Mr. Chairman, I rise in support of this bill. It is deficient in many ways, but it includes critical provisions that I think are necessary. So I will vote for it. As a new Member of the Armed Services Committee, I am grateful to Chairman…
Mr. Chairman, I rise in support of this bill. It is deficient in many ways, but it includes critical provisions that I think are necessary. So I will vote for it.
As a new Member of the Armed Services Committee, I am grateful to Chairman Hunter for working with me on a number of provisions in the bill that are important to me and my state of Colorado.
The bill incorporates an amendment I offered to reauthorize for one year the Welcome Home Warrior and Freedom Salute programs for the Army Reserve and Army and Air National Guard. Both programs are first and foremost recruiting and retention programs. They help reintroduce returning soldiers to civilian life and honor them with gifts of flags, lapel pins and other items honoring their service. Especially given the amount of strain our citizen soldiers are under, it's all the more important that we take the time to let them know how much their service and sacrifices mean to their communities and to the nation.
The bill also includes language directing the Secretary of the Army to evaluate the type of aircraft available in the Army's inventory that can replace aging equipment currently in use at High-Altitude Aviation Training Site (HAATS) in Eagle, CO. HAATS, which is operated by the Colorado Army National Guard, is the primary site for training military pilots on operations in hostile and high-altitude environments under all weather conditions. The training that is done at HAATS is essential to reduce the number of accidents our forces have recently experienced when operating in high mountainous areas, such as Afghanistan and Northern Iraq. But the training site currently uses aircraft that are being phased out this year, and no replacement aircraft have been programmed. So I'm glad that the Chairman has pledged to work with me to help HAATS continue to provide its important training.
I was pleased that the bill includes favorable language on the Pueblo Chemical Depot, a former chemical weapons site located in southeastern Colorado. Coloradans were alarmed last year when the demilitarization project was put on hold, so they want to see that DoD is committed to using the neutralization technology to destroy the 2,600 tons of mustard agent stored at Pueblo--not transporting the weapons to a different site for destruction. The Colorado delegation has worked hard to put the project back on the right track, so I am grateful for language in the bill directing the Secretary of the Army to continue to implement fully the neutralization technology at Pueblo.
I also want to call attention to language that would transfer program responsibility from the Under Secretary of Defense for Acquisition, Technology, and Logistics to the Secretary of the Army. I understand that objection to this transfer in the past was due to the preference of the Program Manager for Chemical Destruction under the Department of the Army for baseline incineration. Now that DoD is committed to the neutralization approach, and given the numerous GAO reports and testimony to Congress stating that effective management of the chemical demilitarization program has been hindered by the complexity of its management structure, it appears to make sense to pursue the transfer. Still, I've asked the Chairman to follow this move closely to ensure that this proposed change in oversight of the project doesn't change the path forward for the development of the neutralization technology.
Finally, I'm pleased that the bill includes $6.4 million for the Air National Guard Station at Greeley for the Space Warning Squadron Support Facility as well as $5.5 million for the Network Information and Space Security Center (NISSC) at the University of Colorado at Colorado Springs. These funds will enable Colorado's Air National Guard to replace its outdated facility and allow NISSC to expand its programs and services through a multidisciplinary homeland security lab environment.
There are also many broad provisions in the bill that benefit our troops. An important one increases the active duty Army and Marine Corp by 10,000 and 1,000 respectively, thereby helping to ease the strain on our troops. I'm also glad that the bill includes provisions to increase recruiting and retention incentives, increase the death gratuity to $100,000, and provide a 3.1 percent pay raise for members of the armed forces. The bill also provides better force protection for our troops, including nearly doubled funding for up-armored Humvees.
Also important--especially at this time of budget tightening--is the bill's focus on reining in costs of major procurement programs, particularly the Future Combat Systems and other programs that have relied on immature technology.
On a less positive note, I am concerned that the bill authorizes nearly $50 billion in a ``bridge fund''--over and above the $440 billion in the regular bill--for FY06 supplemental
appropriations for the wars in Iraq and Afghanistan and the global war on terror. While inclusion in the bill does mean that the authorizing process has been followed to an extent, still, the additional money in this bridge fund should be included in the regular budget request, since there is nothing unexpected about the need for these funds. The ``emergency'' label that these funds bear hides the fact that they do increase the size of the budget deficit. I don't believe this is a responsible way for us to pay for our military operations.
