Mr. Speaker, by direction of the Committee on Rules, I call up House Resolution 787 and ask for its immediate consideration. Mr. Speaker, for the purpose of debate only, I yield the customary 30 minutes to the gentleman from Florida (Mr.…
Mr. Speaker, by direction of the Committee on Rules, I call up House Resolution 787 and ask for its immediate consideration.
Mr. Speaker, for the purpose of debate only, I yield the customary 30 minutes to the gentleman from Florida (Mr. Hastings), pending which I yield myself such time as I may consume. During consideration of this resolution, all time yielded is for the purpose of debate only.
General Leave
Mr. Speaker, I ask unanimous consent that all Members have 5 legislative days to revise and extend their remarks.
Mr. Speaker, House Resolution 787 provides for the consideration of two important bills whose focus is to empower the people of this Nation by removing governmental obstacles standing in the way of life and prosperity in this country.
The first bill, H.R. 4566, the Alleviating Stress Test Burdens to Help Investors Act, is a bipartisan effort from the Committee on Financial Services under Chairman Jeb Hensarling, authored by the gentleman from Maine (Mr. Poliquin).
The second piece of legislation in today's rule, H.R. 5247, the Trickett Wendler, Frank Mongiello, Jordan McLinn, and Matthew Bellina Right to Try Act of 2018, authorizes the use of certain drugs to eligible patients who have been diagnosed with a stage of a disease or a condition for which there is a reasonable likelihood that death will occur in a matter of months.
The rule provides for 1 hour of debate for H.R. 4566, the Alleviating Stress Test Burdens to Help Investors Act, equally divided between the Chair and the ranking members of the Committee on Financial Services.
The rule makes one amendment in order, authored by the gentlewoman from California (Ms. Maxine Waters), the ranking member. Further, the rule provides for the consideration of one motion to recommit with or without instructions.
For H.R. 5247, the Right to Try Act of 2018, the rule provides for 1 hour of debate equally divided between the Chair
and the ranking member of the Committee on Energy and Commerce. Although no amendments to the bill were made in order, the rule does provide for one motion to recommit.
Mr. Speaker, before I speak about the substance of the two bills under consideration in the rule before us today, I do want to take a minute to honor our colleague and the Rules Committee's ranking member, Louise Slaughter, who passed away unexpectedly last week.
I have known Ranking Member Slaughter since I first joined Congress in 2003. We spent countless hours debating every issue one can imagine in the Rules Committee upstairs, often long into the night.
When I joined the Rules Committee in 2013, Ranking Member Slaughter was then the ranking member, but it was under her chairmanship where she ushered through the Affordable Care Act, where my largest memories reside. During the debate for the Affordable Care Act, I went up to H- 313, the Rules Committee hearing room, with 18 amendments under my arm, a small selection of the many ways I felt the law needed to be changed.
Certain that I would only be able to get through a small portion of those amendments before I was cut off, I began my testimony. To the chairwoman's credit, she let me go on and on and on, and despite my being convinced that she was going to gavel me down at any second, she allowed me to finish speaking on all 18 amendments.
Mr. Speaker, it wasn't until I actually became a member of the Rules Committee several years later that I discovered there is, in fact, no time limit for Members and witnesses to speak, much to the chagrin of many Members when we debate the National Defense Authorization Act.
Ranking Member Slaughter was always proud of her background as a microbiologist, and it served her well during her tenure in Congress, because, after all, we deal with, sometimes, almost miniscule, microscopic issues, so time as a microbiologist would be good preparation.
One moment where I was glad to be able to work with Ranking Member Slaughter was in 2007. This was right after the Democrats took control of the House. Ms. Slaughter had been pushing for years for legislation that would prohibit the discrimination of employees based on genetic information.
The legislation was forward leaning, long before companies offered DNA testing kits in every pharmacy of the country. And, in fact, it was former Speaker Newt Gingrich himself who brought this bill to my attention, the Genetic Information Nondiscrimination Act, which I was proud to support as it moved through the Energy and Commerce Committee and was eventually signed into law by President Bush.
