Floor Statements

Madam Speaker, let me thank my colleague from California for yielding.

I rise today in opposition to this bill, frankly because of my strong support for the SCHIP program.

In 1997, Republicans here in Congress worked with our Democrat colleagues to create the State Children's Health Insurance Program. I was there, and many of you were here as well. And throughout that process it was bipartisan, it was fair, and open discussion and open debate. And unfortunately today, the voices of millions of Americans who want to provide input into this proposal have been silenced in the process.

Earlier this week, I wrote to Speaker Pelosi and President-elect Obama expressing our willingness to work together on this critical issue. We outlined our principles for this program's reauthorization. The principles are nothing new. In fact, they're the same principles that led to the creation of SCHIP in 1997.

And they are this: This program ought to cover poor children first. Unfortunately in many States, more than two-thirds of those enrolled in the SCHIP program are adults. And there is nothing in this bill that really does ensure that poor children will be brought into the program first.

Secondly, taxpayer funds for this program should not be used to fund benefits for illegal immigrants. And there's been this big debate about whether it does or it doesn't, but the fact is that while the bill says we will not cover illegal immigrants in this bill, the whole verification process that should be in here to ensure that only American citizens and legal residents are entitled to these benefits, no verification to speak of is contained in the bill.

And we also believe that SCHIP should not force children with private insurance into a State-run health insurance program. Last year in this proposal, there was language that made it clear that children with a private health insurance program, that they should stay in that private program and not be pushed into the State-run program. Unfortunately, the bill before us does not reflect these principles, the same ones that have guided this program since its creation.

I believe that the bill before us would undermine the original intent of the SCHIP program by expanding the program to adults, illegal immigrants, and upper-income families who already have access to private health insurance.

I think taxpayers deserve better, and, more importantly, our Nation's children deserve better. That's why today Republicans will offer a better way.

I said on the opening day, when I gave the gavel to Ms. Pelosi, that Republicans would not just be the party of ``no,'' that we would come to this floor with better solutions. And the better solution that we will offer here soon is a program that would reauthorize SCHIP for 7 years, not the 4\1/2\ years that we see in the majority's bill; it will reflect our principles, and make it clear that poor children should be covered first; and it will fully fund the SCHIP program without raising taxes on American families across our country.

Madam Speaker, Federal funds targeted for low-income children should benefit low-income children, period. Only one measure on the floor today will serve those children's interests, and that's what the motion to recommit will contain. So I would urge my colleagues to vote ``yes'' on the motion to recommit and ``no'' on the underlying bill.

Madam Speaker, your committee appointed on the part of the House to join a like committee on the part of the Senate to notify the President of the United States that a quorum of each House has been assembled and is ready to receive any communication that he may be pleased to make has performed that duty.

Madam Speaker, Leader Hoyer, fellow Members, and a special welcome to our new Members and their families and friends who are here today.

We begin this new Congress at a great time of challenge for the American people. This winter, working families are struggling to pay their bills and keep their homes; small businesses are being forced to choose between cutting jobs and closing their doors; health costs are rising; college savings funds and 401(k)s have declined in value substantially; parents are deeply worried about their children's future.

I think it's a time of anxiety for millions of Americans, some of whom face economic challenges not seen in this country for generations. When things are at their worst for the American people, we owe them our best. This Congress must rise to the occasion.

Two weeks from today, we will inaugurate a new President. President- elect Obama has expressed a desire to govern from the center and put the needs of our country first. I think all of you know Washington is a difficult town, and it won't always be easy for him to do these things. But when our new President extends his hand across the aisle to do what is right for our country, Republicans will extend ours in return.

During the 111th Congress, Republicans will strive not to be the party of opposition, but the party of better solutions.

President-elect Obama's calls for inclusiveness are already being put to the test. He's called on Congress to move quickly and in a bipartisan fashion on legislation to help our economy. And at this time of economic anxiety, the American people deserve open debate and transparency in their Congress--a key ingredient needed to produce good legislation. And my hope is we will adopt a Rules package for the new Congress that encourages transparency and debate and helps ensure our institution is accountable to the people it serves.

