Mr. Speaker, unlucky or not, 13 is the number before us. That's how many predominantly Sunni nations in the Middle East have declared in the past year that they want nuclear power. We know that Iran is building a nuclear capacity which it…
Mr. Speaker, unlucky or not, 13 is the number before us. That's how many predominantly Sunni nations in the Middle East have declared in the past year that they want nuclear power. We know that Iran is building a nuclear capacity which it claims will be used solely for power generation. Iran is predominantly a Shiite nation. While both are Muslim, Sunni and Shiite are different. At the grass-roots level, everyday people intermarry and get along just fine, until the governments in power decide they want religious ideology to govern everyone.
Sunni-Shiite dominance was behind the Iran-Iraq war two decades ago when Don Rumsfeld went to Iraq to pledge U.S. support to Saddam Hussein. Today the Iraq war has inflamed Sunni-Shiite passions and U.S. forces are in the middle of it, fighting and dying in a fight that we shouldn't be in. There's been a lot in the news about Iran's nuclear program, including threats by the Vice President that Iran will never be permitted to acquire nuclear capacity. In other words, the administration's international diplomacy with Iran begins with an order from the U.S. military to lock and load. A military strike directly ordered by the administration, or indirectly sanctioned by the administration, is considered a foregone conclusion by many in the Middle East.
Given this, let's renew the bidding, because 13 other nations in the Middle East are not being threatened by the administration. In fact, quite the opposite is true. A recent article in the Christian Science Monitor lays out the fact. I submit it for the Record.
[From the Christian Science Monitor, Nov. 1, 2007]
Middle East Racing to Nuclear Power--Shiite Iran's Ambitions Have
Spurred 13 Sunni States to Declare Atomic Energy Aims This Year
(By Dan Murphy)
Cairo.--This week Egypt became the 13th Middle Eastern
country in the past year to say it wants nuclear power,
intensifying an atomic race spurred largely by Iran's nuclear
agenda, which many in the region and the West claim is cover
for a weapons program.
Experts say the nuclear ambitions of majority Sunni Muslim
states such as Libya, Jordan, Yemen, and Saudi Arabia are
reactions to Shiite Iran's high-profile nuclear bid, seen as
linked with Tehran's campaign for greater influence and
prestige throughout the Middle East.
``To have 13 states in the region say they're interested in
nuclear power over the course of a year certainly catches the
eye,'' says Mark Fitzpatrick, a former senior
nonproliferation official in the U.S. State Department who is
now a fellow at the International Institute for Strategic
Studies in London. ``The Iranian angle is the reason.''
But economics are also behind this new push to explore
nuclear power, at least for some of the aspirants. Egypt's
oil reserves are dwindling, Jordan has no natural resources
to speak of at all, and power from oil and gas has grown much
more expensive for everyone. Though the day has not arrived,
it's conceivable that nuclear power will be a cheaper option
than traditional plants.
But analysts say the driver is Iran, which appears to be
moving ahead with its nuclear program despite sanctions and
threats of possible military action by the U.S. The Gulf
Cooperation Council, a group of Saudi Arabia and the five
Arab states that border the Persian Gulf, reversed a
longstanding opposition to nuclear power last year.
As the closest U.S. allies in the region and sitting on
vast oil wealth, these states had said they saw no need for
nuclear energy. But Fitzpatrick, as well as other analysts,
say these countries now see their own declarations of nuclear
intent as a way to contain Iran's influence. At least,
experts say, it signals to the U.S. how alarmed they are by a
nuclear Iran.
``The rules have changed on the nuclear subject throughout
the whole region,'' Jordan's King Abdullah, another U.S.
ally, told Israel's Haaretz newspaper early this year.
``Where I think Jordan was saying, `We'd like to have a
nuclear-free zone in the area,' . . . [now] everybody's going
for nuclear programs.''
Though the U.S. has been vociferous in its opposition to
Iran's nuclear bid, particularly since the country says it's
determined to establish its own nuclear fuel cycle, which
would dramatically increase its ability to build a nuclear
bomb, it has generally been tolerant of the nuclear ambitions
of its friends in the region.
``Those states that want to pursue peaceful nuclear energy
. . . [are] not a problem for us,'' State Department
spokesman Sean McCormack said in response to Egyptian
President Hosni Mubarak's announcement on Monday.
Henry Sokolski, executive director of the Nonproliferation
Policy Education Center in Washington and a former Defense
Department official focused on containing the spread of
nuclear weapons, says he finds that hands-off approach of the
Bush administration alarming.
``I think we're trying to put out a fire of proliferation
with a bucket of kerosene,'' he says. He said he recently
spoke with a senior administration official on the matter,
who argued that it was better for the U.S. to cooperate with
Egypt and other countries since, in the official's view,
nuclear power in these countries is ``inevitable'' and it's
better to be in a position to influence their choices and
monitor the process.
Egypt has had an on-again, off-again nuclear program since
the 1950s. In the 1960s, Egypt threatened to develop a bomb
largely out of anger over Israel's nuclear pursuit. Under Mr.
Mubarak, who has ruled since 1981, the country has been
consistent in saying it does not want nuclear weapons, and
Egypt has been at the forefront of diplomatic efforts to
declare the region a nuclear-weapons-free zone--a strategy it
uses to target Israel's nuclear weapons.
Today, the country has a 22-megawatt research reactor north
of Cairo that was built by an Argentine company and completed
in 1997. A drive to develop a power plant in the 1980s
stalled after the Chernobyl nuclear disaster in Russia.
