Floor Statements

Mr. President, as if in morning business, I would like to turn to the Executive Calendar.

I ask unanimous consent that the Senate immediately proceed to executive session to consider the following nominations on today's calendar:

Calendar No. 692, the nomination of MG David H. Petraeus.

I further ask unanimous consent that the nomination be confirmed, the motion to reconsider be laid upon the table, the President be immediately notified of the Senate's action, and the Senate then return to legislative session.

Mr. President, for the benefit of all Members, I have known this fine officer for many years. He served a tour in Iraq with great distinction and returned. I think he then offered his services to go back over to help with the rebuilding of various sections of the Iraqi Army and offered other services to try to build up that nation's ability to defend itself internally as well as in many external affairs.

Mr. President, under rule XIV, I understand that H.R. 4275 is at the desk, and I ask for its first reading.

I now ask for its second reading, and in order to place the bill on the calendar under the provisions of rule XIV, I object to my own request.

Mr. President, I turn to calendar 512, S. Res. 331, National Safety Month.

I ask consent that the resolution be agreed to, the preamble be agreed to, the motion to reconsider be laid upon the table, and any statements related to the bill appear in the appropriate place in the Record.

Mr. President, I ask consent that the Health, Education, Labor, and Pensions Committee, be discharged from further action on S. Con. Res. 103 and the Senate now proceed to its consideration.

I ask unanimous consent that the concurrent resolution be agreed to, the preamble be agreed to, the motion to reconsider be laid upon the table, and any statements relating to the resolution be printed in the Record.

I ask unanimous consent that the Senator from Virginia be made a cosponsor of that resolution.

Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that when the Senate completes its business today, it adjourn until 9:45 a.m., Tuesday, May 18; I further ask that following the prayer and the pledge, the morning hour be deemed expired, the Journal of proceedings be approved to date, the time for the two leaders be reserved for their use later in the day, and the Senate then begin a period of morning business for up to 60 minutes, with the first 30 minutes under the control of the majority leader or his designee and the second 30 minutes under the control of the Democratic leader or his designee; provided that following morning business, the Senate begin consideration of H.R. 3104, providing medals for our service men and women as provided under the previous order.

I ask consent the Senate recess from 12:30 to 2:15 for the party luncheons.

Mr. President, tomorrow, following morning business, the Senate will begin consideration of the service medals legislation. Under the previous order, there will be a short period of debate prior to a vote on passage. If all time is used, that vote will occur at approximately 11:15 a.m. The vote on the service medals bill will be the first vote of the day.

The Senate will then resume consideration of the Department of Defense authorization bill. We are prepared to consider amendments and I encourage Senators to notify us of their intent to offer amendments so we can begin to schedule for their consideration. It is the leader's intention to complete action on this bill by the end of the week.

Following the party luncheons, the Senate is scheduled to proceed to a cloture vote on the nomination of Marcia Cooke to be a district judge for the Southern District of Florida. Discussions on the state of judicial nominations are ongoing, and it is possible we may not require this cloture vote.

If there is no further business to come before the Senate, I now ask unanimous consent the Senate stand in adjournment under the previous order.

Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that I may speak as in morning business.

Mr. President, I wish to address my colleagues with regard to the pictures of prisoner abuse in Iraq which will be sent up by the Department of Defense and will be available for all Members to review in room S-407 in 45 minutes.

Bottom line, I urge all Senators to avail themselves of the opportunity to examine this body of evidence. While I have not seen it specifically, it has been described to me. It is, in my judgment, another distasteful, nevertheless factual, part of this tragic incident regarding the allegations and the facts that document abuse by uniformed people of the U.S. Armed Forces against Iraqi prisoners. At 2 p.m., I urge your attendance.

I thank the leadership for their assistance in this matter. Yesterday, I contacted Senator Frist and suggested that he and I and Senator Daschle and Senator Levin sit down and make the arrangements regarding these photos, and those arrangements were concluded late yesterday. The pictures will be brought up. They will remain in the custody at all times of the Department of Defense, and then they will be returned to the Department at the conclusion of our meeting.