Our Nation has faced adversity before, and we have never failed to meet the challenge. This is because America is a land of limitless potential, and when we harness the will of the American people, commit ourselves to making the most of the blessings God has bestowed on this great country, and bring all of these gifts to bear on a common goal, there is no obstacle that we cannot overcome.

America's potential is unlimited, but government's potential is not. And we must not confuse the two.

We can't simply spend our way back to prosperity. Our responsibilities as elected leaders in a flagging economy is to craft policies that allow our country's potential to be unleashed. America runs on freedom. It's the fuel of our economy, and it is the fuel of our democracy. The more we spend and the more we tax, the less freedom we will have left.

So we need to take responsible action together to help put our economy back on a path toward prosperity. The months ahead can be a time of hope and renewal in America. The American people are giving their best. Here in Congress, we need to do the same.

Madam Speaker, as we start the new Congress, we stand ready to work with you and your fellow Democrats for genuine solutions, for real reforms that put the needs of our country first and bring the blessings of liberty fully to bear on the challenges the American people face.

In that spirit, it is my privilege to present to you the gavel of the 111th Congress.

Mr. Speaker, I rise today to honor the service of Congressman Terry Everett, who has proudly represented ``Alabama's Second Congressional District for eight terms. His work on the Armed Services Committee, where he is the Ranking Republican of the Subcommittee on Strategic Forces, has been integral to our national security. Over the last 5 years, Mr. Everett has had oversight responsibility for $150 billion in defense funds for our country's missile defense, military space and our critical nuclear energy programs. He has led efforts to make Congress and the American people aware of our reliance on space for both military and civilian satellites for our national defense, communications and even financial transactions. He has been on the front lines of warning us about our vulnerabilities and the need for constant improvement in our ability to defend and protect ourselves.

Congressman Everett has been a tremendous friend to our Nation's veterans, who selflessly served to protect our freedoms. Among the honor afforded our veterans is the choice to be buried in the hallowed ground of Arlington National Cemetery. In 1997, Mr. Everett was given the prestigious ``Excellence in Programmatic Oversight'' by House Republicans for investigating Arlington National Cemetery burial waivers that were being given to people who had not served in our military.

Mr. Everett has been a watchdog on behalf of those who have served our Nation, holding the Veterans' Administration accountable for timely and quality delivery of benefits and health care for our veterans', including investigating concerns about the care quality and administrative problems within the Central Alabama Veterans Health Care System with hospitals in Montgomery and Tuskegee, AL. Thanks to his efforts, those hospitals implemented much-needed health care and safety improvements.

Congressman Everett has also been a friend to American farmers, having served on the Committee on Agriculture and fought for the interests of American agriculture, which has a $1 billion impact on the region he represents.

Congressman Everett served as an intelligence specialist in Europe with the Air Force, which served him well later in life when he was appointed to the House Permanent Select Committee on Intelligence. He also worked as a newspaper reporter, writing at first about agriculture and public safety. He spent three decades in journalism, moving from reporter to editor to publisher to the top of the top of the ladder as owner of a chain of newspapers in the Southeast.

I thank Congressman Everett not just for his service to the people of Alabama's Second Congressional District, but for his commitment to ensuring the safety and protection of our Nation. He has been a forceful voice for reform to improve the care for our veterans and has worked hard for our farmers.

Mr. Everett's retirement is a great loss for this House. I wish him the very best of luck as he begins the next chapter in what has been a lifetime of service to his community and his country.

Let me thank my colleague for yielding and thank him for his work and thank the work of Mr. Frank, the chairman of the Financial Services Committee, and Members on both sides of the aisle who have worked together to bring us to this point.

We all know that we are in the midst of a financial crisis, and we all know that this crisis is about our neighbors. It's about our small businesses. It's about retirees whose savings are on the line. It's about the American people and their jobs. And we know that if we do nothing, this crisis is likely to worsen and to put us into an economic slump like most of us have never seen.