I would also like to mention Don Sisson, the staff director for the minority on the Rules Committee. Don has been with the committee for years--even at one point working under Chairman Drier--and has been with the ranking member of the Rules Committee through many events in the past years, including the death of her own husband, who, in fact, often sat in the audience of the Rules Committee and joined Ms. Slaughter during our late-night Rules hearings.
Don is, indeed, a loyal staffer, himself hailing from Rochester, New York, and is a great example of how Ms. Slaughter's life and passing is affecting so many people. I do want to thank Don for his written remarks that were read into the record of the Rules Committee last night from the staff perspective on the passing of Ranking Member Slaughter.
Mr. Speaker, at this point, I would like to hold off making further comments on the legislation before us to allow others to speak.
Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.
Madam Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
Madam Speaker, it was indeed incredibly disappointing last week when our Democratic colleagues did not join us in supporting what was very carefully crafted right-to-try legislation.
The President came and talked to us at the beginning of February, and right to try was one of the issues that he highlighted there from the podium. So it should be to no one's great surprise that this House would indeed take up and work on that issue that the President himself highlighted. Right to try was the one piece of legislation that President Trump specifically promised to the American people in the State of the Union address.
Today, I want it to be known that I stand with the President. I stand with the thousands of Americans with terminal diseases and their families and their friends in getting this important bill passed.
Since 2014, 37 States, including my home State of Texas, have passed a version of a right-to-try law, and through a strong grassroots movement, they have accomplished that.
Today, the House is considering H.R. 5247, the Right to Try Act of 2018, which would improve access to experimental treatments for terminally ill patients and offer them a chance--a second chance, a third chance--at life.
Over the course of the last decade, our Nation has achieved unprecedented innovation and scientific breakthroughs. Thanks to researchers in our academic institutions and those working in the pharmaceutical and medical device industries, American patients have access to innovative treatments.
Regardless of these achievements, I hear from patients with serious life-threatening conditions, including my constituents from north Texas, who are frustrated with what they see as regulatory barriers from trying and experimenting with new therapies when every other avenue has failed.
It does seem we are at a crossroads when lifesaving treatments, while not yet approved, both exist and remain unavailable to patients.
As a physician, I understand that access to investigational drugs and therapies is a deeply personal priority for those seeking treatment for themselves or loved ones with a serious and life-threatening condition.
It is crucial to mention the multistakeholder efforts that have gone into improving the original right-to-try bill. Chairman Walden of the Energy and Commerce Committee led negotiations with the Commissioner of the United States Food and Drug Administration, Dr. Scott Gottlieb, and with other stakeholders to ensure that this legislation opens the door to innovative experimental drugs for these patients without necessarily compromising the vital work and the mission of the Food and Drug Administration. The product of those negotiations is a bill that strikes the proper balance between ensuring patient safety and granting access to these treatments.
I also want to mention that the Subcommittee on Health did have a hearing in this regard October 3. We heard from the Commissioner of the Food and Drug Administration during that hearing. We heard from a number of patient groups and stakeholders who felt that it was, in fact, in their best interest for us to advance legislation.
Currently, the Food and Drug Administration conducts an expanded access program aimed at helping patients who do not qualify for clinical trials to gain access to therapies that the agency has yet to approve. While this program makes a good faith effort to help those patients, right to try would create an alternative pathway for those individuals, allowing them to access eligible investigational drugs.
The fact is that individuals may not qualify for a clinical trial if they do not meet very specific patient inclusion criteria, which may include factors such as age, gender, type and stage of disease, previous treatment history, and other medical conditions. There are also many patients for whom participation in a clinical trial is not feasible, especially those who live in rural areas far from where those academic clinical trial sites exist.
Most, if not all, of the patients with a terminal medical condition fall into one of these categories. This legislation allows those patients to participate in the alternative pathway so long as they are certified by a physician who is in good standing and abides by the rules laid out in the bill.
