Floor Statements

Madam Speaker, I rise in opposition to H.R. 1195.

Madam Speaker, our healthcare and social service workers deserve tremendous praise for their work over the past year, as they have faced unprecedented challenges during the COVID-19 pandemic. They also deserve protections, as they face a significant risk of workplace violence.

This complex issue deserves an evidence-based solution, not a rushed and costly top-down government mandate.

Unfortunately, H.R. 1195 would prevent workers and stakeholders from giving meaningful input based on experience regarding how to address this highly technical issue. It forces the Occupational Safety and Health Administration, or OSHA, to issue an interim final workplace violence prevention rule within 1 year, significantly impacting the healthcare industry as they remain on the front lines of combating this pandemic.

I have heard firsthand from our healthcare facilities--especially our rural hospitals--that the pandemic has caused serious financial struggles, and many are already at risk of closure.

The CBO estimates that the rushed rule will cost private entities at least $1.8 billion in the first 2 years that the

rule is in effect and $750 million annually after that. For public facilities, it will cost at least $100 million in the first 2 years and $55 million after that.

The last thing our healthcare facilities need right now is another costly top-down mandate from Washington.

Our Founders envisioned a government by the people. I am always amazed that the intellectuals in this town know more about solving problems than the great people on the front lines. My colleagues are approaching this issue the wrong way. We must address this from the bottom up by empowering healthcare workers, hospital leadership, the scientific community, and the public to have a say in the development of a new comprehensive standard.

That is why I oppose this bill today and I urge my colleagues to ensure our healthcare workers and caregivers are protected in the workplace by allowing them to give their input directly.

Mr. Speaker, we all agree that every American should be compensated for the quality of their work and not face discrimination in the workplace based on race, color, national origin, religion, or sex.

That is why Congress passed the Equal Pay Act in 1963 and broader nondiscrimination laws under title VII of the Civil Rights Act the following year.

However, unlike those bills, H.R. 7 offers no new protections. It is simply a messaging bill to score political points.

What will the bill actually do? For job creators, they can expect more lawsuits and more regulatory burdens.

While limiting legal options for women by changing EPA class action lawsuits from an opt-in system to a mandatory opt-out system, H.R. 7 allows trial lawyers to pursue unlimited compensatory damages, making it nearly impossible for employers to defend against frivolous lawsuits.

Additionally, it requires employers to make intrusive data disclosures to the Equal Employment Opportunity Commission regarding the sex, race, and national origin of employees and, for the first time, the hiring, termination, and promotion data of those employees, ultimately posing a threat to workers' privacy.

The compliance costs to satisfy these requirements can total more than $600 million a year. We have already seen a number of small businesses forced to close this year because of COVID lockdowns, and now my Democratic colleagues want to impose more regulatory burdens on businesses that were lucky enough to survive.

Thankfully, my colleague from New York, Congresswoman Elise Stefanik, has a solution that will actually address pay discrimination and support women in the workplace. The Wage Equity Act protects workers' privacy by encouraging voluntary pay analysis while bolstering women's employment through the creation of a grant program for women in college or career and technical programs to provide negotiation skills education.

I urge my colleagues to oppose H.R. 7 and work with Republicans on meaningful legislation to ensure all workers have the opportunity and wages they deserve.

Mr. Speaker, there is an undeniable crisis along our southern border, and the most recent numbers we have received are alarming.

Last month, there were over 100,000 illegal immigrants encountered at our border. That is a 173 percent increase from the same time last year and the highest number of encounters in 7 years.

From January to February of this year, we saw a 163 percent increase of family unit encounters, a 61 percent increase in unaccompanied minors, and a 28 percent increase in encounters overall.

This surge is a direct result of the Biden administration's failure to secure our border and enforce our immigration laws.

Now we face a humanitarian crisis. While the President refuses to acknowledge this dire situation, my Democratic colleagues are turning a deaf ear by advancing two bills this week to grant blanket amnesty to millions of illegals. Are you kidding me?

