Madam Speaker, the American automobile industry faces almost certain extinction if this body fails to act at this time. I cannot in good conscience allow that to happen. I will therefore vote for this legislation today, December 10, 2008,…
Madam Speaker, the American automobile industry faces almost certain extinction if this body fails to act at this time. I cannot in good conscience allow that to happen. I will therefore vote for this legislation today, December 10, 2008, but I do so with some reservations.
Admittedly, the industry has made many missteps over the years. Moreover, the many flaws in this bill were probably pre-ordained by the expedited legislative procedures--adopted under the guise of an ``emergency''--by which the congressional leadership chose to craft this bill. However, to reject this imperfect solution for an imperfect industry solely because it could have been better makes little sense.
Like my constituents, I am also astonished by the actions of overpaid, out of touch executives at these companies. We need to pursue further reforms in their compensation. But if we focus today on only the few individuals at the top of the companies, we will lose sight of the larger reality: Failure to act will cost the jobs of hundreds of thousands of average, hardworking Americans. It would also deprive our Nation of an industrial sector vital for us to remain an innovative global leader and manufacturer in the twenty-first century.
America needs its own automotive industry. I have always owned American cars. I believe in the American workforce, the thousands of men and women who make the automobiles on which we rely. They do not fly on corporate jets. They certainly do not make millions of dollars. We need to help them in their time of need.
Experts estimate that if the Congress does not provide this initial bridge loan and the automakers do fail, 2.5 million jobs will be lost. The Big Three employ 240,000 workers, suppliers and dealerships provide 800,000 jobs, and some 1.4 million jobs are dependent on the auto manufacturers. In my congressional district, some 500 workers at Rieter Automotive in Bloomsburg produce carpets for General Motors, and these workers and their families would experience undue hardship if we allow the American automotive industry to fail.
Moreover, unemployment numbers released for November indicate this country lost 533,000 jobs in that month alone. The current unemployment rate sits at 6.7 percent. We simply cannot allow those already devastating numbers to swell further.
In addition, the loss of the industry would result in a sizable drop in government revenue, just when annual deficits have run away and our national debt soars. Unemployment assistance will skyrocket and thousands of American breadwinners will lose their homes and even the ability to feed their children. The costs of inaction will therefore be catastrophic.
Surely we all agree that the industry teeters on the precipice of disaster. Additionally, most agree that the global economic crisis bears a good deal of blame for the automakers' collective misfortune. Importantly, the industry has appropriately conceded that they deserve a large share of blame. They were reluctant to diversify their fleets of cars to suit demand and to inoculate themselves against market volatility in the price of oil.
Earlier this year, consumers quickly lost their taste for large sport utility vehicles in favor of small, fuel-efficient cars as automakers for too long ignored this shift. The automakers failed to trim costs appropriately. They retained too many unnecessary white collar jobs. As we all now know, they infamously provided private jets to transport executives across the country, all the while paying those very executives $20 million-plus pay packages.
Over the last few years, the automakers have come to recognize the urgency of their plight by engaging in substantive changes in their corporate structures. They have now presented long-term viability plans to the Congress, and they seem intent on getting the job done. This bill--if its oversight provisions are dutifully carried out by the Executive Branch--attempts to ensure that the necessary transformations occur. As a start, the automakers have expressed that wide-scale restructuring has already begun, and at considerable cost.
This bill contains many thoughtful conditions. Executive compensation limits, taxpayer
warrants, and a czar-like overseer are among the principles necessary for us to extend Federal assistance. This legislation, however, could have been better, tougher, and as a result more likely to succeed, if we had taken the time to get it right. I remain concerned that American taxpayer money could be used in a way that might outsource American jobs because the Congress did not include a specific prohibition preventing such an action.
So, I question whether the oversight of the disbursement and allocation of all government funds is sufficiently strong. As for executive compensation, even though the CEOs have agreed to annual $1 salaries, the Big Three could have been forced to pay their top 20 executives no more than their leaner, more-profitable foreign counterparts are paid.
Furthermore, we failed to establish what will occur in the event of a disaster scenario, in which the companies burn through this money and the hoped for results are not attained. We made some progress in planning for contingencies, but we should have done more. We could have created in legislation a structured bankruptcy system for the automakers.
We could have also relied more on the 1979 Chrysler bailout law for insight and guidance. That plan included a ``certainty of success'' formula and required more frequent reporting. Unfortunately, this precedent received far less attention than it deserved. Finally, I believe that we ought to have considered a buy-in incentive program, whereby Americans would hold a vested interest in the success of these companies.
Unfortunately, these and countless other potential provisions never saw the light of day because the Congress succumbed to the idea that emergencies, however real, preclude us from operating under regular order. The two are not mutually exclusive. I concede that the American automakers need money, and fast.
But, in the three weeks it took the companies to produce at least reasonable viability proposals, the Congress could have considered numerous drafts of bills, could have held additional hearings, and could have marked up legislation. In addition to producing a better legislative product, each of those activities probably would have built a stronger consensus and lessened partisan discord. Going forward into the 111th Congress, it is my sincere hope that the Congress will return to regular order so that we produce better laws and establish a more collegial, deliberative body.
That said, voting against this bill today simply was not an option. The industry might well have vanished in a matter of weeks, unemployment would have skyrocketed, and the economy would have sunk deeper. Let us hope that the money is allocated wisely, that the executives act prudently, that all stakeholders make some sacrifices, and that long-term viability is pursued tirelessly.