Again, we worked closely with the Food and Drug Administration to ensure that the new alternative pathway does not hinder or conflict with the critically important oversight that that agency conducts. While some people may have reservations about the safety of a new pathway, this bill protects patients from manufacturers mislabeling or misbranding drugs, requires sponsors and manufacturers to report adverse events to the Food and Drug Administration, and provides certain liability protections for parties participating in the new pathway. This alternative pathway would also be limited to individuals who have exhausted all FDA-approved treatment options.
Additionally, only certain investigational drugs are considered eligible under this legislation. In order to qualify, the drug must have completed a
phase one clinical trial, must have an active application, must be under active development or production by the manufacturer, and must not be the subject of a clinical hold.
Eligible patients include those suffering from a stage of a disease or condition for which there is reasonable likelihood that death will occur in a matter of months or that would result in significant irreversible morbidity that is likely to lead to premature death.
This revised right-to-try bill also provides certainty to manufacturers in the drug approval process. It is essential that we do not create additional hurdles in that process. The legislation clearly states that the Secretary of the Department of Health and Human Services ``may not use a clinical outcome associated with the use of an eligible investigational drug . . . to delay or adversely affect the review or approval of such drug.''
Since the Health Subcommittee first considered the right-to-try legislation, the bill has passed in the Senate, and we have had many conversations with patients, advocates, the administration, and stakeholders on all sides of this complex topic. That collaborative effort was necessary, and I am certainly grateful to all who participated in those discussions.
Madam Speaker, this represents months of hard work and thoughtful discussions and decisions. I believe this legislation is a positive step forward in our shared goal of improving care for American patients. Again, this was the one aspect of the President's State of the Union Address where he asked us specifically to act on this legislation.
For these reasons, I urge my colleagues to support the rule and the underlying bill.
Madam Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.
Madam Speaker, I yield 3 minutes to the gentleman from Washington (Mr. Newhouse), who is a fellow member of the Rules Committee.
Mr. Speaker, I yield myself the balance of my time.
Mr. Speaker, I include in the Record an article from The Dallas Morning News from 2010. The title of the article--and I am not going to read the whole thing--is: ``Pelosi Pulled Strings to Let Dying Dallas Lawyer Try Experimental Cancer Drug.''
[From the Dallas Morning News, 2010]
Pelosi Pulled Strings To Let Dying Dallas Lawyer Baron Try Experimental
Cancer Drug
(By Todd J. Gilman)
Washington.--Dallas' top Democratic donors will cut big
checks to share dinner later this month with House Speaker
Nancy Pelosi. Most will be motivated by a desire to protect
the party's congressional majority.
Lisa Blue will have an extra reason: to say thanks for
Pelosi's efforts when her husband, Fred Baron, was dying of
bone marrow cancer. His only option was an experimental drug
whose manufacturer refused to give permission to use it for
Baron's condition.
``He was a big fan of hers, and now I am as well,'' Blue
said.
Baron, the ``King of Toxic Torts,'' built a fortune suing
on behalf of asbestos victims. He died the week before
Election Day 2008 at age 61.
A prolific Democratic fundraiser, he served as finance
chief that year for his friend John Edwards, who also made
his fortune in court. Baron later acknowledged funneling
large sums to Edwards' mistress--a scandal that gave
ammunition to those who already despised trial lawyers.
But to Blue, first and foremost, Baron was a husband.
The tale she tells of his final weeks is not so different
than any widow might tell, except, of course, that the couple
had friends in especially high places--friends like Pelosi,
who will headline the Aug. 24 dinner to raise cash for the
Democratic Congressional Campaign Committee.
In 2002, Baron was diagnosed with multiple myeloma. By
October 2008, his doctors at the Mayo Clinic were telling him
he had just days to live.
They also offered a glimmer of hope. Over the years, the
couple had donated about $1 million to Mayo. The staff was
especially diligent, Blue said. They tested an arsenal of
drugs and finally discovered that Baron's cancer responded
surprisingly well, in the lab, to a drug called Tysabri.