Speaking just for myself, my guidelines as I look at these pictures are how I am obligated to address my constituents and indeed share my views with colleagues. These are the guideposts I will follow. First, at the hearing of the Armed Services--the first hearing on May 7--with Secretary Rumsfeld and the Chairman of the Joint Chiefs, as chairman, I was privileged to ask the first question. This is my question to General Myers:

I would anticipate that you have consulted with your

colleagues, not only the Joint Chiefs, but particularly in

Central Command, and you are making, or have made, or will

continue to make an assessment of the possible increase in

risk to the men and women of the Armed Forces, the personal

increase in risk to them, and indeed their colleagues in the

coalition forces, regarding the release of these photos, and

this story continues to reflect very deeply on the thinking

and actions of other people.

We learned yesterday of the tragic event of the Berg family having lost that individual. You not only have to consider men and women in uniform, but that brave bunch of contractors who are taking a certain amount of risk to help rebuild the infrastructure in Iraq and to assist the men and women in the Armed Forces in carrying out their missions.

General Myers replied very clearly:

Absolutely, we will. And we should not underestimate that

impact.

Further, he said:

I think we have a lot of troops in Iraq right now, after

talking to General Smith and others, that are probably

walking with--I mean, they're involved in combat, but they're

walking with their head just a bit lower right now because

they have to bear the brunt of what their colleagues up in

Abu Ghraib did.

That is straight talk. We have had good, straight talk from the Secretary of Defense and all the witnesses in the course of our hearings. I commend the Department of Defense, from the President on down, for the manner in which they are dealing with this situation. That is my principal statement.

Second, we are a nation which operates on the rule of law. The Department of the Army and the Department of Defense are bringing accountability to those who allegedly have perpetrated these situations. That trial process must go forward in such a way that the release of these photos does not adversely impact or jeopardize their rights. It is for that reason that I

simply say to my colleagues that I think we have to be extremely cautious as we finish our work this afternoon, and then fulfill our obligation, in verbalizing--the pictures cannot be copied--our own interpretations and meaning of these photos, so as not to incite anger, in any way further, against our forces or others working in the cause of freedom. That is my view.

Further, I think caution should be used so as not to jeopardize under the Uniform Code of Military Justice and such other laws--and others may be brought to bear in accountability--in any way to jeopardize those trials. This Nation is a nation of laws. We are a strong democracy.

Secretary Rumsfeld, in his opening remarks, said:

Mr. Chairman, I know you join me today in saying to the

world, judge us by our actions, watch how Americans, watch

how a democracy deals with wrongdoing and with scandal and

the pain of acknowledging and correcting our mistakes and our

own weaknesses. And then, after they have seen America in

action, then ask those who teach resentment and hatred of

America if our behavior doesn't give lie to the falsehood and

the slander they speak about our people and about our way of

life . . . Ask them if the willingness of Americans to

acknowledge their own failures before humanity doesn't light

the world as surely as the great ideas and beliefs that made

this nation a beacon of hope and liberty for all who strive

to be free.

The strength of America will be brought to bear as we address these problems in our military and go about handling this situation under the rule of law and holding those accountable. That shows the strength of a democracy. I think that is very important.

There is a Privacy Act which, in the minds of some lawyers, protects these pictures in a certain way from public disclosure.

So I simply counsel Senators--to the extent the executive branch has a responsibility to deal with future distribution of these pictures--to err on the side of caution. I think it would not be wise at this time to publish them. I believe the time to publish such photos should be during the course of the trials when the prosecution has a right to bring out certain photographs, the defense has a right to go and bring out other photographs, so you will have a balance of interests as to the photographs that are made public. Those trials will be public. At that time, no one could accuse the United States, for whatever reason, having released these photos earlier, of either jeopardizing the trial or trying to influence public opinion. Those procedures would be in accordance with the procedures of the Uniform Code of Military Justice.

Sadness, I know, fills the heart of all Americans regarding this episode in the otherwise very proud history of our military. Going back more than 200 years in our Republic, and looking forward, today 99.99 percent of the men and women in uniform are carrying out their missions in accordance with our finest traditions. They are going into harm's way, taking risks, and performing their missions. We must think of them. That is very much on my mind, and I hope it is in the minds of others as we look at this.

The Berg case has a specific reference to that heinous crime being committed to avenge the treatment of the prisoners in that prison. That is why I think further release at this time of these photographs, indeed, would put on another layer, but basically I don't think it will contribute materially to a further understanding of this tragic problem, to the extent that it overrides the other concerns of the safety of our forces, the safety of the civilian backup infrastructure, and the need for these trials to go forward in such a manner that no one can contest the integrity of the Department of Defense and the Army as they proceed to address this and hold those responsible accountable.

