Mr. Chairman, I rise to oppose the amendment. Mr. Chairman, I yield myself such time as I may consume. With all due respect to the gentleman, and I do respect this gentleman, I believe this is an unnecessary amendment. The Congress cannot…
Mr. Chairman, I rise to oppose the amendment.
Mr. Chairman, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
With all due respect to the gentleman, and I do respect this gentleman, I believe this is an unnecessary amendment. The Congress cannot and should not abdicate its responsibility to review individual programs and make individual recommendations based on that review. The desire to hold spending in check should be based on congressional oversight of specific programs. We should not take a ``meat axe'' approach nor should we yield our power to the executive branch, and so, therefore, I urge a ``no'' vote on this amendment.
Mr. Chairman, I yield back my time.
Mr. Chairman, I demand a recorded vote.
Mr. Chairman, will the gentleman yield?
Mr. Chairman, I am willing to accept the gentleman's amendment.
Mr. Chairman, I rise to oppose the amendment.
Mr. Chairman, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
I know the gentleman has an honest appeal here in terms of doing what is best for his district, but here is the problem, and we are running into this problem consistently. We ran into it yesterday. More and more people are looking for a source of money, a piggy bank, if you will, and the IRS seems to be one of those targets.
What I would say is that with this money that he is choosing to take, he would subsidize the relocation of rail for private rail companies. This gentleman's amendment proposes to fund these subsidies by taking critical funding from the Treasury. As I mentioned, we have been hit again and again, and it seems as though they are going after the salaries and expenses side of the budget. Pretty soon, you weaken that organization to a point that they cannot do their job. We need to obviously be able to collect and deposit revenues into the Treasury. That is one of their major roles.
This amendment cuts the Treasury's departmental offices by $10 million. That is salaries, that is people, that is personnel that they need. This would significantly damage U.S. global economic and national security interests and cripple the Treasury's ability to fight the financial war on terror, and some of that money may have come out of that. We do not need to go there. We do not need to malign the money that is being used to fight the war on terror.
This amendment also cuts the IRS' business systems modernization program by $20 million, ``BSM'' as it is commonly called. While it appears to some that this account is $45 million above the President's request, it is actually just a restructuring of the IRS accounts. In fact, BSM is currently funded at the request level, which is already $30 million below last year's level. Cutting this $20 million will force IRS to lay off many of the 317 personnel who are currently working on the BSM project, delaying all work on the modernization of the IRS legacy systems.
So it may seem harmless to take $20 million here and $10 million there, but pretty soon, you rob Peter to put something in Paul's lap. Unfortunately, this leaves us at odds with how we balance the entire bill in the end. We have to have money for this organization, the IRS, and the many areas in which they work. The most recent one added was the involvement in terrorism.
So I would strongly object to the gentleman's amendment on that basis, I understand this is a program that he is very fond of and certainly favorable to, and there are a number of people from Illinois that I believe are on the same side. However, I must object, and I must oppose the amendment. I just wanted to add one other point.
Mr. Chairman, I reserve the balance of my time.
Mr. Chairman, I reserve the balance of my time.
Mr. Chairman, I yield 2 minutes to the gentleman from Massachusetts, the ranking member (Mr. Olver).
Mr. Chairman, I move to strike the last word, and I would like to yield to the gentleman from Virginia.
Reclaiming my time, I appreciate the gentleman's interest on this and other important issues addressed in the appropriations bill, and I would be happy to work with the chairman, Chairman Davis, as this legislation moves on to conference.
As the gentleman noted, funds are tight in the current budget climate, and we were unable to provide funding for all the new initiatives proposed this year. But as a Member of Congress and a Federal employee, I understand the importance of modernizing the Federal Government's retirement systems and look forward to working with Chairman Davis as we move forward.
Mr. Chairman, I claim the time in opposition.
Mr. Chairman, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
First, let me state that of course I do not condone companies relocating for tax purposes overseas. But I oppose the gentlewoman's amendment because I think it is a bad policy, and I will explain.
From a taxation point of view, this language is not necessary. Congress addressed the issue of corporate inversions in the Jobs Creation Act of 2004. The JOBS Act added a new section to the Tax Code which treats U.S. companies that complete a corporate inversion transaction after March 4, 2003 as domestic U.S. corporations for tax purposes.
Second, Congress addressed the issue of corporate inversions by enacting a contracting ban which is still in effect today. Given these two congressional actions, I don't see the need to further punish the people who work in the U.S. for these affected companies.
Companies registered offshore employ hundreds of thousands of U.S. workers, a fact that I believe is lost in these debates. It is easy for Members to vote for amendments such as these until they realize that constituents in their own districts are employed by these very firms and depend upon these firms for a paycheck.