We've come together on a bill that is a much better bill than it was when it started. It isn't the bill that I would write. It's not the bill that any of you would write because this bill was done in a bipartisan way, where Members on both sides of the aisle came together, worked together to build a product that we thought would help avert this crisis. It certainly has grown in size, but to do nothing, in my view, is not an option.

The consequences of us not acting are overwhelming, and so I do believe that it's our responsibility to act. The American people sent us here to do our jobs on their behalf. They're counting on us.

I know that some of you will disagree with the bill that we have before us, and I understand and respect those views. But while we have an imperfect product, we have a responsibility to act and to act in a way that we will do our best on behalf of our constituents.

I have talked to a lot of Members on both sides of the aisle who were stuck in really difficult elections, and doing this bill in the middle of an election is complicated enough. And I've had Members worried about how this is going to affect their election. I told them that whether you vote ``yes'' or you vote ``no,'' you've got to go home and defend this. And it's a lot easier to defend your vote if you, in your own mind, will just do the right thing.

I'm going to vote for this bill today because I think it's in the best interests of the American people. That's what they sent us here to do, and that's what I'm going to do.

Above the Speaker's rostrum is our motto: ``In God We Trust.'' This is probably one of the most serious votes that any of us will ever cast. I've said my prayers this morning, like I do

every morning, so that I can understand and feel better about the vote that I cast. But even if we pass this bill today, let's not kid ourselves. We're in the midst of a recession. It is going to be a rough ride, but it will be a whole lot rougher ride if we don't pass this bill.

But I will say to all of you, when this bill passes today, remember those words, ``In God We Trust,'' because we're going to need His help.

I rise today to pay tribute to three of my fellow Ohioans who are retiring at the end of the 110th Congress--Deborah Pryce, Dave Hobson, and Ralph Regula. All three are true public servants who have dedicated their lives to serving their constituents, Ohio, and this great Nation. This institution will miss their experience, their advocacy for critical issues, and their ability to get the job done.

Deborah Pryce first served as a judge before being elected to Congress in 1992. She has ably served in critical positions in the House--on the Rules Committee and on the Financial Services Committee. She helped guide our Republican Conference as chairwoman. Deborah has been a tireless advocate for children and cancer research, and our country is better for her efforts. Congresswoman Deborah Pryce also has been a fighter for working families. As the mother of a young child, she understands the challenges working families--especially single mothers--face. Deborah has sacrificed more for this job than most others, and remained committed to her constituents despite personal heartache. I have seen her grow and learn more in her job than any other Member and I am proud to call her my friend.

Dave Hobson and I started our careers in Congress at the same time. Previously, we served together in the Ohio General Assembly. ``Uncle Dave,'' as many call him, may not agree with your position, but he has always been willing to give you advice on how to accomplish your goal. One thing that I always admired about Congressman Hobson is his ability to find himself in the middle of whatever was going On. Like me, he's a former businessman. This background has been a genuine asset and translates well to a legislative environment as it has helped him know how to broker a deal.

My constituents will perhaps feel Congressman Hobson's retirement the most, as our districts adjoin each other and we worked very closely together over the years on issues affecting Wright Patterson Air Force Base. Dave has a real heart for our men and women in military service. He was one of our first appropriators to take up the cause of overseas military housing. He was well suited to do this because he lived in it when deployed overseas during the Berlin Wall Crisis as a member of the Ohio Air National Guard.

Ralph Regula--the dean of the Ohio delegation--has served in Congress with distinction for 36 years. As a respected cardinal on the Appropriations Committee, he chaired the Interior Subcommittee for 6 years. Subsequently, he served as chairman of the Labor, Health and Human Services, and Education Subcommittee. During this time I served as chairman of the House Education and the Workforce Committee. Early in my tenure as chairman, Congress passed the No Child Left Behind Act to help ensure that all children have the opportunity for a quality education. Ralph worked to ensure adequate funding for critical education priorities and our children and youth are better for it. He is a true gentleman and I am pleased to have worked closely with him.