Mr. President, I suggest that the release of this material, which is not before the Senate--I repeat, we do not have custody of the photos-- be considered by the executive branch--and perhaps wiser minds than I have a different perspective, but in the end, I counsel all caution as we verbalize our own views and understanding of these pictures, and as the executive branch moves forward with a decision regarding release.

I yield the floor.

Mrs. CLINTON. Mr. President, I rise today in support of the Harkin- Hagel Amendment which will meet the funding promises in the Individuals with Disabilities in Education Act, IDEA.

Almost three decades ago when Congress passed IDEA, this legislative body understood the additional costs that would be associated with providing an appropriate education to children with disabilities. Congress agreed back then that this fiscal responsibility should not fall entirely on the States and local communities. It decided the Federal Government would pick up at least 40 percent of the total cost of educating these children.

This promise was made nearly 30 years ago. Yet Congress has never fulfilled it. The Harkin-Hagel amendment, which has strong bipartisan support, will right this wrong by ensuring the Federal Government provides its fair share of the cost to educate all children with disabilities. That is why I am proud to cosponsor it.

The funds provided by this amendment will ensure that every child with special needs receives a free, appropriate public education. Today, all over New York and the Nation, children with special needs are being shortchanged because schools are wrestling to fulfill the competing demands on their budgets. Deficits are rising and State budgets are shrinking. And the funds provided by these amendments are crucial to ensuring all children receive a world-class education.

The Republican substitute for this amendment keeps funding for IDEA discretionary, which does not guarantee full funding. As we have seen with funding for No Child Left Behind, authorizations are an empty promise with this administration and the Republicans in Congress in control.

According to a report issued by the National Education Association last month, States and schools received only $18.6 billion of the $26.8 billion in Federal money authorized under the law during the last fiscal year. This amount falls significantly short of the total cost to implement No Child Left Behind, which, according to the NEA, will reach $41.8 billion this year. As one example of the high cost of NCLB, the Ohio Department of Education released a study last month estimating that the State will spend about $1.5 billion a year--more than twice as much as it now gets from the Federal Government to fund NCLB. And a recent Phi Delta Kappan article reported that public K-12 spending needs to rise by at least 20 to 35 percent to meet the goals of NCLB-- an increase of $85 to $150 billion a year.

We cannot allow IDEA to continue on the same path as NCLB. Mandatory spending is the only way to ensure that Congress will actually fund the real costs associated with meeting these requirements so that our children and their families do not shoulder this burden.

Now more than ever, our school districts desperately need this support as they grapple with deep budget cuts and rising student enrollments. It is unconscionable for Congress to stand by and continue to fail to meet its funding commitments while schools in New York and across the Nation are laying off teachers, cutting critical classes and eliminating academic services.

Let me paint the picture of what is happening in school districts in some school districts in New York.

The Buffalo School district, where 80 percent of students come from families that are at or below the poverty index, is facing a $9.7 million cut in its education budget. To balance its budget, the Buffalo School District has had to lay off approximately 700 school personnel, cut vital services to students, and close down 5 schools this year. These choices will ultimately lower the quality of education for all of the 44,000 students enrolled in Buffalo schools, including the 9,266 students with disabilities.

However, this issue is not about budget cuts. It is about broken promises.

The Harkin-Hagel amendment says simply--the Federal Government's going to keep its word. It ensures that children with disabilities receive the programs and services they need to learn by providing the 40 percent of the cost that was promised back in 1973.

These funds mean children with special needs will achieve at higher levels and transition into the workforce as productive citizens. It guarantees the resources to recruit qualified personnel, provide teacher training and

ongoing professional development and provide supplementary services to effectively educate these children. Schools need actual resources to provide these services, not empty promises.

Before the passage of IDEA, children with disabilities received woefully inadequate schooling or no schooling at all. Each year Congress fails to live up to its commitment to adequately invest in IDEA our schools fall further behind in meeting their special education costs and our parents of children with disabilities have to fight harder to ensure their children receive appropriate educational services.

Children with special needs and their families should not have to shoulder this burden. We must do better by our children and their parents. I therefore urge my colleagues to vote yes on the Harkin-Hagel amendment.

Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the order for the quorum call be rescinded.

Mr. President, at 2 o'clock today, the Department of Defense delivered to S-407 material relating to the issue of mistreatment by Americans in uniform and perhaps others under contract against the prisoners in a prison in Iraq. Several hundred of these photos have been shown to a large group of Senators.