Additionally, I am opposed to the amendment because the U.S. Government enters into billions of dollars' worth of contracts with private sector companies each year. As a proponent of good government, it is essential that competition for these contracts be allowed to go to the company that is the most effective and the most cost efficient.
Agencies under the jurisdiction of this act that would be affected include numerous safety agencies related to aviation and transportation, and they would not have access to many of the best products available ranging from security software, thermal imaging devices, handsets and engineer and data services for critical infrastructure.
This amendment is not necessary. It makes government contracts less effective by restricting competition, and it hurts U.S. workers. I urge my colleagues to vote ``no.''
Mr. Chairman, I yield the balance of my time to Chairman Davis from Virginia.
Mr. Chairman, I move to strike the last word.
I yield to my friend, Chairman Davis.
Mr. Chairman, will the gentleman yield?
I would be happy to accept your amendment.
Mr. Chairman, I ask unanimous consent that all of the gentleman's amendments be read.
Mr. Chairman, I rise to oppose the amendment.
Mr. Chairman, economic development initiatives, EDI grants, are targeted grants designed to address local economic development needs. As representatives of these communities, it is our responsibility to ensure that these needs when present are addressed.
While I appreciate the gentleman's efforts, I cannot help but feel they would be better directed at real earmark reform, including authorizing bills, not the meaningless attack on an individual project.
I urge a ``no'' on this amendment.
Mr. Chairman, I yield 4 minutes to the gentleman from Mississippi (Mr. Wicker).
Mr. Chairman, I have made my comments pretty clearly. I oppose the amendment. I believe that Mr. Wicker spoke eloquently. I also think that Mr. Olver made it pretty clear that this is not the resolution that we would look for on this particular situation.
Mr. Chairman, I oppose the amendment. I urge a ``no'' vote.
Mr. Chairman, I yield back the balance of my time.
Mr. Chairman, I rise in opposition to the amendment.
Mr. Chairman, every one of these projects relative to the gentleman's comments, must relate to the eligibility of the CDBG program. Every single one. We don't waive the requirements.
In fact, to show how worthwhile we think these projects are, for the very first time this year the committee is imposing a 40 percent match for each of these projects. We think that each EDI is so meritorious that with just a little bit of CDBG seed money, these organizations and cities will be able to leverage other funds for the same goal. They do, and it does work.
Mr. Chairman, I reserve the balance of my time.
Mr. Chairman, I yield back the balance of my time.
To oppose the amendment.
Mr. Chairman, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
The Transportation, Community and System Preservation program is authorized to fund a wide variety of transportation projects that improve the efficiency of the transportation system in the U.S., reduce the impact of transportation on the environment, and other purposes.
The purpose of this project, and soon I will yield to Mr. Walsh, in question is to rehabilitate several roads in Monroe County, New York to bring them up to acceptable standards and improve safety. These are eligible activities for the program, as defined in law.
Mr. Chairman, I yield as much time as he may consume to the gentleman from New York (Mr. Walsh).
Mr. Chairman, I yield back the balance of my time.
Mr. Chairman, I move to strike the last word, and I yield such time as he may consume to the gentleman from Texas (Mr. Bonilla).
Mr. Chairman, I rise in opposition to the amendment.
Mr. Chairman, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
The gentleman claims this money should remain apparently in the hands of the bureaucrats downtown, and I would ask him what do bureaucrats know about economic development or constituent needs in Arizona or Detroit or Yucaipa, California? The gentleman from Yucaipa, California, has already spoken eloquently on the needs of the constituents in the City of Yucaipa.
I urge a ``no'' vote, and I reserve the balance of my time.
Mr. Chairman, I yield back the balance of my time.
Mr. Chairman, I rise in opposition to the amendment.
Mr. Chairman, I yield 3 minutes to the gentleman from New York (Mr. McHugh).
Mr. Chairman, I yield 2 minutes to the gentleman from New York (Mr. Sweeney).
Mr. Chairman, I reserve a point of order against the gentleman's amendment.
Mr. Chairman, I rise in opposition to the amendment.
The location of a TRACON has absolutely no effect on controllers' ability to manage aircraft or the capacity or capabilities of any airport. This is because TRACON controllers do not have to have visual contact with aircraft as today's radar technology allows it to see the aircraft.
I understand that the gentleman is concerned about the complexity of the airspace in south Florida and the risk of hurricanes and terrorist attack on south Florida.
The fact is the busiest airspace in America is in New York, Chicago and Atlanta, served by TRACONs located off the airport site that have been consolidated with other facilities.