Ohio's delegation enjoys a close relationship. We're like a family-- we don't always see eye-to-eye but at the end of the day, we've always been able to work through our differences and work for what's best for Ohio. One thing is clear about Ralph, Dave, and Deborah. Members on both sides of the aisle respect their integrity and no one has doubted where hearts are--with their constituents, the great State of Ohio, and their country. I will miss their congeniality and thank them for their leadership and service. I wish Ralph and his wife Mary, Dave and his wife Carolyn, and Deborah and her daughter Mia the very best in the next stage of their lives.

Let me thank my colleague from Alabama for yielding and thank him for his words.

The gentleman, along with the chairman, have been through a tough period. And it's not just been the last week or 11 days; it's been really over the last year. And I want to thank both of them for their good work.

You know, the American people are angry, angry that this is happening to them, angry about their future. They're scared. And there isn't a Member in this room that isn't as angry as they are and not a Member in this room that isn't just as scared about where we are.

I've been here for a long time, a lot of you have been here for a long time; and we've cast a lot of tough votes along the way. I don't know that they get much tougher than this because nobody wants to vote for this, nobody wants to be anywhere around it. And I don't blame you, I don't want to be around it.

We have a bill in front of us that is a bipartisan bill. We've got Members on the Democrat side who have all kinds of things they want in this bill that aren't in here. I have a lot of my Republican friends who are irritated that this issue and that issue aren't in here, that we don't do more to attract private capital to help fix this problem. I understand that.

And so we have an imperfect product. But we have a product that may work, a product that may work if we can get the votes to pass it, which, I don't have to tell any of you, is in serious doubt.

I just want everybody to think about where we are. While there is a lot of risk to any Member who votes for this, both sides of the aisle, just think about what happens if we don't pass this bill.

Think about what happens to your friends, your neighbors, your constituents. Think about those retired people whose retirement income will shrivel up to zero. Think about the jobs that will be lost. If I didn't think we were on the brink of an economic disaster it would be the easiest thing in the world for me to say no to this; but I believe the risk in not acting is much higher than the risk in acting.

This Congress has to do its job. None of us came here to have to vote for this mud sandwich--I can describe it a lot of different ways, you all know how awful it is. I didn't come here to do this. I didn't come here to vote for bills like this. But let me tell you this, I believe Congress has to act, and that means each and every one of us have to act. These are the votes that separate the men from the boys and the girls from the women.

These are the votes. These are the votes that your constituents sent you here to decide on their behalf. They didn't tell you it was going to be easy. They didn't tell you that it's going to be black and white, you won't have any shades of gray. These are the kind of votes that we have to look into our soul and understand and ask ourselves the question: What is in the best of our country?

I believe what's in the best interest of our country, as I stand here today, is to vote for this bill. While imperfect, while not having everything everybody wants, I believe that we have to vote for this bill and do our very best to keep ourselves from the brink of an economic disaster that will harm all of our constituents.

So I ask all of you, both sides of the aisle, what's in the best interest of our country? Not what's in the best interest of our party. Not what's in the best interest of our own re-election. What's in the best interest of our country?

Vote ``yes.''

Let me thank my colleague for yielding and thank my friend from Wisconsin for his kindness.

Here we are, we have a bill where we're going to spend $800 billion of taxpayers' money, a bill that has not been through the committee, a bill that if there's a Member who's read it I would like to know who they are.

And the reason I bring the point up is that the appropriations process is not working. It's broken, and I think on behalf of all of our Members that we need to make a commitment to make this process work the way it was intended to work. I know appropriators on both sides of the aisle want it to work. I think Members on both sides of the aisle understand that this process needs to work because when it doesn't work, the kind of transparency and accountability that we owe to our constituents gets done behind closed doors.

There are billions of dollars worth of earmarks in this bill that no one's ever seen. Maybe sometime we'll see them. I guess we could go back here and root them out and try to find them, but nobody knows what they are, how the money is really being spent, and that's why we have a committee process. That's why we need the committee process to work, and we need it to work for appropriators and Members of Congress on both sides of the aisle.

Having said that, I really wanted to rise because there's a significant achievement in this bill, and that is the elimination of the ban on offshore drilling and the ban on drilling for oil shale in the inner mountain West. These bans have been in place now for 25 years that have held up a lot of American energy, and we have had a battle in this Chamber for the last 4 months about bringing about an all-of-the- above energy plan.