The Department of Defense prepared a document as guidance for Senators as to how hopefully they will handle their knowledge of these photos as they relate their responsibilities to their constituents and others in giving their views.

I ask unanimous consent to print in the Record a letter Senator Levin and I, in our capacity as chairman and ranking member of the Armed Services Committee, wrote to the Department of Defense with regard to the transmission of these documents.

Mr. President, I would like to read the material that was provided to Senators. It is entitled ``White Paper For Persons Who Have Viewed The Detainee Abuse Photos.''

The Privacy Act prohibits the disclosure of ``any record

which is contained in a system of records'' to ``any person

or to another agency,'' except with ``prior written consent

of the individual to whom the record pertains.'' 5 U.S.C.

Section 552a(b). The statute applies only to records about

U.S. citizens or permanent resident aliens (``U.S.

nationals'').

The Iraqi detainee abuse photos and videos . . .

--we saw some video--

were collected by and are maintained in the files of the

military criminal investigative organization in the

[Department of Defense]. The photos are subject to the

Privacy Act to the extent they disclose the identities of

U.S. nationals.

Any release of the photos to persons outside the

[Department of Defense] (with very limited exceptions

concerning releases to Congress and certain Executive Branch

officials) would risk liability under the Privacy Act.

That liability in this sentence is to the Department of Defense. I ask unanimous consent to print in the Record the pertinent sections of the Privacy Act.

(b) Conditions of Disclosure.--No agency shall disclose any

record which is contained in a system of records by any means

of communication to any person, or to another agency, except

pursuant to a written request by, or with the prior written

consent of, the individual to whom the record pertains,

unless disclosure of the record would be--

(9) to either House of Congress, or, to the extent of

matter within its jurisdiction, any committee or subcommittee

thereof, any joint committee of Congress or subcommittee of

any such joint committee;

There are certain exceptions as it relates to the Congress of the United States. Senators should read this and draw their own conclusions from it.

Any description of the photos (or any particular photo)

that would reveal the identity of a U.S. national depicted in

the photos would also risk liability under the Privacy Act.

To the extent that any description of the photos is offered

at all, it should be limited to generic statements about the

conduct depicted in the photos without any reference that

would tend to reveal the identity of any U.S. national

involved in the conduct photographed.

The disclosure of photographs or detainees could constitute

a violation of the Geneva Conventions, which provide that

such persons shall be protected ``against insults and public

curiosity.''

As I stated earlier today, speaking for myself, I believe very strongly these photographs should not be made public. That is not a decision that is up to the Senate or the Congress but to other authorities in the executive branch. I believe it could possibly endanger the men and women of the Armed Forces as they are serving valiantly and at great risk, not only in Iraq and Afghanistan but other areas of the world.

Secondly, this Nation is founded on the rule of law. We are proceeding--I say we, the Department of Defense, and they are to be commended--carefully within the rule of law as it relates to this evidence and the trials which will be forthcoming of those who will be brought to justice by virtue of the Uniform Code of Military Justice. At those trials, they will be public. At those trials, such portions of these photos as a prosecutor deems necessary can be released and put into the public domain. As well, the defense counsel, likewise, through discovery can determine such photos that might in some way enhance the defense in that case. It is not as if there will be no public disclosure. It is the time and the circumstances under which that disclosure is made.

Again, the credibility of the country is being examined in connection with these tragic incidents that have taken place, tragic incidents against a background of 99.99 percent of the men and women of the U.S. military performing

all over the world at this very minute at personal risk but in the cause of freedom, to protect this Nation and our allies. I firmly believe the guidelines are out there certainly for colleagues. I have given you my best counsel on this. Here are the rules prescribed by the Department. I think it is in the best interest that we all, in a very calm, collected manner, continue to address this issue.

The Committee on Armed Services has concluded two hearings. At this moment the Committee on Intelligence, of which I am also a member, is conducting a hearing. Speaking for the Senate, and I believe the House, the proper oversight is being administered. The Appropriations Committee likewise addressed this issue in some context today. The Government of our Nation, the executive and the legislative branch together--I find total cooperation with the Department of Defense--is doing the best we know how to protect the interests of our Nation and protect the men and women of the Armed Forces and protect all others in this set of very tragic circumstances.

I yield the floor.