Although I agree that the airspace in south Florida is complex, the New York airspace, with three major airports located within 10 miles of Manhattan, is far more complex than south Florida. And any one of the three major New York airports serves more traffic than all of the Miami area airports. However, a total of 15 airports in this area receive services from a single TRACON located on Long Island.
Consolidation would not affect continuity of operations during a terrorist attack or during a catastrophic hurricane. There are contingency plans in place to respond to such situations. The backup for the Miami, West Palm Beach facilities is a Miami en route control facility. In fact, the colocation of the West Palm Beach TRACON to Miami actually reduces the risk that a storm could disrupt service. This is because the Miami TRACON is built to withstand a Category 5 hurricane, unlike the West Palm Beach TRACON.
Just a couple of examples of consolidated TRACONs. A single TRACON on Long Island serves 15 airports, including LaGuardia, Newark and JFK and the most complex airspace in America.
The Potomac TRACON serves 10 airports. Five different TRACONs were consolidated in one facility in Warrenton, Virginia. The FAA also operates TRACONs in southern California that include 22 airports and extend from San Diego to LAX, and a northern California TRACON that serves 21 airports.
The fact is we do not have TRACONs at every airport and we don't need them at every airport, not with the technology that we have. We do not need all the TRACONs that exist today.
FAA's only mission is to ensure safety, and there is absolutely no safety issue associated with consolidating these TRACONs.
I urge a ``no'' vote on the amendment.
I yield the balance of my time to my friend from Florida (Mr. Mica).
Mr. Chairman, I rise to claim the time in opposition to the amendment.
Mr. Chairman, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
I rise in strong opposition to the language amendment overturning a HUD regulation concerning the number of units that are placed under lease.
The provision would allow the PHA to essentially create more vouchers for the program than the 2 million vouchers that exist currently. Today the program and the cost of the program is based on the number of units under lease.
If public housing or project-based section 8 units are being demolished, the additional vouchers provided are only for the units actually occupied prior to demolition. The department budgets each year for the number of occupied units it expects to convert from public housing units to vouchers.
Units that are not occupied now are not provided a voucher, since the program only provides a subsidy for those families that are currently receiving a subsidy in public housing.
To provide PHAs with the authority to create vouchers where there are no tenants to protect is simply a back-door way of creating new vouchers for the program. This cost is not budgeted for in this bill and would be significant.
Approximately 38,000 units in public housing and project-based section 8 are assumed to be demolished in 2007. Of this number, 21,000 are occupied and eligible for a voucher. The cost of these tenant protection vouchers would be $149 million. That is provided for in this bill. If vouchers were made available to those 17,000 units not occupied, as well as those already budgeted for, the costs will skyrocket in 2007 by an additional $122 million and increase every year thereafter.
Mr. Chairman, I reserve the balance of my time.
Mr. Chairman, I yield 2 minutes to the gentlewoman from Kentucky (Mrs. Northup).
Mr. Chairman, I reserve the balance of my time.
I understand that you must have a speaker that wishes to speak at this moment?
Mr. Chairman, let me just say that one thing I don't quite understand about what is taking place here, but I want to get to the bottom of it. Having to provide a subsidy for empty units, and that is what you are doing, with a budget that only assumes least unit cost or least unit risks being unable to assist real families, this will, I think, unfairly, shift section 8 dollars to certain regions of the country for what are now vacant units. And this would be to the detriment of the distribution of those funds.
I reserve the balance of my time.
Mr. Chairman, at the end of the day, this creates an entitlement for vacant units. These funds are for tenant protection, not unit protection.
I yield back the balance of my time.
Mr. Chairman, I rise in opposition to the amendment.
Mr. Chairman, let me try to clarify a few things. First, there are no safety or security impacts associated with the proposed rule on foreign investment. In fact, this rule does not change the statutory requirements that limit foreign investment in the U.S. airlines.
For example, U.S. airlines will still be U.S. airlines. U.S. citizens must be in actual control of the airline. U.S. citizens must own 75 percent of the voting stock. U.S. citizens must comprise two-thirds of board membership.
The proposed rule explicitly walls off any foreign investment proposal that would affect safety, security or defense in any way, including any impact of the Civil Reserve Air Fleet, or CRAF program. No foreign investors will have a say when it comes to safety, security or national defense.
In addition, any control afforded to a foreign investor, such as marketing or product quality, can be revoked at any time.
