I thank my friend and the gentleman from Illinois (Mr. Schock). The three of us here this evening spent really an awesome time in Israel during August. But I want to take you back in time, Mr. Speaker, in history 71 years to today.…
I thank my friend and the gentleman from Illinois (Mr. Schock).
The three of us here this evening spent really an awesome time in Israel during August. But I want to take you back in time, Mr. Speaker, in history 71 years to today. Literally 71 years to today, and what we see in the newsreels. And that was that Lord Chamberlain waved a stack of papers in front of the camera and he uttered, We have peace in our time. And what was he talking about? He had just come from a meeting with Herr Adolph Hitler, and along with France and a few other nations, but not Czechoslovakia, they had come to an agreement to cede to Hitler the Sudetenland, which at that time was the strategic part of Czechoslovakia that was so necessary for their protection. He ceded that. Of course, Hitler claimed that it was mostly populated with Germans, but, nonetheless, Lord Chamberlain and others agreed to let him have it. And we know that today as a policy of appeasement.
He also said that he actually went there for the purpose of honor and peace. And then Winston Churchill, who was in the Parliament, replied that he went there for honor and peace but he returned with neither. Because we know that within months, Hitler began a very aggressive campaign and went on to, of course, not only take Czechoslovakia but also Poland. And, of course, as we say, the rest is history.
And what is that history? The history is that there were 20 million people killed during World War II, Mr. Speaker; 6 million of them were Jews. And in visiting the Holocaust Museum in Israel, in Jerusalem, Yad Vashem, something very interesting, I think, occurred in my mind that I never thought about until it was brought out.
We saw a lot of very interesting things there. A lot of personal stories about families who were broken apart, most of whom died in the Holocaust, people who were in death camps, a lot of personal letters and books and eyeglasses and things like that that told individual stories. We know the factual parts of this. We have all seen the documentaries that talked about the gas chambers and the ovens. And we, of course, have heard about and read about the Final Solution and Hitler's attempt to take executing human beings to a whole new scientific level, which he was able to achieve. Nothing before and nothing since has been done.
But the important thing, Mr. Speaker, about this that we must understand that really teaches us a second lesson today: The first one being the danger of appeasement, but the second is that while the Jews were being carted off to the death camps, and, of course, many of them attempted to reach safe harbor in the United States and many other countries and were denied that and, in fact, in many cases were thrown out of other countries, there was no one to speak up for the Jews. No one, not even the United States. Even we have the blight of having turned our backs on the Jews. And there was no state, there was no country to speak up for the Jews, who at that time lived in many places of the world. And because of that, after World War II and all the countries began to come together, it was decided that the Jews would have their own homeland.
And of course we know that the U.N. provided for that, and what was then called Palestine today is called Israel. Israel is a state, and that's so important because now Jews have a country to stick up for them. They have a people who will never back down from an evil dictator like Adolf Hitler. They will stand up for their people, and they will stand up as our ally against these things.
But the interesting thing is it's often said that what we don't learn from history is destined to repeat itself. And what we have today is a Hitler-like figure, Mr. Speaker, of course, Ahmadinejad, who is saying many of the same things that Adolf Hitler said in those days, giving the same threats.
Very few people took Hitler seriously when he said that he intended to kill the Jews, and that is what he did. Now we have Ahmadinejad who is making the same statements, and we watch before our very eyes he's building a nuclear arsenal.
And what are we doing, Mr. Speaker? Well, we are talking about sanctions. And how effective are these sanctions going to be when it's necessary to have Russia and China to help us with that? And of course, all we are getting from them is rhetoric. In fact, the only thing structurally that's been done in all of this discussion is we've given up missile defense in the Czech Republic and in Poland. So we are already beginning the appeasement process in this world while we have another Hitler-like figure out there beginning to plan the destruction of the Jews once again.
So I think we need to stand, Mr. Speaker, with our brothers and sisters in Israel, in their protection. Because in as much as Israel is so capable of taking care of itself--we all know just what a small strip of land that is--and while Israel can protect itself in many ways, there is no way that Israel can protect itself from an intercontinental ballistic missile with a nuclear warhead, and that is precisely what Iran is doing today.
And apart from that, Iran is exporting terrorism around the world. We know that Hamas and Hezbollah; we, know that al Qaeda--who is providing al Qaeda, Mr. Speaker, with the weapons they are using to kill our own sons and daughters? Again, it's Iran. So Iran is emerging as, I guess-- Ahmadinejad and certainly the mullahs behind him, are really, I think, showing a tremendous parallel to pre-World War II Germany.
And I think that we need to learn from the lessons of the past, and that is that number one, we should never allow a policy of appeasement. It never gets peace and it never gives honor. It always leads to war. It's always a matter of people overseas, folks who really are out for the destruction of others, it gives them an opening to attack other countries.
And then secondly, never again should Israel be without its own country and certainly without its friends around the world. Never again should we have a situation, Mr. Speaker, as we did during World War II that was a holocaust which, of course, we know that Ahmadinejad denies to this day.
And there are many that say, look, this is just a little strip of land out there in the middle of the desert. You've got Arabs out there and you've got Jews and they're fighting over this land. Really, if you think about it, the Jews occupied this land as far back as 3500 B.C. Islam didn't even come into existence until thousands of years later, and in fact, we know that Christianity started even before Islam.