Mr. President, I thank my good friend and colleague. I am privileged also to serve on his committee.

I move to lay that motion on the table.

Mr. President, the distinguished majority leader, Senator Daschle, Senator Levin, and I have been working with the Department of Defense regarding additional photos relative to the tragic case of the treatment of Iraqi prisoners by U.S. personnel, military and otherwise. We have reached a decision with the total cooperation of the Department of Defense whereby those pictures will be brought to Senate S-407 tomorrow. There will be a representative from the Department there to help Members work their way through such pictures as they wish to examine from 2 to 5, at which time the pictures and everything will be returned to the Department since the Department will maintain constant custody of those, that evidentiary material throughout the time.

I ask unanimous consent the letter Senator Levin and I have sent to the Department regarding viewing and inspection of this material--all Senators are eligible, no staff--be printed in the Record.

Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that I be added as a cosponsor of the resolution.

Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent a letter to the Honorable Bill Frist dated May 6, 2004, be printed in the Record.

Mr. President, before the distinguished minority leader departs, I join, as does the majority leader, in his request. As he may know, yesterday the Armed Services Committee had a 2-hour briefing with the top military leaders from the Department of the Army. Senator Levin and I felt it important to proceed very quickly. Following that, we had a press conference in which both Senator Levin and I spoke of the need for the Secretary of Defense, Mr. Rumsfeld, to come up.

I have been working on that steadily, and I can assure the leader, having talked to my leader last night, Senator Frist--presumably shortly after the two leaders had discussed it--that Senator Frist has joined with Senator Daschle and others to get that done.

I anticipate, however--and I think it is probably wise--that the President of the United States is going to address this issue, and I think immediately following that, I will presume, say, Thursday morning, tomorrow morning, that we could hope to have the Secretary before the Armed Services Committee. And then subject to the leadership, perhaps he could work with other Senators in another forum later sometime tomorrow. That would be my advice.

I commend the leader, my good friend, for his incorporation in his remarks the need for every Senator as they address this issue to reflect on the, as he said, 99.99 percent of extraordinary professionalism and courage rendered by the men and women in the Armed Forces, not just in Iraq, not just in Afghanistan, but all over the world. No one should have their wonderful works and sacrifices and those of their families in any way tarnished by these serious allegations.

I thank my good friend and leader.

Mr. President, I thank my good friend and colleague of many years.

I should now like to proceed, if the Chair will kindly advise this Senator the amount of time under the control of this side of the aisle.

I should like to take approximately 10 minutes of that time.

Mr. President, in my colloquy with the distinguished Democratic leader, I reviewed my great concern that as Senators-- indeed, as people all over the United States and, indeed, the world-- wish to address the extraordinary, tragic information flowing about alleged atrocities perpetrated by U.S. forces and perhaps others that they incorporate in every statement a reference to the courage, the sacrifice, of the men and women in the Armed Forces of our Nation, of the coalition forces who are fighting with us in Iraq, as well as Afghanistan and elsewhere around the world, and, indeed, the impact of this tragic series of revelations on their families back here at home, and to be ever mindful that in the United States and in the homes of the coalition forces in other nations are the wives, the children, mothers, fathers, and others who are in strong support of their loved one beyond the shores, and how ever so hard this story hits home with them.

I do hope my colleagues and others, as they address this issue, take the time to include reference to the valiant work being done by uniformed people of the armed forces of many nations and their families.

The allegations of mistreatment of the prisoners by some members of the Armed Forces, if proven, represent an appalling and totally unacceptable breach of military regulations and conduct that could--and I repeat--could undermine much of the greatest works and sacrifices of our forces in Iraq and around the world in the war on terror.

The vast majority of our men and women--as the Democratic leader said, 99.99 percent--fully understand their obligations to conduct themselves in accordance with military, national, and international standards, most particularly the standards of professional conduct that are taught each soldier, sailor, airman, and marine of our forces.

The mistreatment of prisoners, no matter what their reason for incarceration, is not what the uniform of the United States stands for. It is not what the United States stands for as a Nation. It is not the way for anyone who wears that uniform to conduct themselves.

The Armed Services Committee received a briefing from senior Army officials yesterday. We did receive a considerable amount of information that is not freely in the press today. I think in due course that information will be and should be shared publicly. Nevertheless, we have begun our probe of this particular case. I commend the committee for its actions so far. We had three-quarters of the members of the committee in attendance yesterday. There was a very vigorous questioning of the Army witness. While informative, the briefing revealed the need for more extensive public hearings from civilian and military officials. I made a request for such hearings immediately following our hearing yesterday. I was joined by Senator Levin, the ranking member.