Further, in response to concerns raised within the last several months,
DOT met with General Schwartz, Commander of USTRANSCOM and Robert Jamison, Deputy Administrator of TSA, to double check, I should say to triple check that these agencies have absolutely no safety or security concerns regarding the proposed rule. They did not. The rule itself will strengthen the airline industry in the U.S. The industry will be able to attract additional capital to improve their financial position. Some have indicated that the rule will result in fewer jobs. This makes no sense at all. Strong U.S. airlines result in a stronger aviation community that is ready, willing and able to hire more people, more pilots, more flight attendants, more mechanics.
Further, any open skies agreement between the U.S. and the European Union is predicated on this more modern investment rule. The rule, coupled with a U.S.-EU open skies agreement, will preserve and create new U.S. jobs and expand markets. It will increase the number of international flights operated by U.S. carriers and increase the number of foreign travelers to the U.S. It will also increase service to small and medium cities. This is because international markets must be supported by the robust feed traffic from the non-hub markets.
I am for a strong competitive industry that creates new American jobs, ensures better service, and is a boon for the economy, all without weakening security.
I urge a ``no'' on this amendment.
I reserve the balance of my time.
Mr. Chairman, I now yield the remaining time in my allotment to the gentleman from Florida (Mr. Mica).
Mr. Chairman, I move to strike the last word.
Mr. Chairman, I just want to cover a couple of points. This protectionist amendment is an enormous step backward for the U.S. airline industry. It denies U.S. airlines the ability to compete with the European carriers on a level playing field. It stops the Department of Transportation from modernizing rules governing investment in U.S. airlines.
The DOT rule does not relax congressionally set limits on foreign investment in the U.S. airlines. U.S. citizens must still control, as I mentioned, 75 percent of U.S. airlines voting stock and comprise 66 percent of their board of directors.
The DOT rule safeguards U.S. airline security and safety. It strictly prohibits any foreign influence over security, safety, or the civil reserve air fleet, or CRAF, program.
The DOT rule will create new U.S. jobs and improve service to small- and medium-sized communities. Further delay and opposition to the DOT rule is a blatant attempt to kill U.S./EU. open skies. Eight months is enough time for review.
At this point I would like to yield to the gentleman from Florida (Mr. Mica) for any comments he might wish to make.
Mr. Chairman, very briefly, this rule just came in today, and I think everybody is aware of this. The administration understands that an amendment may be offered today to prohibit the use of funds to implement a final rule regarding the foreign investment in U.S. airlines. The proposed rule would facilitate a landmark agreement with the EU that would provide significant benefits to consumers as well as the domestic passenger and cargo airline industry. The administration has worked with Congress to address these concerns with the final rule and recently extended the final comment period by an additional 60 days. The administration, as you must know, strongly opposes any amendment that would prevent the Department of Transportation from finalizing its rule.
Mr. Chairman, at this time I yield to the gentleman from Georgia.
Mr. Chairman, I move to strike the last word, and I yield to the gentleman from Florida (Mr. Lincoln Diaz-Balart).
I yield to the gentleman from Florida.
Mr. Chairman, I move to strike the last word, and I yield to the gentleman from Florida (Mr. Lincoln Diaz-Balart).
Mr. Chairman, will the gentleman yield?
I am very willing to accept the amendment. I think it is a good amendment.
Mr. Chairman, I reserve a point of order on the gentlewoman's amendment.
My understanding is that the gentlewoman is willing to withdraw the amendment, presuming I will work with you?
If you withdraw the amendment, I am prepared to work with you any way that I can, but the amendment would have to be withdrawn, so I am just asking for a guarantee that the amendment will be withdrawn.
Well, it states it in reverse, and that is my question. I thank you for the layout of the information here. You certainly raise an important issue, and I pledge to explore the issue with you further.
Mr. Chairman, I reserve a point of order on the gentleman's amendment.
Mr. Chairman, I make a point of order against the amendment because it proposes to change existing law and constitutes legislation in an appropriation bill and, therefore, violates clause 2 of rule XXI.
The rule states, in pertinent part, an amendment to a general appropriation bill shall not be in order if changing existing law. The amendment imposes additional duties. I ask now for a ruling from the Chair. I think that would be the appropriate step.
Mr. Chairman, I reserve a point of order on the gentleman's amendment.
Mr. Chairman, I make a point of order against the amendment because it proposes to change existing law and constitutes legislation in an appropriations bill. Therefore it violates clause 2 of rule XXI.
The rule states, in pertinent part, an amendment to a general appropriations bill shall not be in order if it is changing existing law. The amendment proposes to state a legislative position. And so I ask for a ruling from the Chair.
Mr. Chairman, I submit the following for the Record:
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Mr. Chairman, I move that the committee do now rise and report the bill back to the House with sundry amendments, with the recommendation that the amendments be agreed to and that the bill, as amended, do pass.