This sends the wrong message that our borders are open and that our laws don't matter, which will only incentivize more illegal immigration. It is time to build a wall, end policies like catch and release, and oppose mass amnesty. We must secure our border.

Mr. Speaker, my Democrat colleagues have, apparently, decided committee work doesn't matter for the 117th Congress because they, once again, brought legislation to the House floor without first holding a single committee hearing or markup.

As the Republican leader of the Health, Employment, Labor, and Pensions Subcommittee, I would have welcomed the opportunity to debate and amend this flawed legislation in committee.

H.R. 842, also known as the PRO Act, is a radical proposal aimed at appeasing big union bosses who fund the far left's political agenda. From 2010 to 2018, unions sent more than $1.6 billion in member dues to hundreds of left-wing groups like Planned Parenthood, the Clinton Foundation, and the Progressive Democrats of America, instead of spending that money on worker representation.

That is right. Union leaders are lining their pockets and their friends' pockets with the dues workers are forced to pay. No worker should be forced to participate in union activity or pay for representation they do not agree with. That is un-American. But the pro-union bosses act would overturn right-to-work laws in 27 States, including my home State of Georgia.

That would be devastating for Georgia's post-COVID economy. That is why I will offer an amendment protecting the right-to-work laws. In fact, I introduced a total of five amendments to this bill that would put workers first; but, unfortunately, Democrats only allowed one to be considered on the House floor for debate even though last Congress they allowed more than one to be voted on this House floor.

But the American people deserve to know the other amendments that the Democrats blocked.

First is protecting employees' right to secret-ballot elections. An amendment requiring all unions to win a secret-ballot election in order to be certified because no worker should face retribution because of how they cast their ballot.

Codifying a sensible joint-employer standard. An amendment that strikes

the section of the bill which defines joint employment using the indirect control and replaces this provision with the direct and immediate control to protect franchisees and treat them as any other small business owner.

Employee privacy protection. An amendment requiring employers to receive express consent from employees before sharing their personal information with a union because the bill currently does not require that consent.

And worker retirement protection. This amends the bill to state that mandatory arbitration agreements cannot force the members of a bargaining unit into a multiemployer pension plan.

All of my amendments would bring much-needed accountability and transparency, and I am disappointed a majority of them were not even allowed to be offered on the House floor. Furthermore, the PRO Act would further disrupt our economy, which is in desperate need of full reopening.

Mr. Speaker, today, I stand with small business owners and our workforce, and I oppose this bill.

Madam Speaker, I stand here today disappointed but not surprised that my Democratic colleagues and their union boss allies want my home State of Georgia to look just like New York and California.

This is made abundantly clear in the PRO Act where the bill outright bans State right-to-work laws.

I can tell my colleagues one thing: Not on my watch.

Georgia has been a proud right-to-work State since 1947, and it is one of the many reasons workers have prospered. That is why I rise today to offer my straightforward amendment that strikes the ban on right-to-work States.

No American should be forced to pay for representation and political activities that they do not agree with, and that is what will happen if we do not adopt my amendment.

It is a no-brainer: workers should be in control of their earnings and how they spend it. Americans want choice.

I urge my colleagues to support worker choice and vote ``yes'' on my amendment.

Madam Speaker, I ask unanimous consent to call up H.R. 682, the Reopen Schools Act, to get our kids out from behind screens and back in the classroom.

Mr. Speaker, here we go again. I am disappointed to say that my Democrat colleagues refuse to negotiate on legislation to provide targeted, temporary COVID-19 relief to the American people.

Let's be clear. Only 9 percent of this $1.9 trillion package being advanced goes toward pandemic-related expenses, and it is riddled with partisan priorities unrelated to the pandemic, including a $15 minimum wage requirement that will destroy 1.4 million starting jobs; $350 billion in blue State bailouts while leaving behind States like Georgia; funding for a Silicon Valley underground tunnel; and much more.