Now, this isn't all-of-the-above, but let me tell you what, it is a very big step forward that we will, in fact, lift these bans and allow American companies to drill for more American-made oil and gas in an environmentally responsible way.

It's a joint victory, and I didn't want to miss an opportunity to come down and congratulate Members on both sides of the aisle who stood up and said, enough is enough, we need to go after American energy if we're going to help ourselves.

Now, there's a lot more to do in the energy arena, and if we're serious about helping the American economy, doing all-of-the-above will create almost 1 million new jobs, will reduce gas prices, reduce energy prices, and this is a big step. But there's a lot more to do, and we ought to do it before we leave here.

Right up here above the Speaker's rostrum is a quote from Daniel Webster, and I will just quote the part of it when he says, ``Let us develop the resources of our land.'' That was written a long time ago. Those words were said even longer ago, and I do think the American people want us to develop the resources of our land to help improve our energy security because most Americans understand, without more energy security, our national security and our economy is threatened.

Mr. Speaker, I have a privileged resolution at the desk, and I ask for its immediate consideration in the House.

Mr. Speaker, on that I demand the yeas and nays.

Let me thank my colleague for yielding, and I rise to support the bill that we are working on to extend SSI benefits to really a vulnerable group.

But I also rise to express my disappointment in the opportunity that we had last night to pass a bipartisan energy bill that would in fact do all of the above. I am concerned that the bill that did pass last night will do none of the above in terms of moving us toward more energy security.

Frankly, I don't think that the bill that passed last night has any chance of moving in the United States Senate. I do believe if we were to pass the bipartisan Abercrombie-Peterson bill, that it was very likely the Senate could take the bill up and move it quickly, a bill that would create a million new jobs, that would lower gas prices and lower energy prices. But that didn't happen.

But I rise today to say we are not going away. There is an awful lot of talk moving around here that later on this week we may have to take up a stimulus bill, a lot of well-intentioned, well-meaning money, taxpayer money that we would be sending around the country.

I can't think of any better stimulus bill than to pass a bipartisan energy bill that would in fact create 1 million new jobs, would in fact lower gas prices, lower energy prices, help our manufacturers all around the country, and a bill that the American people desperately want.

While gas prices came down temporarily, we saw them shoot up in the midst of the hurricane because there is no additional supply. There is no relief valve, and if anybody sneezes around the world in the energy market, what happens? Our gas prices go up. And while oil prices were coming down in the short-term, we all know how vulnerable we are. So taking a real honest step toward preserving America's energy security I think is critically necessary.

If we really want to help the American people, help create jobs in our country, why not pass a bipartisan bill that will in fact do that.

Mr. Speaker, I appreciate the announcement from the Chair that additional Members will be allowed to give 1-minutes. In fact, it was announced earlier that there would be unlimited 1-minutes, then it was announced that we would only have 30 1-minutes on each side. And I appreciate the announcement that we will have at least 20 more because our Members want to speak, and I will tell you why.

When a bill gets filed at 9:45 the night before and then it's announced it's going to come to the floor the next morning as the first bill up, a bill that no one has read, written in the dark of night, that won't do a damn thing about American energy. Enough is enough.

The Speaker of the House said this will be the most open and ethical Congress in history, that we would consider things in a fair and open way. And this is not going to be considered in a fair and open way. It shows up in the middle of the night, nobody's read the bill, and guess what? The Republican Members, who represent about 48 percent of the American people, we're not allowed to offer a substitute. We have no opportunity to offer our American Energy Plan that we've been on this floor talking about for 3 months nonstop. We don't even get a chance to offer the bill.

It's rigged, and the bill that's coming to the floor is nothing more than a hoax on the American people, and they will not buy it.

Let me thank my colleague from Washington for yielding and suggest to my colleagues that we are engaged in exactly what the American people are sick of, and that is political games here in Washington that are intended to be political games and to have no outcome.