I'm also disappointed that the leadership and the Rules Committee did not provide for adequate debate on issues of importance to the nation and to the prosecution of the war in Iraq and Afghanistan.
Last week the Armed Services Committee voted for Representative Taylor's amendment to provide TRICARE to all Reservists on a permanent basis. But Chairman Hunter took the language out due to budget constraints, and the Rules Committee refused to make Mr. Taylor's amendment in order. I agree with my colleague Representative Taylor that as long as our nation continues to use our reserve components in the same capacities as active duty troops, they deserve similar benefits for similar service. The needs of our Reservists will continue to grow as we continue to call them to service in the war in Iraq and Afghanistan. But the Republicans put off this decision on TRICARE to another day.
The Rules Committee also precluded debate on Representative Spratt's amendment to increase spending on nonproliferation programs. As Mr. Spratt pointed out, we are currently spending less on the cooperative threat reduction program than we did before September 11th. President Bush agreed with Senator Kerry in one of the presidential debates that the biggest danger we face is the threat of nuclear weapons and other weapons of mass destruction in the hands of terrorists. Yet this bill doesn't provide funding for our nonproliferation programs commensurate with this threat.
I am disappointed that debate was not allowed on Representative Tauscher's excellent amendment on sharing reports on detainee treatment with Congress or on an amendment I offered with my colleague Representative Beauprez to help former nuclear weapons workers in Colorado who are suffering from cancer and other conditions related to their exposure to radiation and other hazards.
I'm very relieved that the majority saw fit to scale back for the second time language that was first proposed two weeks ago in the Personnel Subcommittee on which I serve. That language would have removed women from Army combat support and combat service support units in which they currently serve, a move that would have affected many thousands of women in Iraq and Afghanistan.
Last week's amendment watered down the initial language, codifying the status quo with regard to positions women currently hold in the military. Along with my colleagues in the Armed Services Committee, I objected to this revised language because it would take flexibility away from our commanders who need to make their own decisions about battlefield needs. So last week's amendment meant that if one of the services wanted to expand or change positions open to women, this could only be done through a change in the law. Ranking Member Skelton said it best: ``By limiting women to only those jobs they perform today, it will be more difficult for commanders to adapt their forces to the changing needs of current operations around the world.''
Given the current difficulties our military is facing with recruitment and retention, it doesn't make sense to tie the hands of our commanders, discourage women from joining the armed forces, or create confusion among our troops. So I'm glad that Chairman Hunter revised his language yet again in the manager's amendment today. This final provision requires the Defense Department to provide more detailed reporting if the services want to expand the role of women, and establishes a longer waiting period following notice to Congress before those changes can go into effect.
Finally, I want to discuss an amendment brought to the floor by our colleague from California, Ms. Woolsey.
This is an annual authorization bill, but its provisions will have lasting effects beyond the next fiscal year. So, I sympathized with those who supported the amendment calling for the Administration to tell us how they intend to complete the work we have undertaken to do in Iraq. But, after careful consideration, I decided that I could not support the Woolsey amendment.
That does not mean I am confident that the Administration has a clear blueprint--in fact, just the opposite. I opposed the resolution authorizing the use of force in Iraq because I thought other alternatives had not been exhausted. And events since then have made clear that while the Administration planned for invasion, they lacked a plan for what would follow.
But just as rushing into Iraq was a mistake, rushing to get out would also be a mistake. Ms. Woolsey's amendment may be helpful in sending an important signal to the Muslim world that America has no desire to stay in Iraq, but it fails to address the necessary linkage between an exit strategy and security. Moreover, I am persuaded that this is not the moment for Congress to cast what the insurgents predictably would describe as a vote of no confidence in our efforts to assist the new Iraqi government to draft a constitution and to develop the police and military forces needed to maintain order so that the Iraqi people can decide in free and fair elections whether to ratify that document.
Mr. Chairman, this is not a perfect bill. And the process under which it was debated was not all that it should have been. But, overall, the bill deserves to pass and I urge its approval.