Throughout this whole process, my Democrat colleagues have rejected prioritizing reopening our schools, despite the CDC stating that schools can safely reopen with proper precautions. Some of our students haven't seen the inside of a classroom in a year. But partisan priorities are apparently more important.

Let's not forget that nearly $1 trillion remains unspent from previous relief packages. So let's stop calling it COVID relief when this package is clearly just a payout to Progressive priorities.

It is time to end this nonsense because the American people are no longer fooled.

Mr. Speaker, I rise today in strong opposition to H.R. 447.

Coming from the construction industry, I know firsthand that apprenticeships help Americans gain valuable skills that lead to good- paying jobs and long-lasting careers.

Before the COVID-19 pandemic hit, we had the greatest economy in the world. Unfortunately, we have seen the negative impact this virus has had on employment opportunities, and Congress should be working in a bipartisan manner to get this economy back on track.

There is no doubt that skilled trades will play a crucial part in economic recovery in the coming months. By encouraging more apprenticeship programs, we can help American workers get back on their feet while, simultaneously, helping employers meet their workforce needs.

But the last thing American workers and businesses need is additional bureaucratic red tape like those included in H.R. 447.

My Democratic colleagues are pushing forward an approach that doubles down on burdensome mandates and will prevent more workers from accessing apprenticeship opportunities by imposing a one-size-fits-all Federal registered apprenticeship system, while doing nothing to support other models.

I offered an amendment to today's bill that would uphold the Trump administration's rule regarding the Department of Labor's Industry- Recognized Apprenticeship Programs, which provides companies an alternative avenue to train skilled workers for their specific industry needs, while allowing Americans to earn while they learn.

We should empower employers to innovate and develop their own apprenticeship programs, not constrain them. Yet, per usual, my Democratic colleagues blocked my amendment from consideration.

If you truly want unity and working across the aisle, then I urge my colleagues to work with the Republicans on the House Education and Labor Committee on a bipartisan bill that would encourage innovation and flexibility into the apprenticeship model so that more Americans can get back to work.

Madam Speaker, I thank Congressman Smith for his work on this important endeavor. I appreciate his hosting this opportunity to lift up the sanctity of life. I think there would be no debate that every life is precious and worthy of dignity and respect.

Jeremiah 1:5 says: ``Before I formed you in the womb, I knew you.''

I will repeat that. That is from the Holy Scriptures. ``Before I formed you in the womb, I knew you.''

The right to life should not be a political debate. We should uphold the value and dignity of life, even those who are defenseless and not with us yet.

This January marked the 48th anniversary of the 1973 Supreme Court ruling on the case of Roe v. Wade that made abortion available throughout pregnancy for nearly any reason. Since that tragic ruling, over 62 million innocent babies have been aborted. In the year following Roe v. Wade, one in every three abortions in the U.S. were funded via taxpayer funds.

Again, from the Scriptures, Daniel, one of the great prophets, would not have paid taxes in this country and probably would have gone to jail on that basis.

Congress made changes so that taxpayer-funded abortions were prohibited in spending bills, but the Democrats are now placing the long bipartisan Hyde amendment on the chopping block while President Biden rescinds important pro-life protections, like the Mexico City policy, which allows taxpayer dollars to go toward promoting abortion abroad. We are not only doing it here, we are doing this to the rest of the world.

As a father of four and a grandfather of 14, I feel very passionately about protecting unborn babies. Any and all measures that take steps to ensure the life of an unborn child will have my complete support, and I will adamantly oppose any that promote or defend such an immoral practice.

Madam Chair, I rise to thank the chairwoman and ranking member for including the Allen-Hice amendment in this en bloc package.

Congressman Hice and I worked together to introduce this bipartisan amendment to fully fund the President's budget request for construction of the second project of the cyber instructional facility at Fort Gordon.

As we all know, cyber is the present and future of modern warfare. In Georgia 12, the district I have the honor of representing, we are at the forefront of advanced cyber innovation. In the changing electronic world in which we live, U.S. Army Cyber Command is an increasingly significant part of our national security efforts.