Mr. Speaker, we have a bill that will be up soon. I don't know how many pages it is, because I haven't seen it yet. Of course, there is no Member of Congress who has seen this bill and no Member of Congress who has read it because it was introduced last night at 9:45. It's going to be up this afternoon, a bill that no one has seen, has been through no committee, written in the dark of night behind closed doors.

But what we do know about it is that it locks up about 88 percent of the known resources off our shores. We are the only country in the world that doesn't allow drilling on the Outer Continental Shelf, and this locks up 88 percent of it.

Is that a way to get to more energy? We have a bill that does all of the above on our side. But when you look at their bill, there is nothing about any nuclear energy in there, nothing about coal-to- liquids or coal to gas, nothing that is going to bring us, really, more American energy.

On top of all that, it has a big tax increase in it. If that isn't bad enough, we have an earmark in the bill, an earmark of $1.2 billion for the City of New York, for some railroad bonds. This is not the way the American people want us to get our jobs done. They want us to work together. They want us to listen to them, and they want us to do their will, and that's not what's happening today. If all this isn't bad enough, the rule that we are considering to allow this legislation to come to the floor doesn't even allow the minority, the Republican Members of the House, to offer a substitute, no amendments, no substitute.

Now, it was Ms. Pelosi, back when she was the minority leader, that called for this to be the most open and

fair and ethical Congress in history. She said that bills should come to the floor generally under an open rule that would allow us to offer amendments, but, no, there are no amendments allowed.

There is no substitute allowed. This is intended for one purpose and one purpose only, as this bill is coming to the floor, so that some of my colleagues in the majority, the Democrat party can say, we voted on energy. Didn't do anything. They know this bill that they are bringing has no chance of becoming law, and yet they are bringing it up under a scenario which is, frankly, unfair. There is not one Member, one Member of this Chamber, who doesn't understand that this is unfair.

This rule should be defeated. Let's go back to the drawing boards and do this right, and we can do it right in very short order and have this bill on floor yet this week.

Will the gentleman yield?

I thank my colleague for yielding.

Mr. Speaker, it would be our intention in the motion to recommit to protect this military mission area.

After we lost our training area off the coast of Puerto Rico, I think all of us understand how important this area is to the training of our war fighters and the fact that it needs to be preserved for that purpose.

Let me thank my colleague for yielding. Let's just stop and think for a moment about what our constituents are dealing with tonight as we stand here. They have got concerns about the economy, concerns about keeping their own jobs. They have concerns about whether they are going to be able to put gas in their car tomorrow considering the high price of gas. Or we have the home heating crisis about to come to us as they are filling their propane tanks and oil tanks and looking at the heating bills that are coming this winter.

And what are we doing? We are sitting here tonight in the middle of the biggest hoax I have seen in the 18 years I have been in Congress. It is a sham, and everybody in this Chamber knows it is a sham. I know those are strong words and words that I don't use lightly, but I want my colleagues to consider this for a moment.

We have a bill here that purports to be a compromise, but I don't know one Republican Member who was involved in one meeting with regard to this compromise. It was written by the Democrat leadership that runs this Congress in the dark of night on a napkin. It showed up here last night at 9:45, a 290-page bill at 9:45 last night that no Member had ever seen; and guess what, as we stand here tonight, no Member has read.

All right, some Member, any Member stand up and tell me you have read this bill. That is what I suspected. Not one Member has read the bill that we are about to consider. No hearings on the bill, no committee action, no one has read, and the bill purports, purports to increase American energy. But I want you to consider this: 85 percent of the known reserves off of our coast on the Outer Continental Shelf, 85 percent at a minimum are locked up permanently under this bill. And of the 15 percent that are purportedly opened, the States would have to comply to open those Outer Continental Shelf reserves. But there is no revenue sharing to the States like there is in Texas and Louisiana and Mississippi and other areas. There is no revenue sharing, so the States have no incentive to want to open up the Outer Continental Shelf.

So how much new drilling will we get out of this bill? Zero. It is just zero. And there isn't a Member in this body who doesn't know it is zero. So when I call it a hoax or a sham, I think you all understand what I am trying to say.

