not find any documentation that in fact Niger had sent uranium to Iraq or engaged in that activity and reported back to the proper
channels. Were you briefed on his findings in February or March of 2002?
Vice President Cheney responds, no, I do not know Joe Wilson. I never met Joe Wilson.
Now, why wouldn't the Vice President of the United States of America just tell the truth and say, yes, I know Joe Wilson. We looked into some issues. I had Libby look at it. Why would he not come out and tell the truth? Instead, what he says is, I do not know Joe Wilson, which we now know, according to Mr. Libby, assuming that is accurate, according to the indictment, the Vice President is the one that told Mr. Libby about Joe Wilson. Yet 3 months later we have the Vice President of the United States telling America he did not know Joe Wilson.
Now this causes me pause as an old prosecutor. And this is not a criminal matter. From my basis, we should not be wrapped about the axle of criminality but we should insist that Americans be able to trust the administration when it comes to war and peace; and we do not have that level of trust right now.
We need the cooperation of the President of the United States and the Vice President to come clean about what happened here and ask and answer questions that both Congress has, which they have refused to do, that is why we have the other Chamber wrapped up in this issue today, and ask questions that we ask essentially of the President and the Vice President. America deserves that.