U.S. Army Cyber Command is currently transitioning to Ford Gordon, and this transition requires construction of state-of-the-art facilities that can accommodate the rapid change of pace required in cyberspace.

I thank Congressman Hice for joining me in introducing this amendment, and I urge the passage of this en bloc package.

Mr. Chair, I have an amendment at the desk.

Mr. Chair, we are nearly 6 months into the Democratic- controlled House of Representatives, and here we are debating amendments to an almost $1 trillion minibus, $176 billion above current budget caps, without even a glimpse of a fiscal year 2020 budget proposal from House Democrats.

You might ask, how did we get to this point? Well, my colleagues on the other side of the aisle are operating on a premise that an increase in defense spending justifies increases in nondefense spending across the board.

Now and always, strengthening our defense should remain priority number one, but providing more than twice as much additional funding in fiscal year 2020 for nondefense programs as for defense programs is simply irresponsible.

Additionally, if Congress does not come to a budget cap agreement, these spending levels would lead to sequestration, which would be devastating to our military.

Folks, as a former business owner and someone who has experience operating within a budget, I am appalled by the lack of fiscal responsibility being shown here today. With an almost $22 trillion national debt, this minibus is a complete disservice to our country and our fellow Americans.

If we wish to avoid passing an insurmountable debt along to the future generations, we must act immediately to tighten the purse strings on Washington's spending habits.

My amendment today is simple. It would reduce State and Foreign Operations spending by 1 percent for fiscal year 2020. Democrats have increased this division by $2 billion, bringing foreign nondefense spending to a whopping $56 billion.

If you do the math, my amendment would cut $560 million. Even with my 1 percent cut, this division will still increase spending for fiscal year 2020 compared to fiscal year 2019.

So, in my mind, my Democratic colleagues should support my amendment, as they will still be spending a lot more of your hard-earned money, just a bit less than they intended.

It is not my intention to cut funding going towards our critical ally, Israel. And while our diplomatic efforts abroad are necessary, it is equally as important that we take a hard look at the balance sheet and make appropriate cuts wherever possible.

Also, just to be clear, it was my goal to offer an amendment to reduce spending by 1 percent across all branches in this minibus spending package, with the exception of defense. However, House Democrats blocked this effort, continued to promote out-of-control government spending and neglecting our national debt crisis, and only ruled this amendment in order.

Mr. Chair, I am a proud grandfather of 13 grandchildren, and I believe it is my duty to do everything in my power to avoid placing a $22 trillion--and rising--burden on their backs.

I urge my colleagues in this body to support my amendment today and take a small step towards bringing fiscal responsibility back to Washington.

Mr. Chair, I reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. Chair, I can't stress enough just how important it is to the future of this country that we take desperately needed steps to rein in our national debt and restore some fiscal sanity to this Chamber. H.R. 2740 is an unserious proposal that will not be signed into law by President Trump.

I would ask all my colleagues to think about, again, their grandkids, their kids, and their great-grandkids before casting their vote. If we can't cut just 1 percent of one spending division on a bipartisan basis, then how will Congress ever get spending under control?

Mr. Chair, I urge a ``yes'' vote on my amendment today, and I yield back the balance of my time.

Mr. Chair, I demand a recorded vote.

Mr. Chair, as the designee of the gentleman from Illinois, I have an amendment at the desk.

Mr. Chair, I rise today to offer this amendment on behalf of my friend and colleague from Illinois, Representative Bost.

This simple, straightforward amendment will ensure that the State Department emphasizes working with veteran-owned and disabled veteran- owned small businesses when awarding contracts and grants.

Small businesses are the backbone of our Nation's economy. Veteran- owned small businesses play an important part.

The number of veterans and veteran entrepreneurs continues to grow as veterans return from overseas, with many making personal sacrifices to stand up for America.