No new nuclear plants in this bill, no new oil shale drilling in this bill. No clean-coal technology in this bill. We are the Saudi Arabia of the world when it comes to coal. We have clean-coal technology. Whether it is coal to gas, coal to liquid, we have ways to use our coal in a clean way. Nothing in this bill will allow it to happen.

What does it have in it? It has a big old tax increase in it; you can be sure of that.

What else does it have in it? It has a big earmark in it: $1.2 billion for the City of New York on behalf of one Member in this bill. Here we are trying to take some steps toward energy security, and we have to load it up with a big old earmark, $1.2 billion.

A compromise, huh? This is no compromise. The compromise might have been amongst a bunch of Democrat chairmen who wanted to have some bill, but there is no compromise here.

Let's just describe this bill for what it really is. It is nothing more than political cover on the eve of an election to say that we voted for an energy bill, except there is no energy in it.

Congressional approval today is at the lowest point in any time since polling began, and our Members wonder why.

And it's stunts like this that have the American people so cynical about their Congress. They expect that the Congress is going to do something about increasing energy security in our country; that we're going to do something about bringing down the high cost of gasoline; that we're going to do something about bringing down the high cost of heating oil or propane or natural gas this winter.

And what are we doing?

Playing political games on the eve of an election.

The American people understand that 70 percent of our oil comes from overseas. More than half of that comes from OPEC, who's considering lowering their production in order to maintain the high price of oil. We're just teetering, they're just teetering with us, kind of have us on a string because, over the last 30 years, my Democrat colleagues have stood in the way of more energy production in the United States. That's why we're in this box that we're in today. And we have a chance to do something. We have a chance to move in the right direction, but this bill isn't it, and there's not a Member in this Chamber who doesn't understand this bill doesn't do anything about bringing us any closer to energy security.

In a few minutes, we're going to have an opportunity for all of the Members on both sides of the aisle to do something of substance. The motion to recommit tonight will be the Abercrombie/Peterson bill. No changes. No tweaks, no nothing. And it's painful. And it may not be everything that I want, but let me tell you, this bill is a bipartisan bill worked on by serious Members from both sides of the aisle. It's a bill that does do all of the above. It gives us more drilling for oil and natural gas in an environmentally sensitive way off our coast. It does allow revenue sharing, revenue sharing to the States so they have an incentive to participate in helping to open up this area off our coast. It's got new nuclear in it. It's got oil shale drilling in it. It's got clean coal technology in it, and it's got a lot more money than the Democrat bill when it comes to putting money into renewables, trying to speed up their development to bring those renewables to market as soon as possible.

And so we've got a chance to do the right thing tonight for the American people. We can show them, once and for all, that we can work together across the aisle. We can show them that we can do something to move our country toward more energy security, because most Americans understand that energy security is paramount and is, in effect, our national security.

This bill that we're going to bring up under the motion to recommit will create a million new jobs here in America. And with all the talk about a stimulus bill, the greatest stimulus we could give our economy is to create a million new jobs, lower the cost of gasoline, lower the cost of heating oil, lower the cost of energy that will actually even create more American manufacturing jobs.

The question is, do we have the courage to do the right thing? Do we have the courage of our own convictions about doing what we know that we have to do as a country to move ourselves toward more energy security? Or are we going to show our constituents that, once again, Congress is up there playing political games with our future?

It's the American people. It's their jobs. It's their budget. It's their concerns. They send us here to represent their interests, and it's about damn time that we represent their interests. And by voting for the motion to recommit tonight we can show them that we're working in a bipartisan fashion on their behalf.

Announcement By the Speaker Pro Tempore

Madam Speaker, I have a motion to recommit at the desk.

I am.

Madam Speaker and my colleagues, on behalf of all my Republican colleagues, I want to welcome my Democrat colleagues back to the House.

Five weeks ago, after the protest of the minority, you adjourned the House without a vote on the American Energy Act, H.R. 6566. You and your fellow Democrats left town for five weeks, but Republicans refused to leave. And we were here each and every day during the August recess talking to thousands of Americans that were coming through the Capitol, and we stood here every day asking for a vote on our bill that does all of the above, the American Energy Act; a bill that the American people want us to vote on. And that's all we're asking for is a vote.

