Mr. Speaker, I rise today to recognize a recent contribution of Mr. Quin Hillyer, editorial writer for the Mobile Register. As many in this chamber are aware, former Alabama Attorney General and current 11th Circuit Court of Appeals Judge…
Mr. Speaker, I rise today to recognize a recent contribution of Mr. Quin Hillyer, editorial writer for the Mobile Register.
As many in this chamber are aware, former Alabama Attorney General and current 11th Circuit Court of Appeals Judge William Pryor has faced numerous difficulties with his nomination to a full-time position on that court by the President. As I speak today, it is my understanding that Judge Pryor's nomination to a lifetime appointment will again come up for consideration within the next few months.
During introductory remarks I delivered at the original confirmation hearing for then-Attorney General Pryor, I stated that he has earned the political respect of many, including his political foes. He has consistently sided with constitutional precedent in making his decisions, and throughout his career he has received very high ratings for his legal ability and very high ethical standards. Judge Pryor has received the backing and strong support for a lifetime appointment to the 11th Circuit from men and women from all across Alabama's political spectrum.
Mr. Speaker, I am hopeful Judge Pryor will receive a favorable and impartial decision on the matter of a permanent appointment to the 11th Circuit Court of Appeals, and I would encourage those involved in that process to take a fair and unbiased look at his record. To that end, Mr. Hillyer has written what I feel is a very impassioned and well- reasoned argument for why Judge Pryor should receive this appointment. This article appeared in the Wall Street Journal on March 3, 2005, and I ask my colleagues to carefully consider the comments he makes here.
Cross Country: Pryor Impressions
(By Quin Hillyer, Mobile Register)
If judicial nominations represent the spear-point of all of
the partisan battles in Washington, former Alabama Attorney
General Bill Pryor is the poison on the spear. Judge Pryor,
whose renomination to the 11th Circuit Court of Appeals could
get a Senate hearing as early as March 9, has become a folk
hero to conservatives nationwide while
drawing fierce denunciations from liberal editorial pages.
Come to Alabama, though, and the cognoscenti from all shades
of the political spectrum find the controversy badly
misguided.
Here, the Republican Pryor--at age 42, now serving a mere
temporary appointment to the 11th Circuit--is the darling not
just of right-leaning editorial boards. He enjoys near-
universal support even from newspapers that endorsed Al Gore
and John Kerry, from elected officials both Democrat and
Republican, black and white--and even from the Democrat who
Mr. Pryor defeated for attorney general.
The liberal Anniston Star, for instance, in the same
editorial that urges filibusters against most of President
Bush's nominees, writes that ``Pryor, who possesses a
brilliant legal mind, cannot be so easily dismissed. . . .
Pryor has been proven capable of setting aside his ideology
when it matters most. . . . [He] helped shut down [Alabama
Chief Justice Roy Moore's Ten Commandments] sideshow and, in
the process, displayed personal courage. That alone ought to
convince Democrats currently blocking a vote on Pryor to give
him a chance.''
Why do Alabamians so strongly back Judge Pryor? Because
they've seen him in action defending Democratic lawmakers
against Republican lawsuits, defying the Republican governor
(Fob James) who appointed him, and spending countless hours
establishing a youth mentorship program through the attorney
general's office. They know him, up close, as a man of
integrity and compassion.
National critics have gone to prodigious lengths to muddy
that home-state record. Unfairly so. Consider that critics
have accused Judge Pryor of being insensitive to women
because he successfully argued against one small portion of
the Violence Against Women Act. But Judge Pryor's
constitutional point was virtually incontrovertible, namely
that rape doesn't qualify as ``interstate commerce.'' His
goal was to keep authority for prosecuting rapes in state
courts, where (in Alabama at least) the juries are likely to
be harder on rapists than elsewhere. Meanwhile, he has been
praised throughout Alabama by groups that aid victims of
domestic violence. Mobile's Penelope House women's shelter
even named him to its Law Enforcement Hall of Fame.
The story is similar on every issue on which he has been
criticized. Somebody served Sen. Dianne Feinstein poorly, for
example, when providing her a quote from Judge Pryor that
made it sound like he advocated the Christianization of
government. But the quote came from a speech to his alma
mater--McGill-Toolen Catholic High School, in Mobile--the
point of which was not that the government should be
Christian but that Catholics have a duty to be good citizens.
(As it turned out, he was citing St. Thomas Aquinas, hardly a
great threat to the American order.)
Critics have also accused him of race-based opposition to
one portion of the Voting Rights Act. Why, then, is Judge
Pryor supported by Alabama's lone black, Democratic
congressman, and by its two most prominent black, Democratic
legislators, and by its black Democratic National
Committeeman? And on the case in question, Judge Pryor was
backed by Georgia's black, Democratic AG, Thurbert Baker, who
also endorsed Bill Pryor's judicial nomination.
Obviously, there is a disconnect between the interest-group
and liberal-media assumption that Southern conservatives,
especially Alabama ones, likely have racist tendencies, and
the obvious reality of Judge Pryor's genuinely warm
relationships with so many of Alabama's black leaders. Part
of the explanation lies in the fact that Alabama has indeed
come a long way since Bull Connor. Also important is that
Judge Pryor's native Mobile, especially its old-line Catholic
sector in which he grew up, handled civil rights with far
more aplomb than Bull Connor's Birmingham--and with virtually
no violence. Early on, then-Mayor Joseph Langan peacefully
integrated the city's bus lines. And Bill Pryor's own high
school, where his father was band director, integrated
comfortably in the '60s, well before he matriculated.
Judge Pryor would say, correctly, that his jurisprudence
aims at helping neither victims nor powerful interests, but
merely at following precedent and the Constitution. In his
closing arguments against the judicial vigilantism of
Alabama's then-Chief Justice Roy Moore, he said: ``In our
system, a judge must follow the final decision of other
judges, even when he is convinced they're wrong. . . . The
answer this court must provide to every judge in Alabama is
that no judge is above the law.''
That's why, against his own personal predilections, he
refused, as attorney general, to enforce part of a new state
law against partial birth abortions: because that section
contradicted clear U.S. Supreme Court precedent. That's why,
against his own predilections, he enforced the very portion
of the Voting Rights Act that he and his Georgia Democratic
counterpart opposed. And that's why the leader of Alabama's
top black, Democratic organization endorsed him as a judge
who ``will uphold the law without fear or favor,'' while
former Democratic AG Bill Baxley said Judge Pryor always acts
``without race, gender, age, political power, wealth,
community standing, or any other competing interest affecting
his judgment.''
Yes, we in Alabama proudly support Bill Pryor. His career--
as public intellectual, successful prosecutor, cultural-
bridge-builder and man of conscience even at his own
political peril--represents many of the traits the national
media has always said Alabama lacks. Until he came along, our
most famous exemplar of such character was the fictional
Atticus Finch. Now that we can offer a real-life Atticus,
we're more than a little angry that the Washington elites
want to reject him.