Veterans understand the needs of the State Department in a unique manner and should be relied upon to supply the necessary equipment and expertise.

I believe it is our duty to look after our soldiers when they return home from serving our country, and we should continue looking to these heroes as the Federal Government contracts with these small businesses.

Mr. Chair, I reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. Chair, I appreciate that we were able to debate this amendment on the floor today that would emphasize the State Department's working with veteran-owned and disabled veteran-owned small businesses when awarding contracts and grants, and we were able to agree on a bipartisan basis that this important amendment be passed.

Mr. Chair, I encourage my colleagues to support this amendment, and I yield back the balance of my time.

Mr. Speaker, as a Member of the House Energy Action Team, I am proud to rise here this evening to shed some light on our theme of the week, nuclear energy.

Georgia's 12th District is home to two nuclear power plants, Plant Vogtle and Plant Hatch. We are leading the way in the expansion of our Nation's nuclear resources with the first two nuclear reactors being built in 30 years currently under construction at Plant Vogtle.

After visiting Vogtle in March and witnessing the placement of the top of the unit 3 containment vessel, I can tell you that construction is full steam ahead. I look forward to units 3 and 4 coming online as soon as possible.

However, we currently have thousands of spent fuel rods being held in spent fuel pools and dry cask storage containers on these sites and around the country. We must have a permanent geological site, like Yucca Mountain, to manage our nuclear waste.

I cosponsored the Nuclear Waste Policy Amendments Act, which provides a solution to this problem, and I urge Congress to act upon this bill as soon as possible.

Mr. Speaker, I rise to speak about the importance of H.R. 2480, the Stronger Child Abuse Prevention and Treatment Act, which we just passed in the House with overwhelming bipartisan support.

Although we are facing challenging times and political divide in our Nation, one thing we can absolutely agree on is this: Child abuse and neglect are heartbreaking, immoral, and simply inexcusable.

As many of you know, the opioid epidemic has devastated families and communities across our country, which has been a major factor in the recent uptick in child abuse and neglect cases.

H.R. 2480 assists States in addressing this recent increase in child neglect by improving data collaboration between States, strengthening accountability, supporting evidence-based services, and developing best practices for reducing child neglect linked to parental substance abuse.

Most importantly, it provides parents with parental education and leadership skills developed to help keep them and their families safe and together.

We have a duty to ensure that American children are protected from maltreatment and neglect, and the Stronger Child Abuse Prevention and Treatment Act sets us on the right path to do so.

Madam Speaker, I thank Congressman Banks for yielding, for the Special Order here this evening, for his leadership in crafting this very important budget, and for this discussion we are having on it tonight.

Madam Speaker, obviously, we have been waiting on a budget to vote on in the United States Congress and have yet to see a budget. Then I think we learned that there may not be a budget in the United States Congress this year.

That is very hard to understand because we are spending $4 trillion to $4.2 trillion. Two-thirds of that $4.2 trillion is mandatory spending, which is basically on automatic pilot, and it is skyrocketing. The biggest increases in our deficit are created by this mandatory spending.

On the discretionary side, it is about a third of what we spend totally. As far as discretionary spending goes, we have had some modest increases.

For the first part of the time that I was in Congress, we basically had budget caps, and, actually, discretionary spending was held to the same level the entire time.

I think it is sad that we are financing our standard of living in my generation on the backs of my children and their children and their children and their children.

So what do we do about it?

I am very proud to talk about what Jim Banks and his leadership and what the Republican Study Committee have done in presenting here this evening. This budget exemplifies fiscal sanity and preserves American freedom.

As most of you know, I spent my career in the running of small businesses, starting out in the construction industry, then participating in the banking industry and electronic medical records and real estate development. I did this in conjunction with my wife, Robin, as my partner.

Many times, we would sit down at the kitchen table, just like every other American family, and we would map out a budget. I knew that spending more than my means was simply out of the question.

Well, folks, why can't we do that here in Washington? We need more fiscal common sense here in Washington, and the RSC fiscal year 2020 budget does just that.