And today, instead of allowing a vote on our all-of-the-above plan, there are rumors that there is going to be a bill coming to the floor quickly that no one has ever seen, that does some of the above, maybe a little of the above, but clearly not what the American people want, which is ``all of the above,'' some bill that's being written in the back room in the dark of night that no one has yet seen.

Now, listen, the American people don't want a sham. They don't want a hoax. They have suffered all summer long in the face of high gas prices and high energy prices, and they are demanding a vote here in this Congress on a plan that does all of the above, not some of the bill, not a little bit of the above, but all of the above.

Madam Speaker, you promised that this would be the most open and accountable Congress in history. And in that light, I respectfully ask you now give the American people a vote on the American Energy Act, H.R. 6566. Will it be on the floor this week? Will you commit to giving the American people a straight up-or-down vote on a plan they want, the all-of-the-above plan, the American Energy Act?

Madam Speaker, this is the U.S. House of Representatives. As all of my colleagues have known, we all refer to this as the people's House because none of us got here without being elected by all of the people in our districts. Why

not let the House work its will? Why not allow the Congress to decide the future of our energy security here in America? And I don't think the American people are going to rest until Congress takes action on energy that does all of the above.

So, Madam Speaker, I ask unanimous consent to amend my motion to recommit to include the text of H.R. 6566, the American Energy Act.

Madam Speaker, this is a sham. I withdraw my motion.

Madam Speaker, I demand a point of personal privilege under the rules.

Madam Speaker, I ask unanimous consent to speak out of order for 1 minute.

I appreciate all my colleagues and their endurance in this. And you all should know that Charlie Rangel and I are friends. We've had fierce debates. We've worked together on many bills, and he's someone who I talk to virtually every day in this House. And it pains me, it pains me to do what I had to do on behalf of my colleagues.

We all live under a system of laws; not only all of us, but all of the American people. Those of us that work in this Chamber, we work under a set of laws and a set of rules. And when the rules are violated, the court system doesn't take into effect whether you were aware of the rules or you were aware of the laws. You either violated the laws or you didn't.

And I say to my friend from New York that, considering the stories that occurred over the summer about the rent-controlled apartments, the fact that one of them was a campaign office, you could conjure up the fact that because it was rent-subsidized that it was, in fact, a campaign gift. And this latest round of stories----

I will be happy to yield.

Reclaiming my time. And then this latest round of stories that the gentleman from New York was kind enough to share with all of us raise serious questions, serious questions.

And I just--the point of the letter that was sent yesterday was to ask the gentleman if he would step aside until the Ethics Committee had time to investigate this.

I believe that the Ethics Committee needs to do its job, not just in this case, but in all cases. And I've been concerned for some time that the Ethics Committee has not been a functioning committee of the House. I understand the current circumstances. We all understand the current circumstances.

But I don't want to condemn the gentleman. I've never convicted the gentleman, nor would I, because he is my friend. But just because he's my friend doesn't mean that I can excuse him from the rules of the House or the law of our land.

And so I ask my colleagues to work with us. I believe, like Charlie does, that we, as a Congress, have to find a way to get beyond what's gone on around here over the last 7 or 8 years, that we have to find a way to work together.

If you look at the issues that Charlie and I have worked on, George Miller and I have worked on, and a lot of other Members that I've worked on on both sides of the aisle, the big issues of our country will not get done by one side or the other. They will only be addressed in a bipartisan way if we're going to be successful. And we know we have big issues facing this country that are being ignored because we're too busy clawing at each other.

My intent here is not to claw at my friend from New York. My intent here is to have justice and to have all of us live by the rules of the House.

I'm sorry that I had to do it, but I have a job to do on behalf of my colleagues in this Chamber. I believe all of us are being held accountable and should be held accountable.

Yes, I've made mistakes, and I've paid for them. I just think that the sooner we get this cleaned up, the better.

But, in the meantime, in fairness to the Members of the House, that stepping aside would, in fact, be the right thing to do.