So of course there have been three major religions that have existed there and still exist there today, and as far as I'm concerned, they can exist there forever. But I think that there's no reason to think that there isn't a legitimate right for Israel to claim that as its own state.
And in summary--and this is, I think, to kind of tie it all together, Mr. Speaker--we talked about the issue of the two-state solution, and Mr. Netanyahu believes that is the way to go. We should have two states: a Palestinian state and a Jewish state. But remember that Israel is a democracy, and just simply by being outgrown by Palestinians or Muslims, it could lose its status as a Jewish state. And I think that it's essential that we not only support this two-state solution in supporting Israel, but that we support the right for Israel to exist as a Jewish state and always will.
If the gentleman will yield back, I will just simply say that my first impression beyond the fact that Israel is such a lovely country--I mean, just gorgeous, right in the middle of the desert next to the Mediterranean Sea. And of course we were able to see the Dead Sea and many sites that are holy to us as Christians. But just how small that country is, like a postage stamp, as narrow as 5 miles at its waist. And we saw a patchwork of villages, one being Palestinian and one being Jewish, all throughout the country.
And even though, often cases there were checkpoints and there were fences between them, you couldn't really see that. All you could see looking over is you would see evidence of a Palestinian village and you would see evidence of a Jewish village all sitting there peacefully. It's almost difficult to believe how much war and how much violence has existed there for so long.
And of course with that we visited Sderot, which is, I guess, a flash point where there have been rockets hurled and that sort of thing.
So I think that was really what I found to be very impressive.
Yes, sir.
Would the gentleman yield on that point?
I appreciate the gentleman pointing out the fact that what we are doing in fact is removing a missile shield that is just before deployment, that would go into the Czech Republic, that would go into Poland. It would be, of course, subsurface. It would be something that would help defend much of that region of the country, including 80 American military bases; and, instead, we are going to exchange it for a whole different, a ship-based system which requires, first of all, a lot of development that is not yet in place.
As you point out, it is going to be another decade before it will even be capable. It would require ships being in exactly the right place at the right time. And it also begs the point: If Iran is developing nuclear material just for civilian purposes, why do they need all of this rocketry ability? They just ran a test, a three-rocket test, one of which had a range of 1,500 miles. Now why do you need that? I'm pretty sure Iran is not planning to go to the Moon. So for what purpose is that?
And what is also, I think, ironic is the fact that our President is talking about renewing the STAR treaty and taking our already reduced nuclear weapons down to an even lower level. If we do this with Russia at the same time as there are more countries than ever that have more nuclear weapons and more capability to deliver those weapons than ever, so again it goes back to the appeasement question: Does it make sense to unilaterally disarm yourself while your potential enemies, and I would say in this case with Iran, our enemy, because they are killing our men and women through their proxies and through their surrogates and their weapons. Why in the world would we be doing that when in fact we have a growing threat from them?
And going back to Israel, it seems that wherever you see the U.S. military around the world, peace breaks out. You look at World War II, troops were in Japan, troops were in the Philippines, they were in France, they were in England and Germany. All those countries now are very peaceful democracies. And of course we went into Iraq, and Iraq is evolving into an oasis, if you will, of democracy, as is Israel.
So it seems to me that we need to stay on the same post-World War II course of certainly using Theodore Roosevelt's old philosophy, ``speak softly but carry a big stick,'' rather than using a lot of rhetoric about all the things that we want to do and all the sanctions we want to take and yet disarm ourselves and our friends at the same time.
Certainly, one only has to ask around the world who is happy with this right now and who isn't. Well, it turns out our friends are unhappy with us and our enemies are happy with us all the way from Venezuela to Iran to Russia. They are all happy with everything we've been doing lately and the decisions our President has been making. We found out while we were in Israel that the President has a 4 percent, yes, 4 percent favorability rating. They are very unhappy with his position on Iran right now and also on the Palestinian question.
So I think that it's certainly nice to be liked overseas; but when you're liked by your enemies and also of course Poland and the Czech Republic are unhappy with us right now because we left them in the dust after agreeing to put a missile shield there and then pulling out after they've gone out on a limb for us, I think we are going, Mr. Speaker, in the wrong direction in the way we deal with our friends and our enemies in and around this question of Iran and the nuclear weapons that they have.
With that, I will yield back to my friends.
I would just say I would like to thank Congressman Schock for having this Special Order hour this evening so that we could talk about this important issue, and it's one that we're going to be talking about a lot more in the coming days because it's pretty apparent that all of these issues are beginning to line up. They're beginning to stack up very rapidly.
And of course, the issue that we know our friends and Israel are facing is that if we are unable to bring the Iranians to the negotiating table or to have sanctions that work, then they're still the last option left on the table, which they reserve the right as a sovereign Nation to do, and that is, potentially take out the nuclear facilities in Iran.
We pray that it doesn't come to that, but it has already of course in Syria and Iraq back in the Hussein days, and we are looking for peaceful solutions. But we have counterweight around the world in Russia and China that as soon as we try to do one thing they want to reverse it. Russia is a very significant trading partner with Iran. They're providing Iran with a state-of-the-art SAM missile system which is going to close the window for the capability of Israel to potentially attack Iran's nuclear facilities if that needs to be done, which is all the more important why decisions are having to be made at an even faster pace.
So, once again, I thank Mr. Schock for bringing us together for this hour.