Picture this: $12.6 trillion in total deficit reduction over 10 years, balancing the budget in just 6 years by 2025. On that fact alone, I would hope that every Member of this body would offer their support.

This budget also fosters a rewarding environment for economic growth and job creation.

We have heard it over and over again from those who deal in investments and deal with the economy and the growth of the economy that the biggest wind at our face is this budget deficit. It is a headwind. It is going to be a headwind against the growth of this economy if we don't get serious about a budget.

This budget will give us that opportunity for economic growth and job creation.

Right now, we have the best economy in the world: 263,000 jobs were created last month, and over 7 million jobs are available throughout this Nation, far exceeding the number of jobseekers.

I was so glad to work with my colleagues here in Congress the last 2 years and with the President in making this happen. But the American people made it happen. All we did was provide an opportunity. We reformed regulations and we passed a tax reform bill that gave the economy a boost.

Frankly, in dealing with the budget deficit and going forward, our only hope in this is to grow our economy. We must have GDP growth.

In a telephone townhall with constituents from Georgia's 12th District last night, 73 percent of participants reported that our economy is headed in the right direction. When I ran for Congress in 2014, 70 percent of the people in my district said that the economy was going in the wrong direction, and we have flipped it.

However, a soaring economy also creates challenges. As we face increasing workforce needs, this budget prioritizes moving Americans off the sidelines and back into the workforce, rewarding work and promoting innovation.

Madam Speaker, I am the grandfather of 13 beautiful grandchildren, and the last thing I want to do is leave an insurmountable debt behind for our future generations. I strongly encourage all of my colleagues to get onboard with the RSC budget to restore a sense of fiscal responsibility to Washington. Our future depends on it.

Mr. Speaker, I rise this evening to recognize National Charter Schools Week, a week where we honor the opportunity to bring real educational choice to millions of families across America.

Georgia has a rich history of school choice and in charter schools. Earlier this year, I had the opportunity to visit Drew Charter School in Atlanta, Georgia.

Serving more than 1,800 students from pre-K through 12th grade, Drew Charter School has implemented a project-based learning approach that is helping all students reach their highest potential.

The numbers speak for themselves. Drew Charter School has a 100 percent graduation rate. No wonder there is a wait list to attend this wonderful school.

While speaking with administrators, touring the beautiful campus, and visiting a few classrooms, it was evident that Drew Charter School has excelled in their mission to provide a quality education.

As the senior Republican on the Early Childhood, Elementary and Secondary Education Subcommittee, I look forward to sharing my support for charter schools and everything they do for our young students. By supporting charter schools, we are putting kids first in education, not politicians more concerned about power and money.

Madam Speaker, I thank Congressman Carter for yielding and for his efforts here this evening to shine a light on an issue that we all know is affecting far too many Americans.

It is a shame to keep doing things when they don't work. Something has to be done.

Madam Speaker, the rising cost of prescription drugs is causing significant financial burdens for millions of Americans, patients, seniors, and our businesses. Too often, Americans have to choose between much-needed prescriptions and household expenses.

However, President Trump made it clear to the American people during his State of the Union Address that lowering the cost of prescription drugs was one of his top priorities. As we have seen throughout his Presidency, promises made are promises kept.

Earlier this year, the Trump administration issued a proposal that would create incentives to lower list prices and reduce out-of-pocket spending on prescription drugs, potentially becoming the most sweeping change to how American drugs are priced, a much-needed change.

By delivering discounts directly to patients at the pharmacy counter and bringing long-overdue transparency to a broken system, we are putting patients and seniors first. That is how it should be.

It is high time to end these kickbacks to pharmacy middlemen, referred to as PBMs, in this process of dealing with these DIRs, which are putting many of those in the pharmaceutical business in my district out of business.

I thank the administration, Congressman Carter, and my fellow colleagues this evening for their commitment to righting this ship and reducing drug prices for all Americans.