Mayo had an ample supply, but the drug was--and still is--
approved only for treatment of multiple sclerosis and Crohn's
disease. The manufacturer, Biogen Idec, refused to give
permission, even under special ``compassionate use'' rules
that protect a drug-maker from a black mark in case of an
adverse outcome.
Biogen said it didn't want to jeopardize the drug's
availability to other patients. (The company did not respond
to a request for comment last week.)
``I told Mayo, `I'll sign anything, I'll release anything.
Just give him the drug,' '' Blue said.
Blue, also a top lawyer, began making calls. She started
with Lance Armstrong, the bicyclist and cancer survivor, whom
she had represented.
``I started going through Fred's Rolodex,'' she said. ``I
called every politician, every celebrity that I knew and just
begged them to help. . . . I must have made 200 calls.''
She called clinics in Canada, trying in vain to find
doctors willing to administer the drug without Biogen's OK.
She hired a lawyer and prepared to sue Mayo to force it to
dispense the drug. She even bought some Tysabri online from
Australia, intending to send stepson Andrew Baron to smuggle
it back, she said.
The younger Baron posted an open plea online to Biogen,
noting that Bill Clinton, Sens. John Kerry and Edward Kennedy
of Massachusetts, Sen. Tom Harkin of Iowa and even the head
of the Food and Drug Administration had urged the company to
reconsider.
``You talk about mental anguish,'' Blue recounted. ``Fred,
every day, would wake up and he said, `Am I going to get the
drug?' ''
Others were supportive, she said, but Pelosi ``put her
heart and soul'' into the cause, as did Harkin.
Somehow--Blue still isn't sure how--Pelosi cajoled the FDA
to find a legal justification that let Mayo administer the
drug, even without Biogen's consent.
``Nancy figured out a way,'' she said.
The drug beat back the cancer for a few days, but not
enough.
Blue has no illusion that a typical family could pull such
strings.
``There are so many cases like Fred's,'' she said. ``One
thing he taught me was politics matters. What a personal
experience for me to understand how politics matters.''
And no, she added, ``It's not fair that other people can't
pick up the phone and make the government give them a drug. .
. . It was just such an awakening about how the drug
companies have so much power.''
That's what she'll tell Pelosi over dinner.
Mr. Speaker, this article references events that occurred in 2008.
In 2002, this individual was diagnosed with multiple myeloma. By October of 2008, his doctors were telling him that
he had just days to live. They also offered a glimmer of hope. There was perhaps one chance of therapy. It was an unproven therapy that might, in fact, be helpful to him.
The family made inquiries, made entreaties, but they were not successful until they invoked the then-Speaker of the House, Nancy Pelosi, who actually helped this lawyer get access to this medication. Unfortunately, it was not successful. His disease spread to a point where the therapy was not helpful. But the family observed, ``Nancy figured out a way.''
How about that. The Speaker of the House figured out a way to get this medication to an individual who was dying of a disease, who obviously was very important--a large Democratic donor, and I get that.
But the Speaker of the House intervened because the clinic where he was being treated felt that they did not have the authority to give him the medication. The company that was manufacturing the medication did not feel that it was in anyone's best interest to give him the medication. But Nancy found a way.
Well, Mr. Speaker, today, we are going to find a way. The President asked us, and we are going to find a way for those millions of Americans who are asking for that same chance.
So today's rule provides for consideration of two important consumer- driven pieces of legislation:
H.R. 4566, by Mr. Poliquin, will help alleviate some of the regulations that were put in place under the Dodd-Frank Act.
H.R. 5247, the right-to-try bill which garnered a majority of bipartisan support last week, will give patients who have nowhere else to turn another option to fight the potentially fatal health conditions with which they have been diagnosed.
I do want to thank President Trump and Vice President Pence for their leadership on this issue and helping us understand here in this body how important it is to move forward with this patient-centered legislation.
I urge my colleagues to support today's rule and the two underlying pieces of legislation.
Mr. Speaker, I yield back the balance of my time, and I move the previous question on the resolution.