In a nationally televised speech Monday, Mubarak said
nuclear power is an ``integral part of Egypt's national
security'' while also promising that the country would not
seek the bomb. Other Egyptian officials say the country is
planning on having a working reactor within a decade, though
analysts say that's an optimistic time line.
Egypt's nuclear plans have been reinvigorated in recent
years, with Mubarak's son, Gamal, widely seen in Egypt as his
father's favored successor, calling for the building of a
reactor. Mubarak discussed nuclear power cooperation on state
visits to Russia and China last year.
``They feel politically threatened by Iran's nuclear
program, they've pointed out rightly that Israel [hasn't
been] a member of [nonproliferation] treaties for many
years,'' says Jon Wolfsthal, a nonproliferation expert at the
Center for Strategic and International Studies in Washington.
``Of course there is economic logic: If they can sell
whatever oil they have for $93 a barrel instead of using it,
that's attractive . . . but it shouldn't be assumed that it's
all benign.''
For Egypt, the allure of nuclear power is apparent. Its oil
consumption is growing and electricity demand is growing at
about 7 percent a year.
``Egypt can absolutely make a legitimate case for nuclear
energy,'' says Mr. Fitzpatrick. ``Its reserves are dwindling,
it needs the oil and gas for export, and it needs to
diversify its energy resources.''
Even major oil producers such as Saudi Arabia are, along
with Iran, arguing that they need nuclear power. They say
it's better to sell their oil than to burn it at home.
But some analysts argue that nuclear power remains an
economic loser. Mr. Sokolski says that when state subsidies
to nuclear power are removed, nuclear plants are not
economically viable. ``If it was, private banks would be
financing nuclear plants without loan guarantees. They can't
do it and make money yet.''
Of course whenever the topic of nuclear power comes up,
particularly in the Middle East, concerns about the possible
spread of nuclear weapons are not far behind. Experts who
follow the nuclear weapons question say assurances of only
pursuing peaceful objectives, as have been given by all the
countries pursuing nuclear power, Iran included, shouldn't be
taken at face value.
``Although Egypt does not feel directly threatened by Iran,
it does feel its own power and influence in the region
threatened by a resurgent nuclear armed Iran,'' says
Fitzpatrick.
``There are a lot of countries in the region who have
expressed interest in nuclear power, and I think there are
good reasons to be concerned about this interest and the
timing of this interest,'' says Mr. Wolfsthal. ``Nuclear
power has had economic arguments in its favor for a decade,
but the fact is these programs are only coming to a head in
light of the Iranian program.''
Wolfsthal says the key issues in the coming years will be
whether Egypt contracts a turn-key plant from a foreign
company--which would minimize the amount of skill and
technology transferred to Egyptian engineers--or if it will
pursue nuclear partnerships that broaden its knowledge and
skills bases.
Will they pursue their own nuclear fuel cycle, which, he
says, would make little economic sense and would be a clear
``red flag'' of intent to develop a weapon, or will they
buy nuclear fuel from abroad? ``If you are interested in
having the capability of building a nuclear weapon, the best
way to start is by building up your nuclear power
infrastructure,'' he says. ``The same people that help you
design and build nuclear reactors have many of the skill sets
you will need if you are going to build a nuclear weapon.''
Fitzpatrick agrees that if Egypt promises not to develop a
nuclear fuel cycle and would agree to more intrusive
inspections by the International Atomic Energy Agency, there
would be little reason for concern, though he doubts those
commitments will be made. ``Egypt won't take those steps
because it says its hands can't be bound anymore while
Israel's hands are unbound. They already resent the nuclear
asymmetry with Israel, and a nuclear armed Iran on top of
that adds too much for them.''
The conclusion is clear: a nuclear Iran is not acceptable, but a nuclear Israel, a nuclear Egypt, a nuclear India, a nuclear Pakistan, a nuclear Yemen, a nuclear Saudi Arabia and nuclear all the others, well, that's a different story.
There was a time when world leaders hoped for a nuclear-free zone in the Middle East. Instead, while we try to shoot our way to peace in Iraq, other world leaders are watching the creation of a nuclear excess zone in the Middle East. We threaten Iran, while we encourage the others.
The President has used two terms to implement a nuclear double standard. Today's U.S. friends can have nuclear power because they really only intend to use it for power generation. But today's U.S. foes must be stopped from acquiring nuclear power because they might use it in a bad way.
Today's friend is the President's standard for supporting the proliferation of nuclear capacity in the world.
Timing is everything. Not many years ago, Iran was our friend. Under the Shah of Iran, maybe they should have started their nuclear work sooner because that would have met the President's definition for a nation deserving of nuclear power.
But let's not forget Rumsfeld's meeting with Saddam. He may not have been our friend that day, but we sure acted like it.
Today Pakistan is in political crisis. And we know they have nuclear weapons, not just nuclear power. What will the President do about it? His State Department spokesman said the other day the administration doesn't have a problem with nations developing peaceful nuclear energy. That's diplomatic-speak for today's U.S. friends get to develop nuclear energy, while today's U.S. foes get threatened with bunker-buster bombs. The administration has been drumbeating for months against Iran, but how much have we heard about the other 13 nations who intend to develop nuclear capacity?
A double standard is no standard at all. And history shows that in the Middle East, today's friend can be tomorrow's foe. What kind of policy is that?
The President has destroyed the philosophy, the practicality, and the prudence of the nuclear nonproliferation treaty. Instead he has embarked on a new policy that will guarantee, that will guarantee, that we live in a much more dangerous world.
So much for security from this administration.