We must always remember that under our Constitution, it is very clear in the long traditions of this country that civilians control the U.S. military. They have the ultimate responsibility of the actions of the men and women in uniform. They are the ones who promulgate the orders from the Commander in Chief, the President, to the unit commanders. Consequently, the civilians must accept that responsibility.

Secretary Rumsfeld, in a press conference yesterday, addressed the Nation. As I said, I have been in consultation with him and his office about an appearance, which I anticipate will take place very shortly following the public statements to be issued, I believe, today by the President of the United States.

I fully believe the most constructive course of action at this point is to fully understand the extent of this problem, no matter how much time it requires to gather all of the facts, no matter how difficult it is to get all of those facts, no matter how embarrassing those facts may be--get the facts out and the story, so that not only the Congress of the United States can reach its judgment but, indeed, the American public and others around the world, because this is an around-the-world story at this point in time.

Our great Nation has had a symbol of freedom and hope for its entire existence. The world looks to us as the standard bearer of how best to bring about freedom for others, how best to protect those values which we hold so dearly and for which men and women have gone forth for generations from these shores not to conquer or take land, but they have gone forth in the cause of freedom.

I believe in due course, once this story is fully understood, we will have the ability as a Nation to apologize to our Chief Executive, the President, through others, through this humble Senator, for the actions taken and, most importantly, give the assurances to the world that we will not ever again see a repeat.

I have had the privilege to have had association with the men and women of uniform for over 50 years. When I was a young sailor in the closing year of World War II, I began my career in the training commands of the U.S. Navy. I have had many opportunities in the ensuing years to work with the men and women of the U.S. military. During the war in Korea, I served as a marine. During the Vietnam war, I was privileged to serve over 5 years as the Navy Secretary. We had our problems during that conflict, but I doubt if any of those problems parallel the seriousness and consequences of this framework of allegations today.

Therefore, it is a duty upon us to leave no stone unturned, to reveal all

of the facts, to give the assurance that it will not happen again, and to place into the military such authorities as they need. I doubt if there is anything under statute law that needs to be added, but the authorities need to uphold those laws and regulations, and training should follow so that this will never be repeated.

Again, as we proceed over the next days and weeks, we must be mindful of the millions of men and women in uniform, past and present, who have honorably, with great sacrifice, defended the laws, rules, traditions, and values enshrined in the U.S. Constitution and in the American way of life. The actions of a few must not be allowed to tarnish that image.

Of course, I am very mindful of the fact that Memorial Day is in a few weeks, and we will dedicate a magnificent set of structures on our Mall to the men and women who served during World War II--some 16 million. I had the privilege of going down the other day with Senator Dole, a former colleague, whose wisdom and energies have contributed greatly to this magnificent memorial. As we walked there together with other Senators from this Chamber--totaling 7, who served in World War II--Senator Dole said that, yes, the monument stands as a symbol for the sacrifices of those in uniform, some 16 million, but he said it also stands as a monument and testimony of the homefront. Those of us who have memories of that period remember how well this country was unified. We had rationing; we had war production; we worked around the clock not only to supply and equip our troops but to provide equipment for our Allied forces. It was a magnificent chapter in American history. That cannot be tarnished by the actions of a few here.

There is clearly room for a constructive debate on how best to proceed in Iraq, but we must not allow recent events to obscure the overall stakes for our Nation and the world in this region. We must be unified in overall purpose that success in Iraq is essential and that we, the Congress, stand squarely behind our men and women in uniform.

Our troops in Iraq deserve this. They deserve the best support we can give them. To appear divided while our sons and daughters are in harm's way runs counter to the traditions of this Chamber. There should be debate, but let it be reasoned and measured, and focused on the way forward in this war on terrorism.

The brave young men and women of the U.S. Armed Forces have answered their Nation's call to service. They deserve nothing less than our absolute, unwavering commitment to their success. Nothing less.

I yield the floor.

Mr. President, I thank our colleague from Texas. Let me assure all that I have been in contact with Secretary Rumsfeld. There is no reluctance whatsoever on his part to come forward. He desires to do so, but I believe it should be following the Commander in Chief, the President, when he addresses indeed the Nation and the world in a short time.